**7. Papua New Guinea context**

This section describes pre and post - independence educational issues in PNG to show relationships to global affiliations.

#### **7.1 Pre-Independence tensions**

Educational issues in PNG have been prevalent since the 1970s. Documents from the 1974 'Eight Waigani Seminar' held at the University of Papua New Guinea, showed national educators debating educational issues [2]. For instance, the type of education model adopted was considered foreign from colonial influence [28]. Assertions rose that indigenous students were alienated from village life after formal education [28, 29]. Consequently, the Matane Report (1986) was put together 11 years later to address the pre-colonial educational concerns (Ibid). The Matane Report, became the Ministerial Policy, and the *'Philosophy of Education'* triggering directions for large scale national reforms for PNG [10, 30]. Basic educational levels in the 70s and 80s had content based curricular [2].

#### **7.2 Post-Independence reform**

PNG's reform from the onset was aligned with the 1990s global educational agenda, as a UN member [5, 14]. Thus, Australia through its developmental aid assisted PNG on adopting the OBE model for the national education system and embracing the OBC through a 'Curriculum Reform Implementation Project' (CRIP) [31, 32]. There are different interpretations of the OBE. Its champion, asserts that OBE has three main premises. It is an: 1) Education theory, 2) Instructional strategy, and, a, 3) Systems theory. Thus, having understandings of those three are crucial, as each; can influence the introduction and implementation processes of the OBC.

Seemingly, as an education theory, and, instructional strategy, OBE would resonate with student centred theories of teaching and learning. OBE discourages traditional direct instructions in classroom learning. Moreover, it asserts links with performance-based education, or an SCA way of teaching [33]. Arguably, OBE relates with principles of constructivism theory that believes students need to be proactive learners. That is, experiences and ideas from social environments are used to create new knowledge and meanings within classroom interactions. Mildly speaking, attests that schools determine successful learning outcomes. However, that comment applies to constructivism and behaviourism theories as well; so, is not only unique to OBE. Discussions here show that having both theoretical and content knowledge of curriculum model and pedagogy in subject specifications are requirements for implementing any reform curricula.

Arguably, as a systems theory, OBE rode on the mantra of global developmental frameworks, like the Paris Declaration on effective aid delivery into PNG [2, 10]. Subsequently, OBE was seen as a '*quick fix solution'* for educational issues in third world countries like PNG; [1]. Interestingly, some Pacific nations had also adopted OBE through educational aids around the same time as PNG. Those included: Solomon Islands [7], and Fiji [8]. Discussions here showed the spread of the OBE model as a global mandate into local contexts.

In summary, there is a relationship between global and reform in a local context. As seen here, both external and internal factors drove educational reform into the PNG national education system.

### **8. Methodology**

Since, the paper's aim is to understand relationship of global educational policy on a local context (PNG), the constructivism theoretical lenses was used to interpret findings from data. It is said that knowledge is socially constructed, but subjective as in relationships, and embedded in people; so that premises underpinned the chosen framework for this paper.

#### **8.1 Research design**

This paper was derived from my PhD thesis grounded in a qualitative case study [2]. Two urban secondary schools; termed School 1 (S1) and School 2 (S2) in Port Moresby, PNG were the research sites. The former is in the north-east of the city, whilst the latter, north-west. Both schools were level nine schools with accessibility to policy information about the education reform [33]. One 'W' research question was asked to elicit detailed responses about the relationship of global education policy on the chosen local context. The question raised was: *How has Global Education Policies influenced reform in Papua New Guinea; and why?*

### **8.2 Data collection and analysis procedures**

There were two parts to data collection: the first part consisted of reviewing literature both online and offline around global educational changes, the Outcomes-Based Education Model, and curriculum reform policies. The key words scanned were global education reform policies and literature reviewed included: *Learning: The Treasures Within*, (Delors Report), Fullan [11], *The New Meaning of Educational Change* (5th Ed.), *United Nations decade of education for sustainable development*, UNESCO [25], *Understanding Education Quality in EFA Global Monitoring Report*, and *United Nations decade of education for sustainable development*, and OECD [3] - *Education Policy Implementation: A Literature Review and framework.* The content and thematic analysis were used to identify themes in these international documents by me applying the grounded theory principles of giving interpretations and meanings to the data [34].

Phases two consisted of data drawn from my PhD thesis which consisted of multiple data collection methods. Primary data consisted of: One to one 15 minutes semi-structured interviews (Two) with the principals, two one hour focus group discussions, eight lesson observations (40 minutes per lesson - total 320 minutes), observation field notes, and two 10 minutes post-observation interviews. The secondary data included: Document analysis of the PNG National Department of Education (NDoE) policies, teachers' prepared worksheets, and literature reviews.

The data analyses in phase two involved transcribing all audio recorded interviews; focus group discussions, classroom observations, document reviews, and field notes. Content, discourse, thematic analyses were used to interpret data. Meanings were guided by the research question following a deductive approach, as well as, letting concepts rise from data using a grounded theory approach. Results from the two research sites were compared against policy intentions and described separately. Lastly, a cross-case analysis was done through triangulation to give validity and reliability to the findings.

#### **8.3 Participants and ethical issues**

There were 10 direct participants (teachers), and 90 indirect participants (students) who had taken part in the study; all were given code names. Participants were two school principals (P1-S1 and P2-S2), six focus group English teachers (FGT1-S1, FGT2-S1, FGT3-S1, FGT1-S2, FGT2-S2, and FGT3-S2), two grade nine English class teachers (ET1-S1 and ET2-S2), and about 90 students from the two observed grade nine classes (C1 and C2). Ethical clearance was sought both from the Ethics Committee of the Education Faculty at Victoria University Wellington (March 2009), and the NDoE in PNG (July 2009). Staff participants signed consent letters to be in the research, while, parents of the observed grade nine classes signed consent letters for the student participants as they were between 15 and 16 years of age.

### **9. Findings and discussions**

Three concepts are discussed showing how global education policies influenced a local context (PNG). Those are: Factors facilitating change, little alignment, and, suggestions for improving curriculum reform.

#### **10. Impacts of global agenda locally**

Findings from both phases of data collection revealed that both global and national factors drove the PNG education reform. Seemingly, global development discussions of the 1990s influenced worldwide educational reform, and so PNG was no exception to that. For instance, the Paris Declaration Framework for effective aid delivery to third world nations influenced reforms through the UBE and EFA agendas. Consequently, OBE as a favoured educational model was championed globally, as it was considered economically viable to be used [8, 14, 35]. External partners supported educational aid to developing countries, and PNG was no exception [1, 13, 16]. In corroborating with that argument, participants from phase two data collections also spoke on that: *"The reform that they're trying to bring about in our system"* (FGT1 – S1). The word, '*reform*' indicates policy governance from global and national influences, whilst, the pronoun, *'they'* is representation of the development partners (AusAID/CRIP) and the PNG National Department of Education. In short, global developmental frameworks directed national reforms globally because of unequal economic and political relationships between developed and third world countries [13, 14]. Hence, PNG was a recipient to that relationship.

Furthermore, findings also showed that nationally, PNG had issues recommending educational reforms from the pre-independence era [36]. However, due to financial constraints, reforms were stalled till external influence in the forms of bi-lateral relationships helped [1, 9, 10]. Internally, PNG used systemic practices to drive her education reform. Deeply embedded practices like - Top-down decision making processes (of the NDoE dating back to its 1970 inception); hastened reform activities [2]. That corroborated what other PNG scholars described about 'how' change began [9, 10]. Seemingly, in top-down decision making, schools would have little say; being on edges of decision making formalities. That meaning is seen here: *"We had to go ahead and implement it because our superiors said so"* (FGT2 - S1). The remark echoed passiveness and compliance to top-down leadership and management styles ("superiors") of a bureaucratic organisation ('*implement*') [21]. Arguably, the PNG education reforms occurred due to political lobbying [2], more so than rational thinking [5, 16]. Hence, may pose sustainability challenges as trying to meet global requirements could mean over-looking flaws in local systems.

In summary, global policy guided the PNG education reform. Interestingly, PNG went through hassles of initiating and implementing the OBE curriculum reform in the early 2000s, but had it shelved in 2013, because of political decisions. That political action also raises questions about PNG's decision making processes, and, systemic abilities for sustaining large scale curriculum reforms driven by global agenda.

#### **11. Classroom practices**

Whilst, the reformed curriculum looked encouraging for PNG as she would be seen to be meeting global and national requirements [2, 13]; actual classroom practices revealed otherwise [2]. This revelation is important for others to consider when global and national policies instigate educational changes for lower levels in social systems.

First, findings showed mismatches between policy intentions and observed practices in two areas - teaching theory, and, classroom practices (**Table 1**).

Evidence from eight random lesson observations indicated features of Teacher-Centred Lessons (TCLs). This was despite policy intentions wanting changes to teaching practices. TCLs describe traditional approaches of teacher 'talk and

*Global Policy and Local Implementation: A Papua New Guinea Experience DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.94321*


#### **Table 1.**

*Teaching approach.*

chalk' teachings. Observations noted direct transmission teaching; this implicates teachers' world views as being sources of knowledge, while, students were passive participants in their learning. That finding contradicted global policy intentions for a SCA for classroom implementation at a local level [2].

Second, the TCLs ideas were also found in the triangulation process (field notes, speech patterns, interviews, post observation interviews and focus group discussions). Evidence indicated that teachers' theoretical preferences and worldviews were still entrenched in TCLs acquired presumably from teacher training [2, 10]. Furthermore, this finding supports literature's contention that processes of implementing curriculum change is complicated, and, takes time to become systemic practices [5, 20, 23]. Moreover, it could also show that if deeply entrenched practices were deemed not compatible with reform agenda; then classroom implementation was challenging [22].

Third, a mismatch of policy intentions to practice was also noted in teachers' behaviour. Policy required an SCA, but, teachers' preferences were the TCLs. The gist is captured here: *I'm still in the old system (FGT1-S1).* The meaning is probably of individual defiance at institutional levels; due to not knowing how to implement the reform curriculum. Hence, that may illustrate rejections to policy's intentions [16, 22]. That commentary (FGT1-S1) also corroborated a principal's remarks: When asked how his school implemented the curriculum; he said, *"Teachers sort of find their way through it"* (P2-S2). Both citations projected agony teachers experienced when probably trying to take curriculum ownership of reform agenda locally [2].

Interestingly, the discussions here imply that the Initiating and Implementing phases of global education agenda [5] was not systematically and effectively managed at the local level in PNG [2, 37]. Thus, the findings contradicted the OBE champion, who says that governments need to resource systems, and train practitioners appropriately, before accepting the OBE. Arguably, teachers' claimed the reform curriculum was insufficient as seen here: "*But where are the materials to help us to disseminate that information*?*"* (FGT1-S2). In short, the influence of global educational agenda into PNG had challenges; thus, posing sustainable issues.

Because discussions here showed 'little alignment' between global policy intentions and local practice in the first three years of aligning national education with a global educational agenda [2] – Intervention strategies are proposed to help with knowledge gaps.

#### **12. Suggestion for sustaining global agenda locally**

Discussions here revealed that knowledge gaps existed in relationships concerning alignment of national education reform principles with intended global requirements. Therefore, evidence here suggests using PD as an intervention strategy to purposefully embed and sustain large scale curriculum changes; irrespective of curricula model [2, 5, 11, 24]. Moreover, it is also recommended that regular PD trainings are done to help foster professional learning cultures into systemic

practices [1, 23]. Evidence showed that practitioners were committed to national directives underpinned by global agenda. For instance: *"It is a policy that is going to be here, so whether we like it or not, we need to implement it"* (P1-S1). That excerpt neatly captures systemic practices of subordinates conforming to a central administration. Therefore, this paper offers a local model to assist with implementation of global curriculum policy locally.
