**1. Introduction**

Tierra del Fuego is located at the extreme south of South America. The archipelago is formed by a large island, the Big Island of Tierra del Fuego, and a series of smaller ones extending to the south up to Cape Horn. From there, the Nassau Strait separates the southern tip of the American continent from the top of Antarctic Peninsula. Politically, the archipelago is divided between two countries, Chile and Argentina (i.e., in [1–10]).

The Big Island is separated from the continent, to the north and west, by the Magellan Strait. However, by the end of last glaciation, low sea levels converted the island in a peninsula of Southern Patagonia and gave one of the windows of opportunity for the peopling of Tierra del Fuego. During that short time, pedestrian hunter-gatherer populations arrived from Northern Patagonia via this existing land connection (i.e., in [11–14]). Their older remains have been dated from 11.000 BP. Shortly later, canoe hunter-gatherers from Southern Chile colonized the islands, sailing along the Pacific southern coast. Their older remains in the Big Island Beagle Channel coasts date from 9.000 BP (i.e., in [15, 16]) (**Figure 1**).

Thereafter, hunter-gatherer societies spread all over the Big Island and the archipelagos, keeping these two different ways of life. One of them extended in almost all the Island; it was oriented to exploitation of inland resources, especially hunting of the biggest mammal in Tierra del Fuego, the *guanaco (Lama glama guanicoe),* as well as rodents, that was complemented by collection of a wide variety of plant products, eggs, and occasional fishing and shellfish collection near the coast. The other one developed on the southern coast of the Big Island as well as in the archipelagos extending to the south. It was adapted to sea mammal hunting, especially sea otters (*Otaria flavescens* and *Arctocephalus australis*), as well as to exploitation of coastal resources including all types of shellfish, maritime birds, and plant resources from the forest. These two different ways of life of hunter-gatherer populations persisted in Tierra del Fuego until the early twentieth century.

A long tradition of ethnographic and archeological studies produced a detailed corpus of information about the occupation dynamics of large portions of the island by these societies, their ways of life, and the characteristics of biotic and abiotic resource management strategies (i.e., in [1–6, 11, 13, 15, 17–22]).

Our research concerns specifically the central mountains region of the Big Island, within the frame of an ethnoarchaeological project called "Proyecto Arqueológico Corazón de la Isla" (PACI) that started in the late 80s and early 90s. This region, according to the reports written by the travelers arrived to Tierra del Fuego during the nineteenth century, was inhabited by the Selknam, a nomad hunter-gatherer society who exploited a wide range of biotic and abiotic resources

**175**

*Sociocultural Interaction and Symbolism in Prehistoric South America: Quartz Crystal…*

that were used for subsistence goods (food, medicine), as well as sociocultural

Anthropologist A. Chapman registered different modes of interaction that allowed the maintenance of the hunter-gatherer way of life, until the arrival of the Europeans. The most important were different aggregation events, in which the ceremonies stand out. As an example, we can mention the initiation ritual of adolescent males, the Hain ceremony. While this ritual has as an essential objective the consolidation and maintenance of social order, it is also true that it is an opportunity to meet relatives or friends, coming from different territories, who gather and camp together for months. These events were ideal occasions for carrying out

Within the scope of our archeological project, evaluations and systematic surveys were carried out in several sectors that allowed evaluating the intensity of human occupation and locating archeological sites in different environments and microenvironments within the mountain landscape. The results of these investigations show evidence of different types of archeological sites. On one hand, there are small archeological sites with diffuse combustion structures, poor conservation of bone remains, and reduced lithic registry, attributed to short occupations of small and mobile family groups. On the other, there are large extensive sites with abundant archeological material and evidence of different activities considered as multiple task base camps, as Kami and Ewan (i.e., in Refs. [6, 7, 9, 18, 23, 24]). The archeological site Kami is formed by horizontal palimpsests caused by successive reoccupations, at least over the last 1000 years approximately (i.e., in [7, 19, 24–28]). It is located on the southern coast of Fagnano Lake, the largest lake in the Big Island, cutting the relief in two parts, north and south of Fagnano (**Figure 1**). On the other hand, Ewan is a very special site, with only one occupation. It is formed by two sectors. In one of them, there is still visible part of the structure of a log hut, thus indicating its recent chronology (Ewan 1). The other sector (Ewan 2), apart around 200 mts from the first one, has no aerial structure conserved. It was identified by systematic survey, where we could locate four more structures, smaller than that of Ewan I. Excavations and analysis in both sectors let us confirm that Ewan I was a ceremonial hut. The whole site's settlement pattern as well as the characteristics of materials and distributions recorded correspond to those described for the Hain ceremony (i.e., in Refs. [3–5]). This ceremony was held, as dated by dendrochronology and other chronological indicators, in the spring–sum-

In recent years, PACI investigations have extended to the eastern and western extremes of this central strip of the Big Island that is to the Atlantic coast to the east and to the west where the international border Argentina-Chile is located. In general, the results obtained allowed the identification of sites near to the Atlantic coast (Cabo San Pablo and Lainez and Irigoyen rivers) and at the western end of the Fagnano Lake (National Park and Torito Bay). The spatial distribution of archeological sites and remains indicates a general occupation of all environments within the subantarctic forest. However, for the different environments, it has been possible to document differences in density and intensity of occupation, as well as differences in raw materials used, as revealed by technofunctional analysis. These variations are related to the mobility of hunter-gatherer groups, due to the accessibility, availability, and/or seasonal abundance of resources (i.e., in

We believe that these differences are good indicators to study mobility of hunter-gatherer groups around the whole territory. Currently we are investigating social interaction networks from the archeological point of view, from the determination of nodes and internodal spaces (i.e., in [34, 35]), taking as a basis

(shelter, clothing, technology, ornament, ceremonies, etc.).

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.90851*

exchanges and transactions (i.e., in [4]).

mer of 1905 (i.e., in [26, 29, 30]).

Refs.[7, 24, 27, 28, 31–33]).

**Figure 1.** *Geographic location of the study area and archeological sites.*

#### *Sociocultural Interaction and Symbolism in Prehistoric South America: Quartz Crystal… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.90851*

that were used for subsistence goods (food, medicine), as well as sociocultural (shelter, clothing, technology, ornament, ceremonies, etc.).

Anthropologist A. Chapman registered different modes of interaction that allowed the maintenance of the hunter-gatherer way of life, until the arrival of the Europeans. The most important were different aggregation events, in which the ceremonies stand out. As an example, we can mention the initiation ritual of adolescent males, the Hain ceremony. While this ritual has as an essential objective the consolidation and maintenance of social order, it is also true that it is an opportunity to meet relatives or friends, coming from different territories, who gather and camp together for months. These events were ideal occasions for carrying out exchanges and transactions (i.e., in [4]).

Within the scope of our archeological project, evaluations and systematic surveys were carried out in several sectors that allowed evaluating the intensity of human occupation and locating archeological sites in different environments and microenvironments within the mountain landscape. The results of these investigations show evidence of different types of archeological sites. On one hand, there are small archeological sites with diffuse combustion structures, poor conservation of bone remains, and reduced lithic registry, attributed to short occupations of small and mobile family groups. On the other, there are large extensive sites with abundant archeological material and evidence of different activities considered as multiple task base camps, as Kami and Ewan (i.e., in Refs. [6, 7, 9, 18, 23, 24]).

The archeological site Kami is formed by horizontal palimpsests caused by successive reoccupations, at least over the last 1000 years approximately (i.e., in [7, 19, 24–28]). It is located on the southern coast of Fagnano Lake, the largest lake in the Big Island, cutting the relief in two parts, north and south of Fagnano (**Figure 1**). On the other hand, Ewan is a very special site, with only one occupation. It is formed by two sectors. In one of them, there is still visible part of the structure of a log hut, thus indicating its recent chronology (Ewan 1). The other sector (Ewan 2), apart around 200 mts from the first one, has no aerial structure conserved. It was identified by systematic survey, where we could locate four more structures, smaller than that of Ewan I. Excavations and analysis in both sectors let us confirm that Ewan I was a ceremonial hut. The whole site's settlement pattern as well as the characteristics of materials and distributions recorded correspond to those described for the Hain ceremony (i.e., in Refs. [3–5]). This ceremony was held, as dated by dendrochronology and other chronological indicators, in the spring–summer of 1905 (i.e., in [26, 29, 30]).

In recent years, PACI investigations have extended to the eastern and western extremes of this central strip of the Big Island that is to the Atlantic coast to the east and to the west where the international border Argentina-Chile is located. In general, the results obtained allowed the identification of sites near to the Atlantic coast (Cabo San Pablo and Lainez and Irigoyen rivers) and at the western end of the Fagnano Lake (National Park and Torito Bay). The spatial distribution of archeological sites and remains indicates a general occupation of all environments within the subantarctic forest. However, for the different environments, it has been possible to document differences in density and intensity of occupation, as well as differences in raw materials used, as revealed by technofunctional analysis. These variations are related to the mobility of hunter-gatherer groups, due to the accessibility, availability, and/or seasonal abundance of resources (i.e., in Refs.[7, 24, 27, 28, 31–33]).

We believe that these differences are good indicators to study mobility of hunter-gatherer groups around the whole territory. Currently we are investigating social interaction networks from the archeological point of view, from the determination of nodes and internodal spaces (i.e., in [34, 35]), taking as a basis

*Pleistocene Archaeology - Migration, Technology, and Adaptation*

Channel coasts date from 9.000 BP (i.e., in [15, 16]) (**Figure 1**).

in Tierra del Fuego until the early twentieth century.

resource management strategies (i.e., in [1–6, 11, 13, 15, 17–22]).

The Big Island is separated from the continent, to the north and west, by the Magellan Strait. However, by the end of last glaciation, low sea levels converted the island in a peninsula of Southern Patagonia and gave one of the windows of opportunity for the peopling of Tierra del Fuego. During that short time, pedestrian hunter-gatherer populations arrived from Northern Patagonia via this existing land connection (i.e., in [11–14]). Their older remains have been dated from 11.000 BP. Shortly later, canoe hunter-gatherers from Southern Chile colonized the islands, sailing along the Pacific southern coast. Their older remains in the Big Island Beagle

Thereafter, hunter-gatherer societies spread all over the Big Island and the archipelagos, keeping these two different ways of life. One of them extended in almost all the Island; it was oriented to exploitation of inland resources, especially hunting of the biggest mammal in Tierra del Fuego, the *guanaco (Lama glama guanicoe),* as well as rodents, that was complemented by collection of a wide variety of plant products, eggs, and occasional fishing and shellfish collection near the coast. The other one developed on the southern coast of the Big Island as well as in the archipelagos extending to the south. It was adapted to sea mammal hunting, especially sea otters (*Otaria flavescens* and *Arctocephalus australis*), as well as to exploitation of coastal resources including all types of shellfish, maritime birds, and plant resources from the forest. These two different ways of life of hunter-gatherer populations persisted

A long tradition of ethnographic and archeological studies produced a detailed corpus of information about the occupation dynamics of large portions of the island by these societies, their ways of life, and the characteristics of biotic and abiotic

Our research concerns specifically the central mountains region of the Big Island, within the frame of an ethnoarchaeological project called "Proyecto Arqueológico Corazón de la Isla" (PACI) that started in the late 80s and early 90s. This region, according to the reports written by the travelers arrived to Tierra del Fuego during the nineteenth century, was inhabited by the Selknam, a nomad hunter-gatherer society who exploited a wide range of biotic and abiotic resources

**174**

**Figure 1.**

*Geographic location of the study area and archeological sites.*

the circulation of raw materials and ornaments (i.e., in [10, 36]). However, there are elements that we cannot explain from the point of view of circulation of raw materials, because they are really exceptional in archeological contexts and also because they have not been manufactured or used.

If we consider these elements as manuports, we can analyze the possibility of circulation as ornamental pieces loaded with symbolic value within social interaction networks. From this point of view, we present and discuss the case of a series of nine prismatic quartz crystals that were discovered in one of the sites. This is something really unusual for the archeological record of Tierra del Fuego. The technofunctional analysis revealed that they have neither been manufactured nor used. Their provenience source is far from the site, and the primary sources of this raw material have not yet been identified.

Different scenarios can be proposed to explain their presence here; however, the most probable interpretation is that they have arrived as a "gift" between relatives in one of the social interaction networks. Because of their attractiveness, color, rarity, and difficulty to be found, they are likely to be included in exchange activities, reinforcing connections, like the Hain ceremony. Since the works of Marcel Mauss, especially the publication of the essay *The Gift* (i.e., in [37]), the concepts of "gift" and "counter-gift" start to be used to understand the economic logics in primitive societies. For Mauss, "gift" and "counter-gift" constitute the basis of reciprocity. They are not a simple exchange; they give prestige and importance to the donor. Then, Lévi-Strauss gives a clear dimension to reciprocity in relation to kinship relations and alliances. He considers that in primitive societies, the reason for gifts is to create alliances. In the type of exchange where there is a gift and a counter-gift, there is much more in the exchange than the exchanged objects themselves (i.e., in [38]). In this case, we understand as a gift the exchange of particular objects (with ornamental or symbolic value) that have as purpose to strengthen the relations between groups during and after aggregation events, as the Hain ceremony.

We believe that the models extracted from ethnographic and ethnohistoric information, which we utilize to explain this perspective on strategies implemented by Fuegian hunter-gatherer societies, are an excellent starting point to approach the interpretation of different aspects of Paleolithic hunter-gatherer strategies. Consequently, it would be interesting to explore them in relation with different findings of quartz crystals in archeological contexts in other parts of the world.
