**3. Results**

*Design of Cities and Buildings - Sustainability and Resilience in the Built Environment*

of the establishment for acquisition that makes it cheaper), which change the existing residential landscape and restructure the peripheries, valuing, making it more attractive and promoting its insertion in the urban market, causing negative impacts related to processes of gentrification and socio-spatial segregation [3].

occurs through two social substitution processes, linked to urban rehabilitation actions through private investments and culminating in the expulsion of the former residents. The first that goes from 1990 to 2000, when the low-income population left the central areas of the main cities, to the peripheries. These low-income residents sold the keys (a typical Mozambican expression meaning the sale of an apartment or flat), while others rented their houses, with or without contracts, and went to live on the outskirts. In a second moment, since the beginning of the 2000s, the formation and consolidation of the modern real estate market and the civil construction industry accelerate the pace of construction of new housing and

commercial areas in the peripheries [4].

that article and analyzing the results.

**2. Methodology**

To use the words of Diniz and Silva [3], the ennoblement of the urban periphery

It is in this context that a new gentrification arrives in Mozambican cities, first in urban centers, later in urban peripheries, connecting distant points that are points of infrastructures such as highways, which value an appropriation of space.

From this perspective, it is based on the principle that the poor population is the greatest vulnerability in these spaces, in each moment when new ventures are implemented, they are motivated to leave the neighborhood spaces because they verify that a new life does not correspond to their financial capacity, considering as profound social inequalities in urban peripheries, it is possible to anticipate the geographic assessment of changes in the socioeconomic structure of residents of the Mozambican peripheries, characterizing gentrification. In this way, this work starts from some important issues in relation to the transformations of the peripheries of Mozambican cities, but it can also be replicated in other African cities. The first specific objective is to map the types of housing and commercial developments that are emerging in the urban peripheries.

In this way, therefore, this article is divided into three parts: in addition to this introduction, a methodology, with a description of the procedures used for writing

To this end, a qualitative research of an exploratory nature was carried out, using bibliographical, documentary and photographic survey to show the dynamics of the transformations of the Mozambican urban peripheries. The hefty data were obtained between, 2012–2020. The researcher had the opportunity to visit the peripheries of the various Mozambican cities, such as: *Maputo, Matola, Xai-Xai, Maxixe, Beira, Chimoio, Tete, Beira, Nampula, Nacala, Lichinga* and other small cities, with a capital, with a view to verifying the changes that may occur in the peripheries, for the closer approximation of the socio-spatial reality that is being investigated. The data were collected in each city through informants who took us to each peripheral neighborhood, arriving there and contacting the secretaries of the neighborhoods that accompanied us in each transforming block and asking for authorization of the requirements to take as photographs of the high and elegant of the neighborhoods. Condominiums. The data were collected through photographs, these data were obtained through a comparison between the peripheries of the cities to reach the conclusion of the transformations of the urban peripheries. These transformations are perceived by the emergence of new elegant buildings and condominiums, which are pushing the poorest people to places further away from these peripheries.

The second is to present a spatial distribution of the suburbs in urban cities.

**104**

## **3.1 The first phase of extensive urbanization the rise of duplexes and elegant houses in the suburbs**

The first phase of the process of fostering the urban periphery, here Gutiérrez [8] calls it gentrification, was a phenomenon studied by British society Ruth Glass in his book "London: aspects of change" [9]. The term gentrification is derived from the English noun "gentry", which designates "successful" individuals or groups. The term was created to refer to a process of elitization or "enrichment" of local places in the city, previously characterized as predominantly popular areas. The same author recognizes the class character of social inequalities added to this phenomenon [10].

However, it was the Scottish geographer Neil Smith (1954–2012), based in the United States of America, who analyzed in depth the various processes of promoting poor neighborhoods in New York, with emphasis on the Harlem neighborhoods in Manhattan, one of New York [11].

Gentrification is an urban and social phenomenon, altered by the development of the degraded housing stock of the popular classes through its gradual investment by the middle class [12]. It is also included, as a process of urban restructuring, marked by the economic restructuring characteristic of "late capitalism" and advanced, conditioned by a more flexible subsidiary capital accumulation regime [13].

Since the mid-1990s, as main Mozambican cities such as: Maputo, Matola, Beira, Inhambane, Xai-Xai, Beira, Chimoio, Tete, Quelimane, Nampula, Pemba and Lichinga, are undergoing urban changes that end up renovating or together geographical, social and political relations producing new urbanities [14] and establishing security standards very different from previous periods [15].

At the time, as transformations in the urban peripheries were driven by the country's opening up to the western capitalist world, by the growth of foreign investments and financial transactions under the effect of market liberalization, global dynamics that transform urban spatiality.

The restructuring of the urban space gives rise to new ventures, in addition to the old periphery [16], and emerging functionalities, with the entry of new urban actors, these strategies are influenced by the furniture market and the willingness of residents to build and build a house own.

The first phase of the transformation of peripheral urban spaces has historically been influenced by three movements that, although contradictory, refer to one another and interpenetrate. The first movement concerns the arrival, in the early 1990s, of numerous international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) who came to support Mozambique who have just emerged from a protracted civil war. Its members started to rent apartments and houses, for housing or for transformation into apartments. Payment was made in US dollars. The result that the urban fabric of the central nucleus started to be affected by dollarization. Shopping streets, parks, restaurants, markets, museums, cinemas and all types of residential and commercial properties were valued by dollarization.

We can say that in the 1990s, or at the beginning of the "commercialization of the city" [17], marked by the flow of technicians from different western countries, it generated a speculation harmful to the population of the central area, with emphasis on the numerous civil servants installed there. Many of them then had to rent their houses.

The second movement was fueled by the "neoliberal spirit", which was strengthened by the end of the civil war, which allowed many Mozambican citizens to start to benefit from the rental income from properties located in central areas. Until this moment, the production of urban life was guided by the survival strategy.

And the third space–time corresponded to the end of the nationalization of the buildings, protected by Decree-Law 5/76. For its part, Decree-Law 2/91 of January 1991, instituted the sale of properties previously nationalized by the State [18]. Article 1 authorizes Mozambicans in a legal situation whose properties are supervised by the Administration of the State Real Estate Park (APIE), to sell, rent, restore, etc. the same, as long as he asked the municipality for authorization [19].

The alienation law increased the profitability of real estate in the main Mozambican cities. High inflation motivated homeowners to rent their properties as a survival mechanism. We can, then, declare that, in the 1990s, it was the decade of organizing the rental of houses, which allowed the fringe of the urban population affected by inflation above the rate of increase in economies, to escape bankruptcy. The "low-income" residents [20] who acquired real estate during the nationalization period from "peripheral neighborhoods", looking for places where they could build new houses to live and survive with income in the city. The rent of houses becomes a source of family income, especially for those who had waste during the nationalization of buildings in 1976.

Many Mozambicans who were able to buy APIE real estate at the time of the sale in the 1990s, and sell or sell to live on the outskirts, contributed to financial and real estate inflation. The new residents build houses with cement and zinc blocks, while losing space like reed houses that exist [16]. Peripheral spaces are used more hybrids. Elegant houses coexist, reed, cement, zinc sheet, cardboard etc. [21]. In the process of this process, imposing houses and elegant duplex type between conventional dwellings that replaced the precarious ones (**Figures 1, 2** and **3**) 1 .

Duplexes and elegant houses are spatial manifestations of globalization, which are reproduced from the process of constituting the new urban society, supported by the expansion of the world market, the selection of borders and the commodification of space. As goods, their main characteristics are produced by private builders [23] influencing planetary styles of real estate consumption. These buildings, driven by the desire for home ownership, a central element of consumption in the contemporary world, transform like urban landscapes of the peripheries,

**107**

**Figure 1.**

**Figure 2.**

*Extensive African Urbanization: The Case of the Mozambican Periphery*

as they gradually appear in precarious areas. It is incorrect to say that the idea of home ownership reached only the "middle class" population or individuals with average purchasing power. Many high-ranking government officials searched the

*A duplex residence with precarious houses on the outskirts of the city of Lichinga. Source: [22].*

**3.2 Second phase of extensive urbanization: the emergence of condoms in** 

model within the constitution of a commercial financial system<sup>2</sup>

The private real estate sector with national and international capital started to gain relevance in Mozambique mainly in the 2000s, imposing a new financing

post-colonial Mozambican urbanization had little accommodative solution to the

<sup>2</sup> To see: https: //viveremmocambique2017.blogspot.com/2018/07/morar-em-mocambique-tete\_23.html.

. As we know, a

new suburbs for spaces to build their dream homes.

**peripheral neighborhoods**

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.94540*

*A duplex residence on the outskirts of Maputo. Source: [22].*

<sup>1</sup> To see: https://www.archdaily.com.br/br/country/mocambique.

*Extensive African Urbanization: The Case of the Mozambican Periphery DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.94540*

*Design of Cities and Buildings - Sustainability and Resilience in the Built Environment*

commercial properties were valued by dollarization.

rent their houses.

nationalization of buildings in 1976.

strategy.

The first phase of the transformation of peripheral urban spaces has historically

We can say that in the 1990s, or at the beginning of the "commercialization of the city" [17], marked by the flow of technicians from different western countries, it generated a speculation harmful to the population of the central area, with emphasis on the numerous civil servants installed there. Many of them then had to

citizens to start to benefit from the rental income from properties located in central areas. Until this moment, the production of urban life was guided by the survival

And the third space–time corresponded to the end of the nationalization of the buildings, protected by Decree-Law 5/76. For its part, Decree-Law 2/91 of January 1991, instituted the sale of properties previously nationalized by the State [18]. Article 1 authorizes Mozambicans in a legal situation whose properties are supervised by the Administration of the State Real Estate Park (APIE), to sell, rent, restore, etc. the same, as long as he asked the municipality for authorization [19]. The alienation law increased the profitability of real estate in the main Mozambican cities. High inflation motivated homeowners to rent their properties as a survival mechanism. We can, then, declare that, in the 1990s, it was the decade of organizing the rental of houses, which allowed the fringe of the urban population affected by inflation above the rate of increase in economies, to escape bankruptcy. The "low-income" residents [20] who acquired real estate during the nationalization period from "peripheral neighborhoods", looking for places where they could build new houses to live and survive with income in the city. The rent of houses becomes a source of family income, especially for those who had waste during the

Many Mozambicans who were able to buy APIE real estate at the time of the sale in the 1990s, and sell or sell to live on the outskirts, contributed to financial and real estate inflation. The new residents build houses with cement and zinc blocks, while losing space like reed houses that exist [16]. Peripheral spaces are used more hybrids. Elegant houses coexist, reed, cement, zinc sheet, cardboard etc. [21]. In the process of this process, imposing houses and elegant duplex type between conven-

Duplexes and elegant houses are spatial manifestations of globalization, which are reproduced from the process of constituting the new urban society, supported by the expansion of the world market, the selection of borders and the commodification of space. As goods, their main characteristics are produced by private builders [23] influencing planetary styles of real estate consumption. These buildings, driven by the desire for home ownership, a central element of consumption in the contemporary world, transform like urban landscapes of the peripheries,

1 .

tional dwellings that replaced the precarious ones (**Figures 1, 2** and **3**)

<sup>1</sup> To see: https://www.archdaily.com.br/br/country/mocambique.

The second movement was fueled by the "neoliberal spirit", which was strengthened by the end of the civil war, which allowed many Mozambican

been influenced by three movements that, although contradictory, refer to one another and interpenetrate. The first movement concerns the arrival, in the early 1990s, of numerous international non-governmental organizations (NGOs) who came to support Mozambique who have just emerged from a protracted civil war. Its members started to rent apartments and houses, for housing or for transformation into apartments. Payment was made in US dollars. The result that the urban fabric of the central nucleus started to be affected by dollarization. Shopping streets, parks, restaurants, markets, museums, cinemas and all types of residential and

**106**

**Figure 1.** *A duplex residence on the outskirts of Maputo. Source: [22].*

**Figure 2.** *A duplex residence with precarious houses on the outskirts of the city of Lichinga. Source: [22].*

as they gradually appear in precarious areas. It is incorrect to say that the idea of home ownership reached only the "middle class" population or individuals with average purchasing power. Many high-ranking government officials searched the new suburbs for spaces to build their dream homes.
