**5. Human health's social-based determinants**

A distinguishing figure in inequal cultures is the fact that in neighborhoods and neighborhoods with lower socioeconomic mobility (SES) [71, 72], community problems and persistent wellbeing appear to be more prevalent. In lower SES populations, the risks of illnesses such as cardiovascular disease, stroke, diabetes, obesity, and mental conditions are highest. It as well needs to be remembered, however, that the prevalence of such chronic, non-communicable diseases is actually classified across social classes, with the lowest incidence in higher SES categories. Expectancy of life across social classes is equally ranked, being higher in high SES categories. The prospect of designing evidence-based health and policy that covers social subjects strategies is to elucidate the biological and social roots of the social gradient in health that could increase well-being and health for everyone while providing additional benefit to those with higher needs. Good knowledge of the biochemical mechanisms by which wellbeing is impacted by the social gradient will also help to identify relevant intervention or mitigation goals and sustain biomarkers for which to track effects.

Salary inequality can be seen as sensitive, quantitative relative place measures among a larger hierarchy of socioeconomic status that indicate disparities in access to, along with economic resources, a number of forms of social, educational and cultural capital [73–75]. It has been speculated that social rank is essentially a result of the amount of entrance obtained to stated and differentiated forms of resources in extremely unequal environments that competing social experiences for such access are actually mental stressors that can contribute to uncertainty about ranking. Many scientific researches confirm the theory of status anxiety, connecting not so high social expectations to nervousness, guilt, depression and harming oneself [76–79]. In addition, status-based nervousness and its not only mental but also cognitive outcomes are potentially possible contributors to some kinds of social adversity, childhood era deprivation for example, limited autonomy on making decisions which even consider matter of life events, reduced social connectivity, and decreased levels of interest in certain different parts and members of the community. Such theories align with the findings of hierarchies of animal domination, yet in which situation that dominant individuals are literally prohibited from ensuring preferential entrance to group services provided in scarce supplies, such as meals, water, accommodation, as well as companions, and access to subordinates. As previously stated, the hierarchy

### *Epigenetic DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.99964*

of dominance is currently an evolutionarily and strongly maintained form of social organization. Undoubtedly, social rank understanding evolves very quickly in members of humanity, as it is a prevalent conception for infants [hundred] and is used by children from two years of age to create relationships of dominance [80, 81].

As potential causes of chronic behavioral tension and allostatic load, inducing hypercortisolaemia and improved levels of inflammatory biomarkers in the blood, the pervasive experiences of status tournaments, in which rank is actually guided and controlled by oneself and others, have been labeled [82, 83]. Moreover, epidemiological data suggest that low SES increases allostatic load and increases blood inflammatory biomarkers [84, 85]. Therefore, the tendencies of too many social challenges to erode group harmony, degrade social networking sites and impede mutual assistance, such as persistently competitive activities and violence, may place restrictions on social practices that decide the fundamental characteristics of human well-being.

Emerging research recognizes social networking platforms as critical factors in health security [86–90] and supports the theory that loss of social capital accentuates the very poor health outcomes of low SES communities by weakening or even diminishing social networks. In order to minimize allostatic burden and buffer the immune system against inflammatory stimuli associated with very low SES [91–94], increased parental assistance has been confirmed. Close comparisons can be drawn between the mechanisms of action of animal and human social buffering treatments, general themes of which include reducing the function of the HPA axis, attenuating inflammation and increasing the development of oxytocin [95]. Via enhancing parenting skills, strengthening family relationships, or even developing capacities for young people, social interventions that promote group buffering have all been found to decrease pro-inflammatory biomarkers, indicating a preventive impact, while some aspects of resilience-building may be much more durable relative to others. Additional analyses of these and other human cohorts would enable the biological mechanisms and psychosocial processes by which such strategies accomplish their buffering effects to be explained in greater detail [93, 94].
