**9. Conclusion**

*Pleistocene Archaeology - Migration, Technology, and Adaptation*

**8. Paleoindians without cultural association**

studied in technological terms.

never been the target of systematic technological studies.

the industry.

The Lagoassantense lithic industry is defined by the debitage of small crystal quartz flakes (**Figure 3**: 3) using the diagonal slicing core (**Figure 3**: 1) and the opposite platform core methods (**Figure 3**: 2) and by the low production of ground axes [94]. These are the oldest records for ground axe blades in the Americas (**Figure 3**: 4). The lithic industry is also defined by the persistence of making those microliths in the exact same way for at least 8000 years [122], considering that crystal quartz is not a common raw material in the Lagoa Santa region, and other tools (bigger and more complex) could be produced using other types of raw material, like high-quality quartzite, that could be easily found in the area. In this sense, the cultural norm for using small crystals defined the technological limitations of

Even though some lithic industries are finally being defined in technological terms in Eastern South America, many Paleoindian sites are known which have

We can mention the Paleoindian sites in the Amazon region. The Pedra Pintada cave, for example, presents *lesmas* and bifacial stemmed points in layers dating back to 10,655 ± 285 BP (13,090–11,415 cal BP) [123]. The Dona Stella site also presents *lesmas* and bifacial stemmed points, dating back to 9460 ± 50 BP (11,057–10,501 cal BP) [124]. There are at least 12 Paleoindian sites in the Amazon region [124–129] that had never been completely studied in order to verify if there is any technological pattern between them or any other of the mentioned lithic industries. Unfortunately, archaeologists in the Amazon basin are more concerned with pottery

The same must be said about the Paleoindian sites located in the middle Uruguay River, close to the Tigre/Catalanense/Pay Paso coverage areas. Even though some technological studies have been carried out in the Laranjito site [32], the technologi-

industries and early agriculture than the initial occupation of the region. In the Serra da Canastra region, located between the Rioclarense and Lagoassantense coverage areas, some sites are known that present *lesmas* and stemmed points dating back to 10,290 ± 35 BP (12,067–11,775 cal BP) [130]. The Carcará site, in eastern São Paulo state, is another example of a site with stemmed points, dating back to 8870 ± 50 BP (10,158–9692 cal BP) [131] that have never been

cal analysis of the stemmed points in that region has never been done.

The Lagoassantense and the Catalanense industries are proof that not all Paleoindian industries present *lesmas* or stemmed points. Other sites like Bastos, in central São Paulo state and in the Linha Policial 07 site in the upper Uruguay River, do not present these types of formal artefacts. Bastos site dates back to 10,590 ± 40 BP (12,645–12,427 cal BP), and its assemblage is mainly defined by the presence of large retouched flakes [132], while the Linha Policial 07 site dates back to 8370 ± 60 BP (9475–9135 cal BP) and is known by the presence of blade debitage [133], specifically the flat-back blade core type, usually found in Clovis sites in North America [134]. In the northeastern region of Brazil, there is the Justino site, for example, that dates back to 8950 ± 70 BP (10,222–9747 cal BP) and presents simple unifacial retouched scrapers [135]. Many sites in Eastern South America are probably being left undated due to the lack of formal artefacts in their assemblages, especially from sites excavated in private archaeology projects. But these sites are just some of the most known examples of Paleoindian industries that could never be included in the Itaparica-Umbu model proposed by Brazilian archaeologists during the second half

**160**

of the twentieth century.

Paleoindian cultures in Eastern South America are finally starting to be studied more in detail due to the systematic research that has been carried out since the beginning of the twenty-first century. It is not yet possible to define archaeological cultures for the earlier Paleoindian period (before 13,000 cal BP) since those sites are rare in the whole American continent. But due the high presence of sites in the late Paleoindian period (after 13,000 cal BP), it is now possible to describe these cultures through systematic research of their lithic technologies. However, it is important to notice that much more research still needs to be carried out in order to have a more complete understanding.

Archaeological evidence in South America does not corroborate the "Clovis First" hypothesis—which assumes that the oldest evidence in Americas are the Clovis Culture artefacts—since many of these cultures arise simultaneously, or even previous to, the Clovis lithic industry [136], considering that the oldest associate Clovis sites date around 11,000 BP (13,000 cal BP) [137]. Few of the Eastern South American Paleoindian assemblages present technological features that are similar to Clovis, except maybe the Fell industry, which presents both blade technology and points made by the bifacial thinning method with fluting. In simple terms, Fell points are Clovis points with a retouched stem, and they are probably related, but it does not necessarily mean that Fell points are derived from Clovis [138]. No other artefact type in Eastern South America presents any similarities to Fell or Clovis points that could indicate any trace of cultural ancestry. In fact, it seems that several cultures emerged independently in South America, with particular, well-defined, attributes. The empirical data in South America is not feasible under the "Clovis First" hypothesis. Not surprisingly, new models are now being discussed, considering multiple migrations, the earliest ones before the Last Glacial Maximum [136].

More research still needs to be done to better delimitate these industries in chronological and geographical terms and to enable verification of cultural ancestry relationships. Regarding the Itaparica tradition, even though recent studies cannot contradict the hypothesis that all sites are culturally homogeneous, few studies have actually been carried out, and the available data are not sufficient to verify if sites with *lesmas* are actually more cultural diverse. The Rioclarense industry is a good example of a lithic industry that presents specific cultural attributes, within which *lesmas* are included. This might be true for other lithic industries in the supposed Itaparica tradition coverage area that are still being obscured under the Itaparica tradition concept, like the new findings (yet to published) found relatively close to Serranópolis region, presenting small *lesmas* and stemmed points with a distinct cultural pattern.

Lithic studies are important for the understanding of ancient societies, since lithics are the best-preserved class of material culture and many methods can be applied in their analysis. Lithics are the class of vestiges that most achieved results on understanding cultural diversity of the first human settlers in the Americas to this day. Other types of vestiges have not presented such potential either due to their preservation issues (the case of organic materials), lack of studies and data (e.g., bone artefacts), or even lack of potential to achieve cultural aspects (e.g., ancient DNA)—even though DNA brings us important data on the understanding of people's biological dispersal, it does not tell us about cultural history of societies, like cultural origins and diversity, since genes and culture do not necessarily flow together. Studies of other archaeological materials related to the Eastern South American Paleoindian cultures are still necessary in order to understand them in a more complete and accurate way. Many of these sites present rock art, faunal remains, and micro residues that have never been studied until now. The bone

industry is perhaps the category of material culture that most warrants detailed analysis in Eastern South America, since they also enable a technological analysis and are preserved in many Paleoindian sites in Eastern South America [121]. The more archaeologists become concerned with these issues, the more we can understand cultural diversity and the dispersal of the first human societies to colonise the South American continent during the Late Pleistocene. To understand this cultural diversity throughout time and space is the best way to understand the real history of native people, the ancestors of many of us.
