**3. The previous earthquakes**

"L'Aquila the city that was, is not; the houses are united in piles of stones; the buildings that were not fallen were falling down." These words, which might appear extremely current, are actually referring to another devastating earthquake that struck the capital of Abruzzo in 1703, and are found in a report prepared on April 17, 1703, by Marco Garofalo, Marquis della Rocca, for the Viceroy Marquis of Villena.<sup>5</sup> Garofalo had been appointed years before, "Preside" and "Vicario" of the

<sup>5</sup> Archivio di Stato di Napoli, Segreterie dei Viceré n. 1120, Carte diverse del Governo del Viceré di Napoli da gennaio a tutto dicembre del 1703, lettera datata Aquila li 13 aprile 1703, partially reported in R. COLAPIETRA**,** *Spiritualità coscienza civile e mentalità collettiva nella storia dell'Aquila,* Deputazione abruzzese di storia patria, L'Aquila 1984, p. 508, reported also in R. COLAPIETRA, *L'Aquila dell'Antinori. Strutture sociali ed urbane della città nel Sei e Settecento*, in *Antinoriana* III, vol II, Il Settecento, Deputazione Abruzzese di Storia Patria, L'Aquila 1978, p. 511. See also**,** *Relatione overo itinerario fatto dall'auditore D. Alfonso Auria de Llanos per riconoscere li danni causati dalli passati terremoti seguiti li 14 gennaio e 2 febbraio MDCCIII con il numero de' morti e feriti nella Provincia dell'Abruzzo Citra e luoghi circonvicini per darne di essi distinta notizia al Signor Viceré di Napoli,* Roma, Gaetano Zenobi, 1703**.** Also noteworthy**,** L. A. CHRACAS, *Racconto istorico de terremoti sentiti in Roma, e in parte dello Stato Ecclesiastico, e in altri luoghi la sera de' 14 di gennajo, e la mattina de' 2 di febbrajo dell'anno 1703: nel quale si narrano i danni fatti dal medesimo, le sacre missioni, il giubbileo, le processioni, e tutte le altre divozioni, funzioni, e opere pie ordinate, e fatte dalla Santità di Nostro Signore Papa Clemente XI e da tutto il popolo*, per Giuseppe de Martijs, nella stamperia di Gio. Francesco Chracas, Roma 1704.

Province of L'Aquila, and just fifteen days after the earthquake he gathered together the highest authorities of the city, appointing them to public office with the aim of reconstructing the city [27]. Another report was drawn up a few weeks after the event by the "auditore", Alfonso Uria de Llanos [28], on the request of the "Preside" Garofalo to carry out a thorough inspection. He described the city as "all destroyed, without any building remaining". <sup>6</sup> That L'Aquila suffered is also evident in another letter to the Marquis della Rocca, "the plague of earthquakes" [29], indeed of "a horrible earthquake" [30].

Nevertheless the tremors of 1703, even though violent, did not cause significant urban destruction [31] (except, perhaps for the 'quarto' of San Giovanni), and certainly not more damage than the traumatic construction of the Spanish castle, which demolished the ancient residences *ad reprimendam audaciam aquilanorum*, 7 who had rebelled against the hegemony of the Viceroy Filiberto d'Orange.

Yet, at that time, the reconstruction was almost immediate**.** The supervisor, Matteo Castrati, and the Marquis Alessandro Quinzi, Chamberlain, in a "briefing" on May 10 of the same year [32], just a few months after the earthquake "gave orders to the citizens to build their homes as best they could, in order to resurrect this city" [33]. There was, therefore, the passion and will to restore almost resurrect the city, also in a spiritual sense! [34]

Another account published in Naples in 1703 describes the terrifying conditions, also in Ref. to the territorial and emotional aspects. "It is incredible the number of cities and lands that have been completely destroyed or badly damaged in this last movement [...]. That noble City of L'Aquila has been almost entirely razed [sic] to the ground, with the few houses and walls that remained standing being threaten with imminent collapse" [35].

As has been scrupulously stressed the interest in the earthquake is evident [36], also by the language used to describe the degree of damage: "damaged (very much)", "damaged (seriously)", "uninhabitable", "flattened (almost)**",** "ruined", "destroyed", "*diruta*","completely destroyed**",** "*offesa*", "rubble", "overturned from foundations" ([36], p. 58).

Furthermore, the opposing views and partiality of the reports of the 1703 earthquake originating from Rome and Naples are noteworthy [37]. The former tends to exaggerate the damage done in order to pressure the Viceroy of Naples into giving more funds, while the latter appear more realistic.

At the time, some of the reconstruction took on a symbolic meaning, as it was linked to the renewal of the most important religious and civil monuments, the more "identifiable". This was the case of the Cathedral of San Massimo e Giorgio**,** with the aim of revitalizing "and upgrading the christianization of the traditionally popular neighborhood" [38], as it was around the Cathedral. A neighborhood "very

<sup>6</sup> On the report of the "auditore" Alfonso Uria de Llanos, cf. R. CAMASSI – V. CASTELLI, *I terremoti del 1703 nelle fonti giornalistiche coeve*, in R. COLAPIETRA – G. MARINANGELI – P. MUZI (Ed.), *Settecento abruzzese. Eventi sismici, mutamenti economico-sociali e ricerca storiografica*, Deputazione Abruzzese di Storia Patria, Libreria Colacchi (Ed.), L'Aquila 2007, pp. 43–67, especially pp. 59–60**:** "In the category of printed reports [...] those of the Neapolitans must first of all mention [...] the Itinerary, by Alfonso Uria de Llanos [...] which describes the effects of the earthquake in about twenty localities in the area of

L'Aquila, with [ … ] attention to economic considerations and observations on the geological effects". <sup>7</sup> According to many historians *ad reprimendam audaciam aquilanorum* is the epigraph placed on the

lintel of the portal of the Spanish Castle of L'Aquila that Charles V, through the viceroy Pedro de Toledo, had built on a project by Pedro Luis Escrivà, started in 1534; but today no trace of this plaque remains. cf. S. MANTINI, *L'Aquila spagnola. Percorsi di identità, conflitti, convivenze (secc. XVI–XVII)*, Aracne, Roma 2009, pp. 307–308.

*The City of L'Aquila after the 2009 Earthquake: Review of Connections… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.96537*

desolate, whose remains had already had a troubled history in the fifteenth century" ([38], p. 512). So much so that in 1709 the residents agreed to tax themselves to raise funds to begin the restoration ([38], p. 513). Other minor churches linked to the single "locali" were also rebuilt but in reduced dimensions, such as San Marciano, originally with three apses was rebuilt with a single nave and only one apse.

More than actual "restorations," these works were referred to as "architectural modernizations" ([38], p. 517). Many noble civil buildings were also "renovated" or "modernized", among the most important were: Palazzo Antonelli (already "half restored" in 1712) ([38], vol. I, Il Seicento, p. 921), Palazzo Quinzi (which still appeared "half damaged") ([38], vol. II, Il Settecento, p. 587), and Palazzo Ardinghelli in Piazza Santa Maria Paganica, ("renovated" from 1732 to 1742 in baroque style [39]).

When comparing the earthquake of 1703 to the most recent one two main points stand out: the immediacy of the reconstruction, and the fact that no Aquilan left their city. There were however, some buildings that had not completely collapsed and were deliberately destroyed, with the aim of restructuring some churches [40].

The reconstruction after the 1703 earthquake certainly gave new shape to the city [41] (see **Figure 22**). It was rebuilt "on a plan consolidated during the Spanish Viceroyalty" ([41], p. 496). According to a new "*barocchizzazione*", and the resulting architectural works were carried out "to recover from natural disasters, in the logic of the political alternations of the eighteenth century" ([41], p. 498). A period where the baroque style [42] prevailed, particularly among the Roman architects (such as Sebastiano Cipriani,<sup>8</sup> who "restored" both the Cathedral and some of the city gates).

But now what shape should the city, still needing a clear plan of action, take?

It is well noted that "after the earthquake of 1703 in L'Aquila there was a race between Neapolitan and Roman workers to rebuild the city, retrieving from the

**Figure 22.** *Buying and real estate purchases after the 1703 earthquake (drawing S. Gizzi, 1976).*

<sup>8</sup> On Cipriani and other Roman architects in L'Aquila after the 1703 earthquake, see above all the updated volume of M. G. PEZONE, *Carlo Buratti. Architettura tardo barocca tra Roma e Napoli*, *cit.*

foundations some particularly complex buildings in order to rebuild them *ex-novo* maintaining their outline in the ground, and as we have also observed the conservation of some of the lower floors well built in the Middle-Ages, and the addition of some floors, as well as consolidating them with ingenious devices such as wooden chains" [43]. Yet, as it was written with a hint of regret, "after the earthquake, L'Aquila was rebuilt but no longer possessed its ancient beauty" [44].

Even more immediate (and symbolic), compared to the eighteenth-century reconstructions, was the restoration of the city walls immediately after the first major earthquake in 1315. The defensive wall were refortified without delay thanks to the decree of Robert of Anjou, who urged the inhabitants to rebuild them<sup>9</sup> in the same outstanding and "sumptuous" [45] way as the Cathedral of SS. Massimo e Giorgio had been rebuilt.

In regard to the "first" earthquake of 1315, in a poetic description (*Cronaca Rimata*) attributed to Buccio di Ranallo, not only is the collapse and material damage described, but also the beliefs and popular traditions to remedy it ([45], CCL – CCLIV).

#### **4. City–Countryside relationship**

#### **4.1 Problems caused by depopulation**

As in other areas hit by the earthquake, the problems associated with depopulation are particularly serious [46].

As already mentioned, the 2009 earthquake affected not only L'Aquila, the capital, but all the historic centers of the surrounding area, already affected by a progressive demographic and also economic abandonment. A highly effective social policy would therefore be needed, which should respond not only to the contingent problem, but also to address the problem of intense depopulation that is tearing apart the system of interrelationships of those villages. As in other areas of central Italy, the abandonment of those territories is unfortunately favored by the deterioration of the relationship between man and the environment in fragile contexts. Therefore, effective action should be taken that must make use of the contribution of different disciplines, not only geographical, architectural and urban planning, but also historical and economic, involving physical, social and political factors.

Regarding L'Aquila, the capital, about depopulation, a few days after the earthquake, the intervention of professor Salvatore Settis (Director of the *Scuola Superiore Normale of Pisa*) was very effective, explaining the contrast between "synecism" and "exoitism", Words of Greek origin. At the time of its foundation, the first phenomenon (συνοικισμóς) occurred, with a contemporary movement of many people who have chosen a single destination, as a place for meetings and exchanges. And L'Aquila is the only medieval city that had this origin. The opposite (exoikismós), that is, the *diaspora*, dispersion, depopulation, the emptying of the historic center of its inhabitants, is a defeat due to the ignorance of citizens and institutions [47].

Therefore, the validity of a reconstruction action must be based not only on the ability to respond to an improvement in the static and safety conditions of the monuments and houses, but also on the ability to counteract the seemingly inevitable decline of the area.

<sup>9</sup> The walls of Aquila had been fortified in 1315. Cfr. also G. SPAGNESI – P. L. PROPERZI, *L' Aquila. Problemi di forma e storia della città*, *cit*.

#### **4.2 Recent errors made in countering phenomena resulting from the earthquake and depopulation**

One of the most evident phenomena of the current post-earthquake has been the upheaval of the relationship between the city and the countryside, which until then had remained balanced and defined. Previously, construction had never filled the space within the fourteenth-century surrounding wall, and green areas - such as gardens and vegetable gardens - still existed.

Likewise, the relationship between the farming communities and the settlements of the ancient "Comitatus" (a political-military arrangement present in the L'Aquila area) was of great importance, above all because of the mutual trust [48]. Until the1960s, urban construction had not saturated the space within the surrounding walls. The areas towards Porta Napoli, Via XX Settembre and, in general, the southern area of the town had remained green. For centuries this had been a peculiar feature of L'Aquila: the enclosing walls included a much larger area than just the built up space.

For this reason it was a serious mistake to have planned and, partly created, a belt of temporary housing (some unfortunately definitive) of a completely extraneous construction types, such as wooden houses or buildings which have nothing in common with the characteristics of the area [49]. Even though these were constructed on an innovative anti-seismic and movable bases, such as those designed by the former Dean of Engineering of the Naples University, Edoardo Cosenza, (who argued that "the use of seismic isolation, possibly accompanied by dissipation devices was essential"),<sup>10</sup> they ran a real risk of threatening the city country relationship, which up to the seventeenth or eighteenth centuries (but also until after the World War II) was balanced, defined and legible.

Today it appears important to maintain this separateness, this suggestion of the countryside that envelops and separates, almost protecting the city from the rest, and revealing it rich in "the most beautiful vegetables and foliage in Italy" [50].

For all this, it seems essential that the boundaries between the built-up city and countryside remain separate and well defined. Since the foundation of L'Aquila the countryside has never ceased to keep up a new physiognomy*,* despite having merged together "in new urban settlements dozens and dozens of small rural centers [...] passing through a difficult process of planning and programming of modes and phases of settlement" [51]. Today it is precisely those distinctive features that, by the creation of satellite centers and the new temporary wooden buildings settlements, are in danger of disappearing.

It is, therefore, unthinkable that L'Aquila could be part of an undifferentiated union with the belt of new-towns (a term and form that refers to the English model of Sir Ebenezer Howard [52], and which is completely out of context in the Abruzzo region), on which there has been much said [53]**.** Or, for that matter, joined with the hamlets (Tempera, Pettino, Poggio di Roio, Bagno, etc.), each with their own very specific identity and local history! (see **Figures 23** and **24**) [54].

<sup>10</sup> Cfr. *Interview of Edoardo Cosenza. Cosenza: ricostruire con innovative concezioni strutturali. Particolare attenzione alla progettazione antisismica e grande rigore nella realizzazione degli edifici*, in "L'Ingegnere italiano", n. 348, giugno 2009, p. 6: "Q. Would the new techniques so much talked about, have reduced the damage if introduced earlier? R. Without a doubt. For example, the use of seismic isolation to protect strategic structures, which must remain operational immediately after an earthquake, would have been decisive. [...] There is no best type [...] The important thing is careful planning and implementation. [...] If then you want to eliminate the possibility of non-structural damage and equipment, then the use of seismic isolation, perhaps accompanied by dissipation equipment, is necessary."

**Figure 23.** *Temporary residences built around L'Aquila under the government of Silvio Berlusconi (photo S. Gizzi, 2013).*

#### **Figure 24.**

*Temporary residences built around L'Aquila under the government of Silvio Berlusconi. Note the ground insulators (photo S. Gizzi, 2013).*

This precarious situation<sup>11</sup> means that the new houses, campers and shacks represent a sort of "new nomadic configuration of modernity, of officialdom" [55]. The government's choice of an easy and out of context model for the new towns was

<sup>11</sup> In the same way as new-towns and other prefabricated buildings, it is necessary to avoid what Riccardo Dalisi defined, thirty years ago, as the "preconstruction syndrome", that is, the use of prefabricated buildings and temporary housing of various kinds. R. DALISI, *Intervento*, in AA.VV., *Proposte per la ricostruzione*, cit., p. 216: "Everyone talks about prefabricated buildings; and they are invoked from all sides; that is, a kind of 'preconstruction syndrome' that occurs".

*The City of L'Aquila after the 2009 Earthquake: Review of Connections… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.96537*

essentially a political one, not supported by urban planners, restorers and even less by the citizens.

In the country, the government launched a very short-sighted project called 'C. A.S.E. Piano' -Comparti Antisismici Sostenibili Ecocompatibili (Ecocompatibili Sustainable Anti-seismic Complexes) a building model without any coherent thought of urban distribution or typological characteristics, but based on standardized canons indifferently applied in Abruzzo, Switzerland or Central Europe, in the same way as M.A.P. - Moduli Abitativi Provvisori (Temporary Housing Modules) and M.E.P. - Moduli Ecclesiastici Provvisori (Provisional Ecclesiastical Modules). Interesting typologies if considered per se, (placed on slabs isolated from the ground by last generation anti-seismic insulators), but as a whole they constitute an out of scale and out of context building model. Meanwhile small and random buildings, made possible by a municipal resolution, have sprung up in areas which until recently were green.

But, returning to what was mentioned earlier. A reconstruction that has not yet taken place seven years after the earthquake means that, particularly the younger generations, will no longer find reasons, roots or interest to return to live or work in the historical center.

Thus the new settlements, rather than being temporary (as in the case of Friuli and Umbria), have become permanent, leading to the creation of a new contemporary and 'impromptu' city<sup>12</sup> and totally bypassing the restoration of the existing one [56].

What is more serious however is that the identity appears to be lost, even in new architecture. Until a few years ago the buildings just outside the historic center blended in**,** while today one feels a sense of bewilderment. Also the recent construction (especially in the areas around the Celestine Basilica of Santa Maria di Collemaggio, and along the axis of the valley floor of Via Strinella), is out of context, post-modern and decidedly kitsch.

In the aftermath of the earthquake, it was hoped to avoid the dispersion and relocation of the essential services, even if it was obvious that reconstruction in the historic center would have taken longer than that of the suburbs [57]. The most serious damage however was inflicted by the imposition of the so-called 'red zone': a completely isolated area where only the authorities and technicians could enter, while the resident population was expelled (see **Figure 25**).

Despite everything, the strength and dignity of the population is evident (accustomed as they are to suffering and, to an extent, isolation) and it has been demonstrated on many occasions. Typical is the night of the "wheelbarrow people" [58], that is, those who after waiting in vain for the historic center and the surrounding streets to be cleared of rubble took the initiative and - using hundreds of wheelbarrows - did it themselves and deposited the waste in front of the headquarters of the Regional Council in protest.

The main thoroughfare, Corso Federico II, has also become a type of notice board where the residents can express their dissent. Everyone hangs protest notes, the keys to their apartments yet to be restored, and declarations of love for L'Aquila [59] along the nets that prohibit access to the arcades (see **Figures 26**–**29**).

<sup>12</sup> R. DE MARCO, *La ricostruzione post-terremoto. Alcuni punti di attenzione sul tema*, Ufficio Speciale per la Ricostruzione del Centro Storico dell'Aquila, Struttura Speciale di Alta Consulenza, documento 9.3, febbraio 2011: **"**At the occurrence of a situation such as the one described, which seems to be characterized by extemporaneousness and poor transparency, at least three categories can be identified as being particularly penalized: the citizen who should have guaranteed rights rather than being subject to extemporaneous concessions, the administration and local authorities of direct reference".

*L'Aquila, the "red zone" of via Costa Masciarelli, in the historic center (photo S. Gizzi, 2011).*

#### **Figure 26.**

*"We have a dream: L'Aquila", written along Corso Vittorio Emanuele II (photo S. Gizzi, 2010).*

*L'Aquila, the keys to the houses declared uninhabitable hung by the inhabitants, as a sign of protest, along Corso Vittorio Emanuele II (photo S. Gizzi, 2010).*

*The City of L'Aquila after the 2009 Earthquake: Review of Connections… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.96537*

#### **Figure 28.**

*L'Aquila, the keys to the houses declared uninhabitable hung by the inhabitants along Corso Vittorio Emanuele II, together with the words "We have a dream: L'Aquila" (photo S. Gizzi, 2010).*

**Figure 29.**

*"The protest of the thousand keys": "removing the rubble from L'Aquila", from "Il Corriere delle Sera", Monday 22 February 2010.*

This testifies to the existence of a particular form of emergency psychology [60], which also manifests itself as a communion of punishment among the entire population.

## **5. Possible Prospects for L'Aquila**

Immediately after the earthquake several initiatives were organized by Italian architects, restorers and planners. These included numerous conferences, seminars and some operational 'laboratories', organized by the Istituto Nazionale di Urbanistica e dell'Associazione Nazionale dei Centri Storici (National Institute of Urban Planning and the National Association of Historic Centers). A series of nine workshops on the theme of the recovery of L'Aquila were also organized by the architects, Pierluigi Properzi, professor at the local Faculty of Engineering, and,

Carlo Gasparrini from the Federico II University of Naples, and a member of the group which drew up of the Regulatory Plan of Rome.

Many points of interest emerged from the first meetings and, since they are still very topical, it seems appropriate to recall them briefly.

At the meetings it became clear that a cultural project, aimed at the reconstruction of the city, did not yet exist. The inaugural workshop was introduced by Pierluigi Properzi and Marco Romano. Piero Properzi, emphasized both the need for a plan of reconstruction and the importance of avoiding any strong differences of opinion; confirming a categorical no to the opposition *historic center-periphery*. Marco Romano, former member of the Consiglio Nazionale per i Beni Culturali (National Council for Cultural Heritage), emphasized the opportunity of developing an aesthetic vision, or 'aestheticizing' the city by establishing, as a priority, the restoration of the major thoroughfares - the Corso, with its arcades and adjacent squares.

Raffaele Colapietra - professor of modern history at the University of Salerno, author of numerous texts on the history of L'Aquila, and interviewed in the internationally successful film, Draquila, by Sabina Guzzanti - strongly disagreed with Romano. He was the only resident of L'Aquila who has not left his home in the center [61], despite the ordinances, and he stressed the importance of the urban and social history of the city. Pointing out how the appearance of the present city was a result of the rebuilding after the 1703 earthquake, and that the principle colonnaded axis (the colonnades are from the early twentieth century) were not at any time of primary importance. Likewise, Piazza del Mercato, which was strictly commercial in nature and had never been home to any monuments of importance.

The urgent need to recover the identity of the urban fabric (as opposed to the belt of new towns that were already appearing) was evident from the first meeting. Attention was also drawn to the delicate task of entrusting the reconstruction work to competent companies, experts in restoratio n (and consequently tenders), as well as the (few) advantages and (many) disadvantages of the European tenders, which risked - with the possibility of numerous appeals - to lengthen the time of "reconstruction."

The Mayor of L'Aquila, Massimo Cialente, was in agreement with this, and also with the need to immediately identify the first five most important areas within the walls to begin the works, starting with those on the edge of the oldest sectors, so as to experiment with the first 'reconstruction'sites.

There was criticism for the lack of reference in relation to technical and administrative aspects, compared to other experiences, where the results could already be assessed**; s**uch as the 1976 earthquake in Friuli (particularly at Venzone, where restoration and anastylosis of the main monuments and the historical fabric of the city was prompt) and also those of the Marche in 1979 and 1997, and Umbria in 1997.

The necessity for precise mapping of the damage, the need to immediately repair the underground infrastructure and the necessity to 'evaluate' the strategies were highlighted by the urban planners, Bruno Gabrielli, Pierluigi Properzi and Elio Piroddi (former professor in L'Aquila and now Professor of Urban Planning in Rome).

To these considerations, further indispensable issues needed to be added and addressed; such as the choice to prioritize and strengthen the continuity of identity through the enhancement of the various overlapping historical fabrics, partly still recognizable. Starting from those of the Swabian (a faint trace remains in the *Borgo di Rivera*), the Angioinian, and up to the Spanish city and that of Margaret of Austria, natural daughter of Charles V and governor of L'Aquila between 1572 and 1586 [62–64], (for whose entry into the city, the "Porta della Barete was restored,

#### *The City of L'Aquila after the 2009 Earthquake: Review of Connections… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.96537*

where she had to enter, raising the walls and the two side towers, and decorated with fresco paintings by Giovampaolo Cardone") [65].

While not forgetting the importance of the more recent periods, found particularly in the urban areas with a concentration of liberty architecture (Villa and Santa Maria di Farfa) and rationalists (already highlighted by the Italian section of the Do. Co.Mo.Mo.) [66]. Any substitution, even minimal, of these buildings would be serious and could become grim and compromising. Think also of particular road axes, with double curvature and stately and patrician buildings (Via S. Marciano, Via del Cembalo dei Colantuoni), where inappropriate building replacement could have a profound effect, like a foreign body in a fabric that has reached a centuriesold balance.

Of course, the question is always linked to the quality of the planning, and what is going to be rebuilt or integrated /replaced. But, it is necessary above all to avoid a 'façade' approach, that is, to preserve only the exterior at the expense of emptying the interior. It is essential to preserve the typologies as a whole, and particularly the minor fabric which characterizes the entire center. There is no doubt that it is easier to deal with the restoration or reintegration of 'monuments', and that it is much more difficult, but necessary, to preserve the identity of minor buildings, even the private ones (over which the Superintendence and the Ministry have, in fact, no competence or control).

Concerning the principle area of restoration, Marco Dezzi Bardeschi, in agreement with Mario Manieri Elia, Giovanni Dispoto and the author, reiterated the need to maintain the palimpsest of the stratifications (to which the recent one should be added, also as architectural language). This wiped clear any misunderstanding of "demolition – reconstruction". The priority must be that of conservation, both material and not, and at most consolidation (to be implemented with traditional non-invasive techniques, avoiding the cementing of historic masonry) [67].

Giovanni Dispoto, Director of the Dipartimento di Urbanistica (Department of Urban Planning) of the City of Naples, was asked to review (improve) the technical-administrative process with which the earthquake problem was tackled in Naples after November 1980. Among the mistakes to avoid, was that of preventing getting locked into 'rigid' and 'invasive'structural consolidation solutions (in Naples there was the voluntary help of the two Faculties of Engineering and Architecture).

On the regulatory front, it was hoped there would be a special law for L'Aquila. Recalling that the Italia Nostra association asked the Ministero per i Beni Culturali (Ministry for Cultural Heritage) to extend a restriction to the entire historic center, creating perplexity since it was not possible to declare the interest of pulverized or destroyed buildings. The former Superintendent Renzo Mancini had attempted the same thing in the eighties, but the Tribunale Amministrativo Regionale (Regional Administrative Court) ruled against him for lack of motivation.

It would have been possible to make a request to the Organo Centrale del Ministero (Central Body of the Ministry) to obtain a waiver or a variation to the *Codice dei Beni Culturali* (Cultural Heritage Code), or to provide some form of targeted protection, especially for private minor construction. In this regard, Bruno Gabrielli, was of the opinion that the Piano Regolatore (Master Plan) or the Piani Attuativi (Implementation Plans) should already contain guarantees (if conceived well) for an adequate degree of protection.

Gasparrini too, believed that it was not possible to define or decree by law the "beauty" of an historical center, even if it is particular, like that of L'Aquila ("a little Florence"). The matter needed to be presented on the basis of *civitas* rather than *urbs*, that is, to prioritize more the union of citizens than the formal organization of the city. In particular, as he wrote in a brief note to those present, "defining a national and/or regional legislative text that indicates and regulates the

reconstruction of the historic center and the use of public and private resources, but using different methods from the past."

Among the various proposals made after the earthquake, that of the Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, appeared singular (even if it embodies the ideas of "nonexperts"), regarding the kind of reconstruction or restoration for L'Aquila. In a television interview five months after the earthquake he said, "In front of each building the question will be: can we reconstruct it by repairing the damage? Is there any certainty that it can withstand other tremors with these works or will we have to demolish and rebuild it with modern anti-seismic techniques?". 13

In this case, what we have suggested - but it's also the logical solution - is that the frontals, sculptures, and all things of artistic or historical interest are removed and stored. The building is rebuilt according to the anti-seismic reinforced concrete technology, and then the same frontals, windows, sculptures and bas-reliefs are reinstalled. It is a very long work. For all of L'Aquila, and I don't want to demoralize anyone, it will take from five to ten years.

But today, above all, it is necessary to bring back the small productive 'stimuli" or attractors to the characteristic points of the historical city of L'Aquila, without compromising the stages of an urban restoration that still appears long and difficult.

#### **6. Possible models for reconstruction**

#### **6.1 Criteria for possible models of reconstruction**

Currently, for a number of reasons, seven years after the earthquake of April 6, 2009, there is still a lot of confusion and uncertainty about the most appropriate criteria to be adopted.

It is necessary to consider that, as in other cases, it is not useless to recall some background perspectives relating to the multiple components of the quality of living, including safety, in living environments of historical and architectural value. As has rightly been written, the rediscovery of historical and cultural heritage makes sense precisely as it is the rediscovery of the factors of community cohesion and identity that attest to its roots, even as an alternative to the consolidation of global networks [68].

However, as regards L'Aquila, since no overall plan has yet been drawn up, work has proceeded "by feel". There have also been numerous controversies about the slowness and delay of the current rebuilding, including journalistic ones [69], warning above all that "with single decrees [from the Municipality] instead of an overall plan, many buildings would remain rubble" [70].

Likewise was the plea - dating back to the earthquake in Irpinia, but still very current- by Palma Bucarelli (a famous critic and art historian) to avoid the rash and unconsidered use of self-propelled machines and earth loading shovels. "The intervention of the bulldozers is unjustified for the unsafe monuments, where in many cases it was possible to shore them up, and think of a rapid restoration" [71].

A call to which, Marcello Vittorini, a town planner from L'Aquila seconded. Recalling a forgotten earthquake in Abruzzo in the middle of the last century "In the earthquake of 1950, [...] less serious than the latter, [...] only the commonplace existed, there were no civil protection laws. [...] At that time the uncivilized

<sup>13</sup> Spech by Silvio Berlusconi on the program "Porta a Porta", Rai 1 TV, hosted by Bruno Vespa, dedicated to "L'Aquila e tutto il resto", 15 settembre 2009.

*The City of L'Aquila after the 2009 Earthquake: Review of Connections… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.96537*

bulldozer was not thought of at all, even the stones, the cornerstones were preserved" [72].

Now the city is abandoned it is transforming itself into a small Pompeii,<sup>14</sup> into a large, "emptied mausoleum" [73]. As the former President of the Fondo Ambiente Italiano (National Trust of Italy) said "It is obvious that the danger to L'Aquila and the surrounding towns affected by the earthquake, is that it will give rise to a type of modern suburban chain," which "could lead to the abandonment of those historic centers, that need to be restored and filled with the life that was there before". 15

Ada Negri in the poem, "Nel paese di mia madre", describes the memory of the smell of a living city, of a historical nucleus, albeit melancholic. "Power of death, power of life, in the smell of the ashlar: the earth enjoys it from the deep humus, under the August blaze that stands motionless" [74]. In reality, the authoritative voices of urban planners warn instead of "a ransom", a total estrangement and detachment [75].

Instead it may be useful to reflect, even if it is lengthy, on the methods and criteria of restoration/reconstruction, given that that the historical center is of a fair size. The two extreme alternatives, renovation à l'identique (borrowed from many similar examples) and replacement/insertion of contemporary architecture, appear conceptually both possible and probably, yet it is still too early to make a decisive and final choice.

Concerning these two positions and limiting ourselves to what has been published in recent years, we note some significant writings.

The publisher-architect Mario Ferrari notes the correctness of the reference to "as it was and where it was," but with different human, modernized nuances; "In the haste to ensure that the developments in reconstruction legislation - in the sacrosanct unity of the "Aquiliani "on the principle that everything must be redone as it was and where it was - an unusual hope grows within me. That is, even within the framework of a faithful reconstruction of the city, this piece of history [the void caused by the earthquake] will not be erased. I hope that [...] in the future urban layout there is planned a presence of small *mementi mortis*, opportunities for reflection on the transience of human destiny, on those 25 eternal seconds that have dissolved the city" [76].

Numerous authors have expressed themselves in favor of the second hypothesis, most recently Federica Di Vincenzo in "Mu6". "Restoring the formal integrity of some buildings may make no sense [...]. It is also necessary to make a distinction between buildings of cultural interest [but here we don't take into account the minor buildings!] and those of simple civil construction [...].

We need to think carefully about the advisability of re-proposing, unconditionally, the same city to which we were accustomed and for that reason is familiar and comforting. One should not be afraid to open oneself up, the right amount, to the

<sup>14</sup> B. BOLOGNA, *Crolli a Pompei e L'Aquila sospira "che ne sarà di noi"*, in "Abruzzo 24 Ore**",** 8 novembre 2010: "And to say that many have often thought 'don't let L'Aquila become another Pompeii', but what they would want to add is: 'uninhabited and deserted like Pompeii after the eruption [...]? L'Aquila like Pompeii screams: we need funds, protection, effective politics and not special effects. [...] We need to think about what tools are necessary to revitalize the entire national archaeological heritage".

<sup>15</sup> G. M. MOZZONI CRESPI, *Ibid*. But cf. also C. FIUMI, *Il volo difficile de L'Aquila. Tra bilanci e ricordi, fotografia collettiva di un popolo che non dimentica*, in "Sette", 25 marzo 2010**.** Even the current

Undersecretary for Cultural Heritage, Ilaria Borletti Buitoni, reiterated the same concept in an interview: "I believe that in five years, if the rubble remains rubble, the spirit and soul of the historic center of

L'Aquila will remain those of Pompeii"; cf. I. BORLETTI BUITONI, "L'Aquila è morta, sembra Pompei", in "Corriere della Sera", domenica 10 dicembre 2010, cronache, p. 23.

possibility of contemporary architectural works, sometimes aimed at remembering - why not - what has happened in the history of one's city" [77].

The problem is that in none of the Italian cases, in which building replacements or renovations were carried (either due to seismic events or war damage), was the result satisfactory. It was almost always a question of architecture "put in place", of poor quality. This is evident in the examples of Genoa, Treviso, Ravenna, Pistoia, Viterbo and the Florentine Arno River itself, in which the replacement works appear lacking in originality, banal and unsatisfactory.

Even in the most recent opinions in favor of complete restoration there are nuances, gradations and subtleties worthy of attention. Those who have often been supporters of the need for renovation/reconstruction according to the original lexicon of lost parts, ask themselves the following question. "In L'Aquila, before rushing into a reconstruction exactly the same as the pre-existing one, we should in the name of a truly correct philology - ascertain whether the bourgeois buildings [...] have remained themselves, or have they not been too modified in height and not only, have variants been introduced either to make the buildings more habitable to the various families over time, or by the promotion from bourgeois to patrician". 16

Basically, therefore, one asks to which historical phase of the building to refer to, so that "it would be advisable to return to heights from the ground of no more than two or three floors". <sup>17</sup> According to this practice, much emphasis was placed on the advisability of *a philological reconstruction* (a study day was organized on this subject in Rome, "Il terremoto in Abruzzo. Per una ricostruzione filologica. Precedenti e prospettive"18)*,* with a perspective different to that of restoration tout-court.

Among the authoritative voices in favor of a reconstruction 'as it was and where it was', that of Paolo Portoghesi stood out in affirming the rightness "of reconstructing the ancient buildings as they were," considering that "in the case of a vast and generalized destruction [...], the upheaval of places goes hand in hand with that of habits, feelings and inveterate customs, especially in people of a certain age, causing tremendous suffering. To the tragedy of destruction is added that of adaptation to a totally new reality" [78].

He did not, however, exclude the possibility offered by contemporary building, provided that it was outside the historical center. "The idea of constructing totally new buildings, perhaps in different areas could be correct, as long as one thinks of urbanized areas provided with all the services, arising as a replacement of the peripheral areas [78].

Along the same lines, but with different nuances, Franco Purini and Italo Insolera expressed themselves. Franco Purini in support of the need for a "philological method" for works in the historic center19; and Italo Insolera in support for

<sup>16</sup> Cfr. P. MARCONI, *Cosa fare nelle città distrutte dalla guerra, dai terremoti o dall'uomo?*, in "Ricerche di storia dell'arte", 99, 2009, dedicated to "Com'era dov'era. Dopo il terremoto, o la guerra", pp. 77–101, specially p. 82.

<sup>17</sup> *Ibid.*, p. 82.

<sup>18</sup> As part of the *Master* in "Conservazione e Recupero dell'Edilizia Storica dell'Università degli Studi di Roma Tre", il 18 settembre 2009.

<sup>19</sup> Cfr. The interview of F. ERBANI,*Terremoto e ricostruzione. Il dramma de L'Aquila e dei paesi abruzzesi interroga architetti e urbanisti*, in "La Repubblica**",** 9 aprile 2009, a Franco Purini e ad Italo Insolera. Purini argued that "the recovery of a destroyed historic center must be carried out with a philological method, but new neighborhoods [not new cities] are indispensable [ … ]. It is precisely the ancient that asks us this because the building heritage of the past may not suit the needs of sustainability and safety. New neighborhoods, that however create public spaces, and facilitate the formation of communities".

the theory that "cities cannot be thrown away and rebuilt, they are points where many activities converge [...] which can't be invented").20
