**1. Introduction**

## **1.1 Abstract**

The article takes into consideration the relationships between loss of identity, depopulation and discontinuity in the city of L'Aquila, in central Italy, after the devastating earthquake of 2009, also examining the various aspects related to the theme of reconstruction and restoration, material and immaterial, and the possibility of a hopeful permanence of the inhabitants in the historic center and in the relevant territory. The causes of the progressive depopulation and the change in the urban and territorial image of the city are examined. The errors made after the earthquake with the forced closure of the historic center to the inhabitants and the slowness of the reconstruction and restoration processes are also evaluated.

### **1.2 Background of the study**

L'Aquila, located in the Abruzzi region of central Italy about a hundred kilometers east of Rome, is a city emblematic of a lost identity (both material and symbolic), and a discontinuity of the population and their local traditions**.** Described as "a small Florence of the Italian Renaissance", L'Aquila is nestled in a basin surrounded by mountains, with what was a fully recognizable identity until the devastating earthquake which took place on April 6, 2009, the night after Palm Sunday.

According to tradition, the city was founded by Frederick II of Swabia [1–4] - vir inquisitor et sapientiae ama - as he describes himself in his treatise on hunting,<sup>1</sup> (even if the constitutive Act is now considered apocryphal). It was planned, at least intentionally, between 1241 and 1245 in order to strengthen the border territories as a bulwark against the power of the papacy. Construction was completed by his son Corrado IV [5], and consolidated after the victory of Charles I of Anjou over the Swabians at the Battle of Benevenuto in 1266.

L'Aquila, therefore, has a double ancestry (Swabian and Angioinian), which was still clearly visible at the time of the earthquake. On a plaque, set in the walls of Montefalco in Umbria, is an engraved emblem of the imperial eagle of Frederick, geometrically marked with two opposing triangles. This symbol, according to some

<sup>1</sup> FEDERICO II, *De arte venandi cum avibus*, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, ms. cod. Pal. Lat. 1071 (orig. Written before1248), P. I. 5: "Auctor est. vir inquisitor sapientiae et amator Divus Augustus Frhiidericus secundus Romanorum imperator, Jerusalem et Sicilie rex".

*The City of L'Aquila after the 2009 Earthquake: Review of Connections… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.96537*

architectural historians, may have inspired the first configuration [6] - which was part of Frederick's program - "extreme organizational innovation and geometric precision, plus clarity of institutions and structures." [7]

Under Manfredi, the Emperor's natural son, L'Aquila was elevated to a bishopric [8] with a bull issued by Pope Alexander IV in 1256 (1257 according to other sources), passing from the role of *pagus* to that of *civitas*.

During the Swabian period natural and planned development was encouraged: based on the construction of artisan type housing along the winding uphill roads, starting from a small pre-existing village rich in water sources (Acculae or Aquili) at the monastery of Santa Maria ad Fontes. While the Angioinians employed a standard cardo-decumanus plan, using a system of city blocks as a whole and no longer the single sectors as before (see **Figures 1** and **2**).

L'Aquila was a compact city whose identity was linked to the origins of the population from the neighboring hamlets, and the possibility of replicating these settlements within the city, thus avoiding any conflicts of recognition, (also by means of a shrewd fiscal policy initiated by the Swabia's, and continued by the Angioinians). Each nucleus differentiated itself from the each other politically and religiously (according to the saint they worshipped), as well by the origins of the inhabitants [9]. Under Charles of Anjou each family was permitted to build a single house, "lunga otto canne e larga quattro" ["eight rods long and four wide"] by paying "dodici boni carlini per uno fiorino contato"<sup>2</sup> ["twelve boni carlini for one counted florin"]. Enlarging the city to 1200 "fuochi" [fires (families)] (see **Figures 3**–**5**).

**Figure 1.** *Remains pre-existing the presumed foundation of L'Aquila under Frederick of Swabia (drawing by S. Gizzi, 1976).*

<sup>2</sup> V. DI BARTHOLOMAEIS (Ed.), *Cronaca Aquilana rimata di Buccio di Ranallo di Popplito di Aquila*, Bottega d'Erasmo, Torino 1970, p. 16: "Et uno casalino a foco si vadano assenando, / Lo casalino degia essere quatro canne per lato / E sette canne et meza per longo mesurato, E de omne casalino allo re sia dato / Dodici bon carlini per uno fiorino contado". See also G. BUDELLI – C. CAMPONESCHI – F. FIORENTINO – M.C. MAROLDA, *L'Aquila. Nota del rapporto tra "castelli" e "locali" nella fondazione di una capitale territoriale*, in E. GUIDONI (Ed.), *Città contado e feudi nell'urbanistica medievale*, Multigrafica, Roma 1974, pp. 182–195.

**Figure 2.** *L'Aquila. Convents, military area, accesses from the valley floor as poles of attraction for the first urban organization in the Swabian period (drawing S. Gizzi, 1976).*

Identity recognition was also reinforced by the revival, in every 'locale' (under the Swabians) and in every 'quarto' (under the Angioinian), of the 'mother-church' and the most important stately home of the county (see **Figures 6** and **7**).

A strong connection was established between the 'locali' and the territory of origin, facilitated by a law which established that those who built at the new site did not lose the right of citizenship of their place of origin ('castello'), and remained owners in the countryside. As a result each settlement in the city, while still remaining a unitary body, seemed to be split into two ('locale' in the city and 'castllo' in the countryside) (see **Figure 8**).

The subsequent subdivision into 'quarti' was an even more noteworthy event. It marked a process of centralization of political and administrative power, and a greater distributive and figurative clarity to othe city, overcoming the fragmentation of the 'locali. This facilitated not only a one to one relationship between the 'locali' and 'castello' of origin, but a broader link between the urban settlement and the countryside as a whole, including the scattered farms.

It was a bond that would be strengthened in the following two centuries thanks to the flourishing of trade (especially of the Wool Merchants Guild) [10], with the road from Rome to Florence (with a branch from the 'Via del Sale' - the Salaria) on one side, and the route between L'Aquila and Puglia on the other.

Today this image, which had been handed down over centuries, is lost. Immediately after the 2009 earthquake the city was closed and barred, preventing residents from remaining in their homes, even in the less damaged ones. The historic center was isolated and emptied, occupied by the military forces and the Fire Brigade.

Contrary to any common sense, instead of immediately carrying out consolidation and restoration work (especially with regards to the more characteristic minor structures), it was decided to begin with long and expensive shoring and scaffolding *The City of L'Aquila after the 2009 Earthquake: Review of Connections… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.96537*

installations [11]. "A forest of props and tie rods that secure the walls and draw imaginative and imposing patterns" [12], thus postponing *sine die* urgent works (see **Figures 9**–**18**).

#### **Figure 3.**

*L'Aquila and the countryside (L'Aquila, Salvatore Tommasi Provincial Library).*

#### **Figure 5.**

*Aggregative development of the city after the privilege of Charles of Anjou (drawing S. Gizzi, 1977).*

With the forced expulsion of the inhabitants which has now lasted for nearly seven years, the younger generation particularly, is showing (perhaps unconsciously) more and more indifference and detachment from their roots in the historic center. As time passes social and economic interest (as well as those of identity) in returning to their past houses fade. They prefer to pass time elsewhere, either in the suburbs where anonymous shopping centers have mushroomed, or in

*The City of L'Aquila after the 2009 Earthquake: Review of Connections… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.96537*

**Figure 7.**

*Further expansion of the religious nuclei and new directions with respect to the already structured city (drawing by S. Gizzi, 1976).*

**Figure 9.** *Dense scaffoldings near the basilica of San Bernardino (photo S. Gizzi, 2011).*

**Figure 10.** *Props of different types along via di San Bernardino (photo S. Gizzi, 2011).*

other cities (in some aspects this has been favored by the possibility of obtaining funds for the purchase of houses outside the municipality). This is why one can speak of a double loss of identity and continuity.

Indeed it is feared that many owners, tired of waiting, could sell their damaged properties to groups of speculators, ready to demolish and rebuild them with considerable financial gain. In fact, due to the extension of the stop on reconstruction work, companies have begun to acquire real estate to resell, thus increasing the expulsion of the residents [13].

The topic should, therefore, be approached from a twofold point of view: identity and continuity. Identity meaning that which transmits the original model and

*The City of L'Aquila after the 2009 Earthquake: Review of Connections… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.96537*

**Figure 11.** *Shoring of the church of the Convent of Santa Chiara (photo S. Gizzi, 2011).*

characteristic of place and the inhabitants; and continuity meaning that which allows you to remain permanently in the same place with a stable dwelling. We also find a dual meaning in lasting continuity; the people (inhabitants), and the space and form of architecture. Identity and continuity are also reflected in lifestyle, as well as in details, materials, colors and common feelings. A 'sentimental heritage' as well as a material one, which is now lost.

There is, therefore, a twin theme: that of the continuation of archetypes, and that of housing models in which the population recognizes itself.

Today in L'Aquila, identity has disappeared. The inhabitants no longer appear as protagonists, but are reduced to extras, to mute actors against the backdrop of an incomprehensible scene. Even if the search for a lost identity and continuity may now seem an unreal or utopian goal, it should have been the opposite; they should have been the priority and gone hand in hand with the reconstruction.

The degree of consultation with the inhabitant concerning measures and solutions to be taken was also markedly different to previous earthquakes in Italy, where the residents were kept informed of the decision-making processes. In the case of L'Aquila a feeling of resignation immediately seemed to prevail [14]. The bitter words of Walter Siti, winner of the 2013 Premio Strega, summarize the mood well; "L'Aquila does not want to rise again, the city has committed suicide. Looking at it closely in the evening, it seems like Los Angeles; the artificial suburbs have greatly expanded it, the lights are lights and they make no difference" [15].

If it is true that the reoccurring earthquakes, that have taken place in every age, have often contributed to the changing the face of the city, it is equally true that the city still remained recognizable after the various reconstruction and restoration. This is because the restoration works carried out followed the stratifications and confirmed the existing structures.

Already in the middle Ages there were statutory regulations established in the city; such as those of Charles of Anjou in 1315, which declared that churches

destroyed by earthquakes or other disasters (natural, war, human made) should be restored!<sup>3</sup>

Another unresolved problem that has contributed to the de-population of the city is the fragmentation and overlapping of responsibilities. From those of the Dipartimento della Protezione Civile (Civil Protection Department) to those of the Commissario Straordinario, of the "Direzione Regionale per i Beni e le Attività Culturali", of the "Soprintendenze architettonica storico-artistica ed archeological" (Extraordinary Commissioner, the Regional Directorate for Cultural Heritage and Activities, the Historical-Artistic and Archaeological Architectural

<sup>3</sup> A. CLEMENTI, *Statuti del 1315*, in G. SPAGNESI – P. PROPERZI, *L'Aquila. Problemi di forma e di storia della città*, *cit.*, p. 129, Statuto del 1315 n. 6: "We have established that the men or congregations of any local of the said city of Aquila and its district shall build or have built, taking care of the repair of those in ruins, a church in the city of Aquila within the circle of the city walls and start it within one year from the publication of this notice". Cf. also M. PIACENTINO, *La vita in Abruzzo nel Trecento desunta dagli Statuti della Città dell'Aquila concessi da Roberto d'Angiò nell'anno 1315*, A. Polla, Cerchio 1993.

*The City of L'Aquila after the 2009 Earthquake: Review of Connections… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.96537*

**Figure 14.** *Emergency provisional works in wood in the church of Paganica (photo S. Gizzi, 2011).*

**Figure 15.** *Provisional works in San Martino d'Ocre (Photo S. Gizzi, 2011).*

#### **Figure 16.**

*Provisional wooden work and props in the Medici center of Santo Stefano di Sessanio, near L'Aquila (Photo S. Gizzi, 2011).*

*The City of L'Aquila after the 2009 Earthquake: Review of Connections… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.96537*

**Figure 17.** *Shoring of the church of Onna (photo S. Gizzi, 2011).*

#### **Figure 18.**

*Props, temporary coverings and temporary works of various kinds in the square of San Pietro di Coppito in L'Aquila (photo S. Gizzi, 2010).*

Superintendence), the Region, the Municipality and the Diocese. All these institutional-bodies often had conflicting ideas and a reluctance to engage in dialogue.

The Diocese, in particular, has the role of overseeing the restoration of the buildings of worship it owns. The Metropolitan Archbishop of L'Aquila, Monsignor Giuseppe Molinari, used very touching words on the occasion of the first post-earthquake Christmas. "Dear Baby Jesus [...] we, the survivors of the great tragedy, will bring you this year our tears, fears and hopes. [...] For those who judge everything with a human yardstick, we are poor earthquake victims with neither present nor future certainties [...] we no longer have our beautiful city, its monuments, its churches, its workshops, its poetry and its culture. But one day you also said: 'Seek the kingdom of God and all the rest will be given to you'. We believe this promise of yours" [16].

He also spoke out against the excessive division of responsibilities, "Six months after the catastrophe, the Curia of L'Aquila had already prepared a plan for the possible reconstruction of the historic center. We had immediately organized a Master with three hundred architects, engineers and technicians from all over the world. Since last November we were ready, but here nothing has happened yet. The reason is the bureaucracy. Regional laws, Italian laws, European laws..." [17].

While in response to a question from a journalist, "Monsignor, won't the command deck be too crowded between commissioners, sub commissioners and deputies?" he replied, "The number is not a problem, if they all row in the same direction." And to another question, "Will the Curia's lead bother anyone?" he responded, "And why should it? The Church owns a third of the entire heritage of the historic center and behaves like any other owner. It defends its rights and does so through its Bishop, there is no need for substitutes. The Church has owned this patrimony for a millennium" [18].

The Auxiliary Bishop, Monsignor Giovanni D'Ercole, sent by the Vatican to assist Molinari in the restoration of the churches was even more outspoken. "With the wheelbarrow initiative, people expressed their desire to participate and tried to draw attention to the great expectations of the city, still on its knees from the wounds of the earthquake. The population wants to rebuild and clear the historic center of rubble as the first important step. [ … ] The people want their city as it was before, but it seems like a dream that is dying day after day. [...] In truth, a lot was done for the emergency, but almost nothing for the reconstruction. Indeed, it seems that everything has stopped. People have been rehoused in 21 prefabricated new towns, but no one talks about the houses to be rebuilt. Of course there are no longer any tents, but neither are there houses. The population lives uprooted in peripheral areas without services, families are divided and are far from the warmth of their original residential clusters. While 20 thousand people still live in hotels. There is so much suffering and fear that, after the emergency, everything will be completely forgotten" [19].

#### **2. The Government's Decision to Propose L'Aquila as the Seat of the G8 Meeting**

Three weeks after the earthquake the Head of Government, Silvio Berlusconi, after consulting with the Consiglio dei Ministri (Council of Ministers) and U.S. President Barack Obama announced, on April 24, 2009, that the meeting of the G8 (Canada, France, Germany, Italy, Japan, Russia, United Kingdom, U.S.A.) would take place in the barracks of the Guardia di Finanza in L'Aquila, instead of La Maddalena in Sardinia where it was initially planned, and where the associated works had almost been completed. "The priority is now L'Aquila, La Maddalena can wait" [20].

*The City of L'Aquila after the 2009 Earthquake: Review of Connections… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.96537*

The presence of the major heads of state (from Obama, Merkel to Sarkozy) in the city, was seen as an opportunity to raise the awareness of the international community and encourage them to donate funds for the much needed restoration and reconstruction works.

In particular, Nicolas Sarkozy, promised funds for the restoration of the church of the Anime Sante del Purgatorio (del Suffragio) located in Piazza del Mercato (see **Figures 19**–**21**). While Angela Merkel committed to financing restoration work for the hamlet of Onna. This was one of the centers worst hit - almost totally razed to the ground- and where in World War I the German troops had shot seventeen people on June 11, 1944. Four years on from this promise, the article "Eine Kirche für Onna" [21] appeared in the "Süddeutsche Zeitung" of May 8, 2013, giving an account of the almost complete repair of the town.

The images of the collapsed dome of the Anime Sante (which travelled around the world), as well as those of the first provisional shoring with special steel structure being lowered from a helicopter, made the gesture of the French President particularly symbolic.

This was about saving a vaulted roof of significant importance. Designed by Giuseppe Valadier (known for the restoration of the Colosseum and the Arch of Titus in Rome), albeit with not univocal proof, given that the Roman a**r**chitect was only named by the priest and scholar Angelo Signorini, according to which "the dome was designed by Giuseppe Valadieri [sic] a Roman" [22] and by Teodoro dei Baroni Bonanni, who states "the dome was made by Giuseppe Valadieri of Rome, and the two large marble chapels by Pietro Pedetti, and Bernardino Ferradini of Como" [23], in a more recent and sounder study.<sup>4</sup>

#### **Figure 19.**

*The church of the Holy Souls (Santa Maria del Suffragio) in Piazza Duomo in L'Aquila in August 2014 (photo S. Gizzi, 2014).*

<sup>4</sup> Among the latest studies, we draw attention to that of M. G. PEZONE, *Carlo Buratti. Architettura tardo barocca tra Roma e Napoli*, Alinea, Firenze 2008, p. 156, who reaffirms that the dome was "built many years later according to the project of Giuseppe Valadier."

#### **Figure 20.**

*News of the move of the G8 from Sardinia to L'Aquila (from "Il Corriere della Sera", July 9, 2009).*

Both the move of the G8 summit from Sardinia to L'Aquila, and the idea of holding one of the Councils of Ministers in L'Aquila were met with much criticism. One of the most vocal opponents of the Summit was Vittorio Emiliani - President of the 'Comitato Italiano per la Bellezza' (Committee for Beauty), who in an article published in "L'Unità" declared: "The desire to restart again is blocked by the great monster, especially after the spectacle of the G8 grand parade snatched from La Maddalena, and the solemn promises of adoption of this or that monument by foreigners. A hallucinatory delirium that many people in Italy also applauded. It was a grim nightmare for those of us who had been involved, in a variety of ways, in the tragedies of Tuscania, Friuli, Umbria and the Marche, where historic centers were struck dead, churches razed or in ruins, starting with the Basilica in Assisi, symbol of St. Francis, which returned to its former self in only two years; an Italian 'cure' which was applauded around the world" [24].

In fact the G8 event risked becoming a summit show among rubble [25]. It is indicative that one of the strongest criticism of the second event was expressed by the current Minister of Cultural Heritage, Dario Franceschini (at the time Secretary of the PD), who in an interview declared that "the ministers gathered in L'Aquila will only walk the red carpet" [26].

*The City of L'Aquila after the 2009 Earthquake: Review of Connections… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.96537*

**Figure 21.** *"The first lady in tears in the rubble" (From "Il Corriere della Sera", 10 July 2009).*
