**7.1 Unequal vulnerability to scarcity of fresh water**

The students did encounter subcommunities that had different vulnerabilities to shortages of fresh water.

## *7.1.1 Spatial disparities*

*Environmental Issues and Sustainable Development*

Valves are adjusted by either natural forces or human actions. The left-most valve indicates that developments beyond the system boundary contribute to resources available to a community. The second indicates that members will use the stocks of

The bottom tier of the model includes three more stocks and four more flow valves. The first three valves suggest the ability of members to leverage one or more of the capabilities included in stock 2 as they engage in actions that, respectively, influence flows into one of the three stocks. The fourth, right-most valve indicates that the level of human security attained in a community may have implications for developments beyond the system boundary. Of note, stock 2 and stock 5, labeled in larger font, are the most important to the specification of the model: contingent on human actions, Capabilities enabling Adaptation and Resilience in the face of fresh

Balancing and reinforcing feedback loops are present throughout the model. The loops influence the degree to which human actions open or close a flow valve. In this model, while balancing loops amplify actions that deplete a stock's magnitude, reinforcing loops amplify actions that restore or elevate a magnitude. In the top and bottom tiers, the model includes loops between one stock and one flow valve. For example, in the bottom tier, the flow valve that precedes the stock of available water represents actions by community members—for example, fetch water—to make fresh water available for use. A reinforcing loop indicates the ability of rainfall—perhaps enhanced by new storage methods—to restore or amplify the stock. In turn, the valve that follows the stock represents actions that that draw down the water stock. The associated balancing feedback loop (illustrated with a dashed arrow) indicates that both the use of water, plus other contributing factors

available resources as inputs to capabilities ([19], pp. 103-105).

water scarcity contribute to rising Levels of Human Security.

such as a hotter climate, will draw down the magnitude of the stock.

emanating from those two stocks, satisfaction will enhance the influence

The middle tier includes two lightly shaded stocks: satisfaction or frustration experienced by community members resulting from the outcome of previous efforts to enhance human security. As suggested by the various rays, respectively,

**10**

**Figure 2.** *Legend for Figure 1.*

In Koshidekha ward, located in the Terai, members explained that many people had to travel long distances to collect water from a holding pond, or from the Sun Koshi River. In Hokse ward, while some farmers worked the land of the Siwalik, others worked the land of the Terai. A subset of the latter group, those working the valley floor and growing crops near a stream, had reliable access to water for field irrigation, resulting in larger crop yields and higher incomes than those realized by farmers working the nearby hills, who had to carry water to their crops.

In both wards, location-related factors created disparities in the vulnerability of some people: those who resided the farthest from sources had to work much harder at water fetching and storage (stock 3 and the associated inflow valve). Furthermore, at that point in time, there were no capabilities (stock 2) that could be leveraged in the short-term to overcome those location-related challenges.

### *7.1.2 Disabled children*

In Kharelthok ward, located in the Siwalik, the research team interviewed a teacher at a school for disabled children. She explained that her students had historically been socially ostracized by other ward members and thus disadvantaged. As well, the level of human security of the children (stock 5) was fragile, since their capacity for adaptation was quite limited (stock 2) and they required more fresh water resources than other community members to perform activities that supported contributors to human security (stock 3 and stock 4 and associated flow valves). To illustrate, their education involved training in self-care skills such and using the toilet, and they needed to bathe and have their clothes washed more often than did other same-age children. Essentially, the training was intended to help them leverage the capabilities relevant to the three sets of inflow valves in the lower tier of **Figure 1**.

Given efforts by the school to raise awareness, community members had begun to recognize the children's basic rights, to respect their participation in the community, and to recognize they needed support in times of need. Enhanced recognition and ensuing social validation elevated the children's human security (stock 5).

#### *7.1.3 Women*

In Nepali society, husbands and fathers often dominated a household. In community meetings, the voice of men could override the opinions of women; or worse, women were sometimes discouraged by men from using newly formed skills. Those dispositions made it difficult for women to advocate their interests and to express their insights with other ward members about ways that water might be more effectively and efficiently utilized (inflow valve to stock 5). Those factors

essentially acted as constraints on the influence of reinforcing feedback loops on the intangible stocks of knowledge and on capabilities relevant to adaptation and resilience (stock 1 and stock 2), and as well increased frustration (shaded stock) among women.

Furthermore, women were disproportionately impacted by the shortage of fresh water. They bore the responsibility for making difficult daily decisions about priorities and tradeoffs in order to conserve scarce water for their families (flow from stock 3 to stock 4).

More dramatic, fresh water shortages and existing social mores had implications for a woman's health (stock 4 and stock 5). For example, the strenuous chore of collecting and carrying water (inflow valve to stock 3) could lead a woman to suffer a prolapsed uterus.

As well, women who attempted to maintain hygiene during menstruation were challenged by a lack of fresh water (stock 4). Even more troubling, the leader of a women's group located in Hokse explained that the general water shortage had led farmers to turn to various chemically based products such as pesticides to boost productivity; thus, when rains did occur, chemical residuals included in water runoff resulted in health threats when women used the supposed fresh water for personal care (stock 5).

Furthermore, women of the Kharelthok and Sathighar Bhagawati wards said other challenges arose when a woman was pregnant. That is, since some men prioritized water use for agriculture (inflow valve to stock 3), a lack of fresh water for properly preparing food could reduce a woman's intake of important sources of nutrition, thereby threatening the health of both the woman and her unborn child (stock 5).

#### **7.2 General frustration with government initiatives**

Frustrations were often associated with Government Initiatives. As a first illustration, in Sathighar Bhagawati, in the wake of the earthquake, one person said that a local NGO had to pressure the government to bring relief. Another said that when providing relief, the government did not deliver all the funds it had promised and that the funds had been unequally shared (stocks 1 and 2 and associated inflow valve to stock 2). As a result, community stakeholders were unsure whether they should wait for the remaining promised funds and projects or should themselves take the first steps. The uncertainty hindered progress toward improving community resilience (balancing feedback loops influencing stock 2).

One farmer took issue with the arms-length relationship the ward office had with community members. Although receptive to immediate needs, the office had little interest in prevention and rarely visited locales to get a first-hand understanding of a reported problem. That disposition squeezed information flows and detracted from the government's ability to provide in a timely fashion appropriate resources to enhance capabilities and strengthen resilience. As well, those factors increased frustration and thus the detrimental effects of the balancing feedback loops associated with stock 1 and stock 2.

A technician working at an agricultural cooperative said that the government had not provided enough support after the earthquake. That perception eroded trust in government and caused both decreased political engagement and lower voter turnout in subsequent elections.

Perhaps most provocative, a person in Kharelthok explained that the 2015 earthquake had damaged homes and other infrastructure throughout the ward. Water (stock 3) was needed to do construction; but water was also in short supply for other uses. The government announced an initiative to build a road that ran

**13**

*Collaboration to Counter Fresh Water Scarcity and Promote Human Security*

but the team could not stay on site long enough to hear the outcome.

cessful collaborative efforts generated satisfaction among stakeholders.

upward from the valley, through the village of Manesau, and then further upward to the village of Manegau. To help finance the project (stock 1), the ward office collected NPR 15,000 (US\$ 134) from each Manegau household. Nonetheless, construction stalled, leading villagers to claim that ward officials had misused the funds. A budget released by the ward office included reimbursement; but that did not quell the anger of villagers. In protest, they cut off supply from a water tap running downhill to Manesau. Experiencing an extreme shortage of fresh water, the downhill community chopped down trees to further impede access to Manegau. At the time of the research, local leaders were holding hearings to resolve the conflict;

In contrast to the previous set of examples, the following set illustrates that suc-

Across the four wards, the research teams met women who had been motivated to form self-help groups in which they had autonomy and that enabled them to provide inclusive, informal support to one another and other villagers. Despite challenges, including a shortage of financial resources (stock 1), the women's groups had earned trust and legitimacy both within the community, and with external

Some women's groups tried to help poor and uneducated women by reaching out to them via pamphlets posted on community information boards about their activities. They initiated training programs to improve various skills, including IT and computer courses and unemployment training (stock 2); and supported sewing shops that employed women (stock 4). As well, one team found that the group they interviewed collected funds and provided loans in times of hardship (stock 1), a

Women had sometimes benefitted from external assistance. For example, the Red Cross had provided training in rudimentary medical matters to members of one group, who then passed their knowledge on to other villagers (stock 1). Through hard work, those women had become authorities on healthcare and livelihood

Collectively, those initiatives suggested capabilities associated with two thematic arenas of resilience suggested by Twigg [5]: knowledge and education (stock 1); and

In Hokse, the team interviewed the Vice President (VP) of an agriculturefocused cooperative that was active among several villages of the ward. The organization was the product of a merger between two previously existing but independently operating cooperatives. The first had provided seeds, tools and water pumps to farmers at subsidized rates; the second had concentrated on helping manage villagers' savings. When founded in 2012, the cooperative had 30 members. By 2017, membership had expanded to roughly 800 people. Cooperative members had to be Nepali citizens and residents of a ward within the municipality. Membership

fees ranged from \$3 to \$25; but nonmembers could make contributions.

Although staff at the local cooperative level reported to the district cooperative association, they did not get much technical support from the district—that general

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.93693*

**7.3 Successful collaborative efforts**

model based on historic self-help councils.

training (stock 4) in their respective villages.

*7.3.2 Agricultural cooperative*

risk management and vulnerability reduction (stock 2).

*7.3.1 Women's self-help groups*

organizations.

*Collaboration to Counter Fresh Water Scarcity and Promote Human Security DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.93693*

upward from the valley, through the village of Manesau, and then further upward to the village of Manegau. To help finance the project (stock 1), the ward office collected NPR 15,000 (US\$ 134) from each Manegau household. Nonetheless, construction stalled, leading villagers to claim that ward officials had misused the funds. A budget released by the ward office included reimbursement; but that did not quell the anger of villagers. In protest, they cut off supply from a water tap running downhill to Manesau. Experiencing an extreme shortage of fresh water, the downhill community chopped down trees to further impede access to Manegau. At the time of the research, local leaders were holding hearings to resolve the conflict; but the team could not stay on site long enough to hear the outcome.

#### **7.3 Successful collaborative efforts**

In contrast to the previous set of examples, the following set illustrates that successful collaborative efforts generated satisfaction among stakeholders.

#### *7.3.1 Women's self-help groups*

*Environmental Issues and Sustainable Development*

among women.

from stock 3 to stock 4).

a prolapsed uterus.

care (stock 5).

(stock 5).

essentially acted as constraints on the influence of reinforcing feedback loops on the intangible stocks of knowledge and on capabilities relevant to adaptation and resilience (stock 1 and stock 2), and as well increased frustration (shaded stock)

Furthermore, women were disproportionately impacted by the shortage of fresh water. They bore the responsibility for making difficult daily decisions about priorities and tradeoffs in order to conserve scarce water for their families (flow

for a woman's health (stock 4 and stock 5). For example, the strenuous chore of collecting and carrying water (inflow valve to stock 3) could lead a woman to suffer

More dramatic, fresh water shortages and existing social mores had implications

As well, women who attempted to maintain hygiene during menstruation were challenged by a lack of fresh water (stock 4). Even more troubling, the leader of a women's group located in Hokse explained that the general water shortage had led farmers to turn to various chemically based products such as pesticides to boost productivity; thus, when rains did occur, chemical residuals included in water runoff resulted in health threats when women used the supposed fresh water for personal

Furthermore, women of the Kharelthok and Sathighar Bhagawati wards said other challenges arose when a woman was pregnant. That is, since some men prioritized water use for agriculture (inflow valve to stock 3), a lack of fresh water for properly preparing food could reduce a woman's intake of important sources of nutrition, thereby threatening the health of both the woman and her unborn child

Frustrations were often associated with Government Initiatives. As a first illustration, in Sathighar Bhagawati, in the wake of the earthquake, one person said that a local NGO had to pressure the government to bring relief. Another said that when providing relief, the government did not deliver all the funds it had promised and that the funds had been unequally shared (stocks 1 and 2 and associated inflow valve to stock 2). As a result, community stakeholders were unsure whether they should wait for the remaining promised funds and projects or should themselves take the first steps. The uncertainty hindered progress toward improving commu-

One farmer took issue with the arms-length relationship the ward office had with community members. Although receptive to immediate needs, the office had little interest in prevention and rarely visited locales to get a first-hand understanding of a reported problem. That disposition squeezed information flows and detracted from the government's ability to provide in a timely fashion appropriate resources to enhance capabilities and strengthen resilience. As well, those factors increased frustration and thus the detrimental effects of the balancing feedback

A technician working at an agricultural cooperative said that the government had not provided enough support after the earthquake. That perception eroded trust in government and caused both decreased political engagement and lower

Perhaps most provocative, a person in Kharelthok explained that the 2015 earthquake had damaged homes and other infrastructure throughout the ward. Water (stock 3) was needed to do construction; but water was also in short supply for other uses. The government announced an initiative to build a road that ran

**7.2 General frustration with government initiatives**

nity resilience (balancing feedback loops influencing stock 2).

loops associated with stock 1 and stock 2.

voter turnout in subsequent elections.

**12**

Across the four wards, the research teams met women who had been motivated to form self-help groups in which they had autonomy and that enabled them to provide inclusive, informal support to one another and other villagers. Despite challenges, including a shortage of financial resources (stock 1), the women's groups had earned trust and legitimacy both within the community, and with external organizations.

Some women's groups tried to help poor and uneducated women by reaching out to them via pamphlets posted on community information boards about their activities. They initiated training programs to improve various skills, including IT and computer courses and unemployment training (stock 2); and supported sewing shops that employed women (stock 4). As well, one team found that the group they interviewed collected funds and provided loans in times of hardship (stock 1), a model based on historic self-help councils.

Women had sometimes benefitted from external assistance. For example, the Red Cross had provided training in rudimentary medical matters to members of one group, who then passed their knowledge on to other villagers (stock 1). Through hard work, those women had become authorities on healthcare and livelihood training (stock 4) in their respective villages.

Collectively, those initiatives suggested capabilities associated with two thematic arenas of resilience suggested by Twigg [5]: knowledge and education (stock 1); and risk management and vulnerability reduction (stock 2).

#### *7.3.2 Agricultural cooperative*

In Hokse, the team interviewed the Vice President (VP) of an agriculturefocused cooperative that was active among several villages of the ward. The organization was the product of a merger between two previously existing but independently operating cooperatives. The first had provided seeds, tools and water pumps to farmers at subsidized rates; the second had concentrated on helping manage villagers' savings. When founded in 2012, the cooperative had 30 members. By 2017, membership had expanded to roughly 800 people. Cooperative members had to be Nepali citizens and residents of a ward within the municipality. Membership fees ranged from \$3 to \$25; but nonmembers could make contributions.

Although staff at the local cooperative level reported to the district cooperative association, they did not get much technical support from the district—that general support came from regional and national organizations. Nonetheless, the local cooperative did receive loans of up to four million rupees (approximately \$62,500 in 2017) from the district office at a low rate of interest. Those resources enabled the co-op to extend loans of up to \$1000 that could help farmers harvest crops or purchase livestock and land (stock 1). The VP noted that loans were typically repaid in full and on time; but sometimes, a bad harvest would force farmers to delay their payments until the following year.

The VP explained that if more funds were to become available, then the cooperative could extend loans to help rebuild homes that had been impacted by the 2015 Gorkha earthquake and were still in a state of disrepair. Furthermore, women could apply for loans at a reduced rate of interest that enabled them to explore entrepreneurship.

The VP also offered insights on a few other matters. The expansion of the cooperative had prompted new methods for two-way communication among community members and the cooperative, including a Facebook page, phone calls, and notice boards; an insurance program for local crops and cattle; and training to farmers to introduce organic farming methods (inflow valve to stock 4).

#### *7.3.3 Navjyoti*

Navjyoti is affiliated with the Sisters of Charity of Nazareth, an international congregation. They became active in Nepal in 1988. They focused on the poor and on women via educational initiatives. Community members appreciated their efforts (shaded Stock of satisfaction).

A worker for the organization explained that prior to the earthquake of 2015, among other activities, they had provided skills training for women (stock 1 and inflow valve to stock 2) and had channeled funds to women's-groups for farming or economic development (stock 3). Following the disaster, Navjyoti expanded outreach to the broader Koshidekha community.

At the time of interviews by the research team, several households shared water from a single tap that ran for only part of the day at very low pressure. In response, Navjyoti planned to support the Sun Koshi River Project, an effort to expand the number of pumps that could force-feed water to communities. When completed, the additional pumps would give community members greater access to fresh water (stock 3) that would be used to enhance the Contributors to Human Security (stock 4).

However, the Project would require substantial monetary resources. Although Navjyoti was willing to cover 60 percent of the cost, they hoped to receive contributions from households to cover the remaining 40 percent. Since many households could not afford the fee, Navjyoti was also ready to recruit volunteers to contribute their time and labor in lieu of money.

#### *7.3.4 The red cross*

In Kharelthok, the Red Cross maintained an active presence. It had helped establish a committee of community members that met each month to identify problems and develop proposed solutions to the Red Cross workers. Ward members explained that the Red Cross had provided different types of assistance, ranging from hearing aids for the elderly to funds for a disabled young woman so she could start a business and support herself (stock 4).

Community members also noted, however, that Red Cross efforts were sometimes off-target. To illustrate, while some farmers explained the organization had shared seeds (stock 1) with the community that were no longer useful in the dryer

**15**

*Collaboration to Counter Fresh Water Scarcity and Promote Human Security*

cattle and goats required a disproportionate amount of water.

**8.1 The key to human security: access to fresh water**

**8.2 Capabilities relevant to adaptability and resilience**

**8.3 System modification: provision of additional resources**

**8.4 System transformation: initial progress, but more to do**

authors regard alterations of those types as transformations.

climate, others noted that although it had subsidized animal husbandry (stock 2),

In retrospect, in the four wards visited, the stock of fresh water was being drawn down both by typical activities and as well by the influences of climate change, the residual effects of the Gorkha earthquake on water infrastructure, and the atypical need to use water for construction projects to repair earthquake-related damage. Access to fresh water, often determined by locational factors, was a key determinant

The capabilities required to enhance access to available stocks of fresh water and to more effectively utilize stocks were significant contributors to the level of human security in each of the four wards. In turn, the presence or magnitude of such capabilities was contingent on the degree to which stakeholders had engaged in collaborative efforts. Successful collaborations contributed to positive feedback loops and additional collaboration: success bred success. In contrast, government shortcomings as a collaborator indicated that the bureaus had further work to do in

System modification had taken place in the wards visited by the teams. Two sets of initiatives had increased information flows. First, the agricultural cooperative used numerous communication strategies to learn about community members' needs, address those needs, and inform the community about services. Second, the Red Cross and Navjyoti had provided education and training dedicated to enhancing the knowledge of various community members, thereby allowing communities

Looking ahead, members of various wards identified access to additional financial resources as their most immediate need as a first step toward gaining access to fresh water and thereby enhancing human security. An illustration was associated with the efforts by the agricultural cooperative. Even more striking were the funds sought by Navjyoti to help finance the Sun Koshi River Project, dedicated to installation of numerous water pumps to provide fresh water to communities in the Terai.

Meadows [10] says that while "the rules of a system define its scope, boundaries, and degrees of freedom," ([10], p. 158) self-organization in human systems reflects the ability to "create whole new structures and behaviors" ([10], p. 159). The

A striking development in the four wards had been the emergence of citizens groups (women's groups; agricultural cooperative) and international nongovernmental organizations (Navjyoti; Red Cross) as system stakeholders. Those changes took place in the space left open by immature local government. As a qualification, however, although international NGOs had successfully encouraged communities

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.93693*

**8. Final comments**

of human security.

order to be trusted partners.

to navigate tough circumstances.

climate, others noted that although it had subsidized animal husbandry (stock 2), cattle and goats required a disproportionate amount of water.
