*Pleistocene Archaeology - Migration,Technology, and Adaptation*

Mindoro [9, 42]. On the other hand, the finds of several small flakes made of obsidian, a material that does not appear naturally on Mindoro nor any of the neighboring islands, provides clear indication that the prehistoric settlers on Ilin Island had the means to access remote sources through open sea voyaging [46].

*Island Migration, Resource Use, and Lithic Technology by Anatomically Modern…*

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.93819*

immaterial world within emerging belief systems in the region [9, 48, 49]. Bubog 2 covers a leveled rectangular platform of c.18 m in length (in N-S direction) and about 6 m in width. The platform is surrounded by high ceilings and walls to the north, south and west, and two large rock falls to the east. No treasure hunter pits, or other disturbances were observed in Bubog 2. Beginning in 2011, four trenches were opened. While the trenches exposed shell deposits, although less dense than in Bubog 1, several hearth features (unlike in Bubog 1) appeared in the

upper part of the stratigraphy.

work [50].

**97**

Beyond the main habitation area of Bubog 1, two 1 1m test pits on the eastern area of the rockshelter and outside the rockshelter were opened. While the outside trench was sterile down to a depth of 1 m, the remains of a burial were uncovered in the other. The remains of an adult interred in a tightly flexed arrangement, directly AMS-dated to c. 5 ka cal. BP., was recovered. However, no grave goods were identified. The use of flat limestone slabs to provide a base and a cover for the grave, however, indicated an organized burial [47]. The appearance of the flexed burial tradition across mainland and Island Southeast Asia is suggestive of Ilin Island being connected to a sphere of socio-cultural interaction that dealt with the

Radiocarbon dating associates them to rather recent events and an occupation of

From the early Holocene deposits of Bubog 2 stems a large adze preform made of Tridacna shell that remained for some reason unfinished and was instead used as a heavy-duty chisel-like tool. Direct AMS 14C-dating of the shell preform delivered an age of c. 9 ka cal. BP which is the currently earliest indication for the utilization of shell adze technology [9]. The analysis of macrobotanical remains returned the use of *Canarium hirsutum* nuts as early as 10.7 ka cal. BP, obtained by a direct AMS 14C date on a charred nutshell fragment, and yams (*Dioscorea alata*) in the earlymid Holocene, which may suggest that these plants were already being managed on Ilin Island around the terminal Pleistocene/early Holocene [33]. For Bubog 2, a macrobotanical study of dry and mineralized plant fragments has identified several woody vines from Annonaceae, Dilleniaceae, and Mimosaceae families in early/mid Holocene contexts that were probably used for making ropes, cordage and wicker-

Another site simultaneously excavated by the Bubog team is Bilat Cave in Sta. Teresa on the mainland of Mindoro. The cave is located 7.5 km north of Bubog and is composed of three connecting chambers. The first chamber opens to the landside of Sta. Teresa, faces northeast and contains a fairly leveled platform of c.18 m in length (in N-S direction) and about 6 m in width. A dense shell midden covers the entire surface in the cave's eastern part. This chamber is connected to two other chambers that have both openings to the sea, facing Ilin strait in west and southwest direction. They are almost at sea level and the present cave floors show signs of occasional flooding. Nonetheless, test excavation revealed a stratigraphy of about 2 m until the water table. Several AMS 14C dates on charcoal and shell of c. 13.7 and 21.5 ka cal. BP indicate human presence in southern Mindoro during the LGM and terminal Pleistocene [9]. Also, a shell adze was found in Bilat (**Figure 8I**), and direct

the site until the 16th century AD. Below, a series of AMS 14C dates provide a chronological sequence of currently between c. 11-3.6 ka cal. BP. The retrieved marine and terrestrial fauna are similar to Bubog 1, although the deposited marine shells are significantly less numerous than in Bubog 1 [9, 33]. Also, the paucity of flaked lithic artifacts is similar to Bubog 1, as well as the appearance of pebble

hammerstones and flaked tools made of Tridacna and Conus shells.

**Figure 7.** *Profile of Bubog 1 excavation trench (South wall).*

**Figure 8.**

*Selected artifacts from Bubog and Bilat - shell adzes (H, I) and flaked tools (B, C), fishing gorge (A), pebble fragments (D–G).*

pebble fragments broken during use, were picked up and re-used for a variety of activities (**Figure 8D**–**G**), functionally similar to flaked tools made of chert [45].

This finding is quite intriguing since chert flakes were observed in the layers below the shell midden. The finds of several flaked shell tools, including a symmetrical edge-ground shell adze made of giant clam (**Figure 8H**), throughout the midden might suggest that readily available raw material was preferred over chert which does not occur on the island but must be acquired on the mainland of

*Island Migration, Resource Use, and Lithic Technology by Anatomically Modern… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.93819*

Mindoro [9, 42]. On the other hand, the finds of several small flakes made of obsidian, a material that does not appear naturally on Mindoro nor any of the neighboring islands, provides clear indication that the prehistoric settlers on Ilin Island had the means to access remote sources through open sea voyaging [46].

Beyond the main habitation area of Bubog 1, two 1 1m test pits on the eastern area of the rockshelter and outside the rockshelter were opened. While the outside trench was sterile down to a depth of 1 m, the remains of a burial were uncovered in the other. The remains of an adult interred in a tightly flexed arrangement, directly AMS-dated to c. 5 ka cal. BP., was recovered. However, no grave goods were identified. The use of flat limestone slabs to provide a base and a cover for the grave, however, indicated an organized burial [47]. The appearance of the flexed burial tradition across mainland and Island Southeast Asia is suggestive of Ilin Island being connected to a sphere of socio-cultural interaction that dealt with the immaterial world within emerging belief systems in the region [9, 48, 49].

Bubog 2 covers a leveled rectangular platform of c.18 m in length (in N-S direction) and about 6 m in width. The platform is surrounded by high ceilings and walls to the north, south and west, and two large rock falls to the east. No treasure hunter pits, or other disturbances were observed in Bubog 2. Beginning in 2011, four trenches were opened. While the trenches exposed shell deposits, although less dense than in Bubog 1, several hearth features (unlike in Bubog 1) appeared in the upper part of the stratigraphy.

Radiocarbon dating associates them to rather recent events and an occupation of the site until the 16th century AD. Below, a series of AMS 14C dates provide a chronological sequence of currently between c. 11-3.6 ka cal. BP. The retrieved marine and terrestrial fauna are similar to Bubog 1, although the deposited marine shells are significantly less numerous than in Bubog 1 [9, 33]. Also, the paucity of flaked lithic artifacts is similar to Bubog 1, as well as the appearance of pebble hammerstones and flaked tools made of Tridacna and Conus shells.

From the early Holocene deposits of Bubog 2 stems a large adze preform made of Tridacna shell that remained for some reason unfinished and was instead used as a heavy-duty chisel-like tool. Direct AMS 14C-dating of the shell preform delivered an age of c. 9 ka cal. BP which is the currently earliest indication for the utilization of shell adze technology [9]. The analysis of macrobotanical remains returned the use of *Canarium hirsutum* nuts as early as 10.7 ka cal. BP, obtained by a direct AMS 14C date on a charred nutshell fragment, and yams (*Dioscorea alata*) in the earlymid Holocene, which may suggest that these plants were already being managed on Ilin Island around the terminal Pleistocene/early Holocene [33]. For Bubog 2, a macrobotanical study of dry and mineralized plant fragments has identified several woody vines from Annonaceae, Dilleniaceae, and Mimosaceae families in early/mid Holocene contexts that were probably used for making ropes, cordage and wickerwork [50].

Another site simultaneously excavated by the Bubog team is Bilat Cave in Sta. Teresa on the mainland of Mindoro. The cave is located 7.5 km north of Bubog and is composed of three connecting chambers. The first chamber opens to the landside of Sta. Teresa, faces northeast and contains a fairly leveled platform of c.18 m in length (in N-S direction) and about 6 m in width. A dense shell midden covers the entire surface in the cave's eastern part. This chamber is connected to two other chambers that have both openings to the sea, facing Ilin strait in west and southwest direction. They are almost at sea level and the present cave floors show signs of occasional flooding. Nonetheless, test excavation revealed a stratigraphy of about 2 m until the water table. Several AMS 14C dates on charcoal and shell of c. 13.7 and 21.5 ka cal. BP indicate human presence in southern Mindoro during the LGM and terminal Pleistocene [9]. Also, a shell adze was found in Bilat (**Figure 8I**), and direct

pebble fragments broken during use, were picked up and re-used for a variety of activities (**Figure 8D**–**G**), functionally similar to flaked tools made of chert [45]. This finding is quite intriguing since chert flakes were observed in the layers below the shell midden. The finds of several flaked shell tools, including a symmetrical edge-ground shell adze made of giant clam (**Figure 8H**), throughout the midden might suggest that readily available raw material was preferred over chert which does not occur on the island but must be acquired on the mainland of

*Selected artifacts from Bubog and Bilat - shell adzes (H, I) and flaked tools (B, C), fishing gorge (A), pebble*

**Figure 7.**

**Figure 8.**

**96**

*fragments (D–G).*

*Profile of Bubog 1 excavation trench (South wall).*

*Pleistocene Archaeology - Migration,Technology, and Adaptation*

dating returned an age of 7.4-7.2 ka cal. BP, almost identical to the date of the shell adze from Bubog 1 [9, 42]. These dates complement the chrono-stratigraphic sequence of Bubog 1, where a hiatus between 11 and 27 ka was observed, suggesting a more or less continuous human presence in this area over the past 35 ka [9, 51].

Pleistocene [60]. Since similar types of adzes/axes were also excavated from the earliest dated site in Australia [14], the use of dug-out canoes for sea crossings of 80-100 km distance by the first AMH reaching Sahul can be another possibility. In Oceania, Pamwak site on Manus Island was initially settled around 21 ka. It required at least 230 km of open sea voyaging to reach Manus and Admiralty Islands from the north coast of New Guinea or the north-western tip of the New Ireland [61], thus it must be assumed that the seafaring skills of modern humans were very much developed by the LGM. Migration or movement to Manus required an uninterrupted voyage of 200–230 km, 60–90 km of which would have been completely out of sight of any land [59]. Furthermore, the archeological evidences at Matenbek and Buang Merabak on New Ireland also show the intentional transfer of obsidian as tool material and cuscus as a food resource at around 20-16 ka. Obsidian was mainly acquired from the New Britain source of Mopir or Talasea, c. 55 km from Mopir [62]. Two quite different source distributions might imply different connections between New Ireland sites and New Britain sources, with implications for canoe travel [63]. It is yet unknown whether the transfer of obsidian was done directly by crossing over 300 km sea or by hopping along the coasts of New Britain to New Ireland. In the latter case, the maximum distance to cross sea

*Island Migration, Resource Use, and Lithic Technology by Anatomically Modern…*

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.93819*

could be about 30 km, the same as for the estimated cuscus transfer.

terrestrial resource use by early modern humans in Wallacea.

It has often been argued that initial colonization of the many islands of Wallacea

must have been facilitated by a maritime adaptation, and that lowland coastal regions would therefore have been the logical target of early settlement [64]. Current archeological evidences show that the modern human seafaring skill did indeed develop from the earliest periods of migration until the LGM in maritime Asia including Wallacea and Ryuku Islands, as well as in Oceania during the late Pleistocene. In the next section, we discuss the possible development of both marine and

**4.2 Resource use and island adaptation by early modern humans in Wallacea**

Some early coastal sites in Wallacea, especially along the southern migration routes show the intensive use of marine resources by modern humans. The most famous case is Asitau Kuru on East Timor, which produced a large number of marine fish and shellfish species including the world oldest pelagic fish bones (e.g. Scombridae, including skipjack and yellowfin tuna species) dated to 42 ka cal. BP [3, 21]. The site also produced several fishhooks made of Trochus shell, and one of them was directly dated to c. 21-16 ka. Other sites in Timor and Alor Islands along the southern migration routes in Wallacea also provided numerous fish and shellfish remains for the late Pleistocene. For the late Pleistocene sites along the northern migration routes, on the other hand, all the sites reported here produced large number of shellfish remains, although the volume of excavated fish remains are rather limited or none. For example, Leang Sarru in Talaud and Topogaro Caves in Sulawesi have not provided any fish remains from the Pleistocene layers so far. Bubog 1 in Mindoro produced fish bones throughout its layers. Although its volume is far less than those from Asitau Kuru and other sites in Timor and Alor, a considerable variety of reef and pelagic fishes was recorded [43]. Also, no J-shaped fishhook is found yet from the prehistoric sites along the northern routes in

Wallacea like the ones found in sites along the southern route [3]. Instead, Bubog 1 delivered a completely worked bone fishing gorge from deposits underneath the

The current absence of J-shaped fishhooks in Sulawesi and other islands along the northern routes might be just a matter of sampling the limited number of excavated sites but could also be caused by the availability of resources in each island. For

lowest shell midden layer which was dated to 33-28 ka cal. BP [9, 43].

**99**
