**6.2 Innovative planning research, moving from projects to policy and programs**

Spatial planning research has received little attention compared to development and economic planning with the two misconstrued as synonyms. Research is taken as inquest to learn what, why and how on issues of urban development. Thus even a simple field visit trip by a building inspector on a site can be monitoring but when data is collected for use later it has many research implications. Spatial planning focused research is required on substantive issues to influence outputs and outcomes of planned interventions. This has in a way directed spatial planning in terms of 'projects' and one can argue that there has been a 'projectization' of planning itself and urban development in general. The consequence is a scattering of often slightly improved neighborhoods, industrial parks and developments due to piloting while many remain in poor conditions. The key urban challenges on which planning research is useful and needed include urban livelihoods, urban environment, urban poverty, urban transportation about which knowledge is scattered, inadequate or requiring to identify alternative models for provision of services and guiding urban development. In addition there are various dynamic conditions in the urban field including governance, resource mobilization and management, the increasing role and creativity of the private-sector which despite being vibrant are also less understood from the planning point of view.

Planning practice is influenced by many factors including education and training. This section will give experiences of the practice and potentialities of scaling up the innovations.

There are possibly many ways through which planning innovation can be achieved and in this section of the chapter, an attempt is taken to describe some of the key areas in which

Spatial planning research has received little attention compared to development and economic planning with the two misconstrued as synonyms. Research is taken as inquest to learn what, why and how on issues of urban development. Thus even a simple field visit trip by a building inspector on a site can be monitoring but when data is collected for use later it has many research implications. Spatial planning focused research is required on substantive issues to influence outputs and outcomes of planned interventions. This has in a way directed spatial planning in terms of 'projects' and one can argue that there has been a 'projectization' of planning itself and urban development in general. The consequence is a scattering of often slightly improved neighborhoods, industrial parks and developments due to piloting while many remain in poor conditions. The key urban challenges on which planning research is useful and needed include urban livelihoods, urban environment, urban poverty, urban transportation about which knowledge is scattered, inadequate or requiring to identify alternative models for provision of services and guiding urban development. In addition there are various dynamic conditions in the urban field including governance, resource mobilization and management, the increasing role and creativity of the private-sector which despite being vibrant are also less understood from the planning

**6.2 Innovative planning research, moving from projects to policy and programs** 

or city consultation approaches offer innovations space.

**6.1 How can planning innovate?** 

point of view.

**6. Practice and promise of innovative urban planning** 

The section is based on real cases of the studies conducted in the region.

innovations are required and how such innovation can be harnessed.

enabling efficient public transport and thresholds to support concentrations of economic activity, services and facilities. On the other hand, 'new urbanism' adheres to similar spatial principles, but at the scale of the local neighborhood. This position promotes a vision of cities with fine-grained mixed use, mixed housing types, compact form, an attractive public realm, pedestrian-friendly streetscapes and defined centers. However, it should be pointed out that there is considerable overlap between these categories; some emphasize process and others outcomes and sometimes a combination (UN-Habitat, 2009). In the Eastern African context, efforts at attempting innovative participatory planning approaches have largely been spearheaded by international agencies, for example, the joint initiative of UNEP/UN-Habitat Sustainable Cities Programme in Dares-Salaam, Tanzania and the Local Agenda 21 initiative in Nakuru, Kenya. In general, the urban Environmental Planning and Management (EPM) approaches, technologies and know-how through urban local authorities based on broad-based stakeholder participatory Following the adage that "knowing a problem cause means you have solutions for it", its imperative for planning to reflect on these challenges probably with adapted or different lenses. From basic to applied research and now participatory research, these domains offer great opportunities to support planning innovation, knowledge generation and making informed planning interventions. Some of these research undertakings have been very revealing. For example whereas the planning has always grappled with the issue of 'standards' in respect to land and housing, the revelation is that possibly many people are not in position to afford such 'high standards' and coupled with other factors this influences the urban development imprint in the region(Rakodi and Lloyd-Jones, 2002, Rakodi, 1997, Rakodi, 2001). Research indicates that with this experience and projectization, a move from projects to policy thinking is necessary(McGill, 1988, Arimah and Adeagbo, 2000, Lotz-Sisitka). A move that entails programming of urban development but which recognizes incrementalism or phasing but most important ensuring sticking to plans through the routine actions that would lead to the desired goals. Participatory research has provided some insights but maybe not answers (Lwasa and Kadilo, 2010). A triple helix model that would enable a platform of knowledge generation and exchange would be useful, one which brings together, local governments, governments on one hand, research organizations/NGO's as second category and communities as the third category, to investigate problems and search for local-based solutions within affordable ranges (Egbu et al., 2006, Higgs, 2008, Williams et al., 1999). The bringing together of various actors in urban development is now widely recognized and some of the initiatives include Urban Fora for discussion, prioritizing and directing knowledge generation for search of solutions.

A key input for planning is information on the substantive issues as well as processes (Mahavir, 2005, Lwasa, 2005) which is related to knowledge. Planning usually is preceded with collection of large data volumes, which sometimes are never processed to useful information nor getting utilized. Given the gamut of planning information needs, it means that any initiative to collect, analyze and utilize planning information could have experienced a situation of 'too much' data and 'less' utilized. This is not a surprise because planning usually projects development into the future, which may be uncertain. From social and economic surveys to spatial information on land use and other physical components, data are collected but partly analyzed. Arguably, there is an assumption that with the scale of data collection, the solutions to urban problems would be understood, explained and solutions derived. Not all the data collected by planners is actually used in a plan-making exercise. In fact "very little," a planner will discretely reply as observed by (Mahavir, 2005) that only 60% of data actually become input for plan making. The reason that planners collect so much data is a conventional approach influenced by the planning models described earlier in the chapter. Huge amounts of time and other resources are spent on collecting and analysing the same data, which in turn delays the start of the planning process, sometimes by several years Mahavir further observes. Differentiation, between essential and desirable data should provide the answer to the resources an aspect not given due attention. The key issue here is that both in terms of financial resources and time, this information takes an enormous share but if an evaluation is conducted, one wonders whether such scale of data analysis has really translated into solutions in East Africa. The innovation around planning information is likely to come from strategic determination and use of planning information given the level at which our information systems are. This would mean skimming through the available information as well as urban problems to

Reappraising Urban Planning and Urban Sustainability in East Africa 15

society. A possible innovation would be to use an ecological planning approach which localizes problems and solutions as well building on the existing resources available. One of the key principles of such planning is transparency in order to respond to social needs. It is

Planning in sub Saharan Africa still remains largely technocratic, a field of practice for highly-trained and sophiscated professionals with less inclusive rules, regulations and standards(Koojo, 2005). Such planning expects adherence or non-adherence from the communities with the later followed by the 'stick' using the regulations. While it is important to have rules, regulations and standards, there is also need to recognize that such should be responsive to social needs which differ from neighborhood to another and between societies. Societal needs reflect both existential and ideals but what planning policy in East Africa responds to is largely the societal ideals. One needs to reflect on the 'societal values' theory in planning which among other tenets underpins the ideals of 'space'. In the context of urban space, one would have to muddle through differing conceptions of space depending on how it is defined and who defines it. The other issue is who determines how it would be used. Connected to the space paradox is power which is defined in governance structures(Leibowitz et al.). Existing and contemporary planning such as the rationalistic planning are silent about the roles of communities in regard to the ideals, space definition and decision making. Yet broadly speaking planning is about dialogue to enable decision making and from African perspective planning in current times is arguably about responding to needs of majority urban dwellers who have remained in deplorable conditions. In this vein, the planning has not adequately promoted decision making that is embracing communities. Often, solutions are handed down to them and this has for a long time shaped the community thinking as that of being on the receiving end. Redefining the community roles from largely receivers to major decision making stakeholders(Andersson et al., 2004) is a key innovation. This is one of the most talked about approach to 'new planning' but which has not been fully tested due to limitations regarding resources. But not testing participation has also not yielded positive results for better communities. It is important once again to note that deconstructing a neighborhood would possibly require enormous resources than constructing it with the

As the search for inclusive urban space utilization solutions progress, innovative urban design is responding to the realities of societal needs through innovative research and knowledge generation. A mix of innovators whose desires to see a transformation of the East African cities is leading to emergence of a community of practice. For example because residential land use puts the greatest demand on urban land compared to any other use, its importance is no doubt placing it high on the planning innovation agenda. Based on a case in Kampala which was preceded by urban management policy innovation, urban design can now consider integration of urban agriculture with housing making the best use of limited space but providing housing, incomes and food while maintaining the environmental services. Making the Edible Landscape project by Kampala City Council was showcased at WUF III Vancouver and during the last session of WUF IV, Kampala was again showcased

probably what (Bennett, 2003) calls sociocratic planning.

**6.4 Redefining community roles** 

communities progressively and incrementally.

**6.5 Innovative urban design** 

identify essential data for the planning exercise. Those which if utilized would have a multiplier effect in solving other related problems. This implies dealing with the 'most important problem' that Amdam and Veggeland (1998) called the 'garbage-can-model' in which the decision making process are activated through identifying the problems, active participants and a stream of solutions by those experiencing such problems.

In practical terms, assuming urban problems of livelihoods for majority of dwellers and public transportation are serious issues in a city. If collection of data about each would have to run baselines, it would be a huge undertaking. By strategic determination and skimming, the stakeholders may view livelihoods as the most important problem and would be interested in innovatively creating employment that may translate in improved incomes, possibly having multiplier effects on housing and vibrant urban economy. This is applicable to existing cities and neighborhoods and from our research, livelihoods based strategies have a place in innovative planning(Lwasa and Kadilo, 2010). In comparison, the public transport multiplier effect may be largely in regard to the energy sector and incomes (KCC and Bank, 2000). It should be noted that the resources required for the example of studying livelihoods are likely to be far much lower than those for improving public transport. One must note however that coupling urban system components such as the two raised here would possibly produce better results and possibly in a much quicker way. However the multiplier effects should not deter investment in large infrastructure like transportation. Basing on a Kampala experience, it emerged that over 60% of the urban dwellers use either walk or cycle modes of transportation to and from their places of work. Yet resources that go into improving roads and traffic counts have been enormous. In this case innovative planning that tackles either livelihoods coupled with alternative modes of transport or one that addresses only alternative modes of transport would most likely respond to the existential needs compared to traffic counts and improvement of road infrastructure.

#### **6.3 Mobilizing resources for planning; From costs of plan production to societal costs**

Mobilizing resources has been touched on mainly as a big challenge in urban management(McGill, 1988). Mobilizing financial resources remains a long standing huddle in planning and urban development. Attention has been put on costs for producing plans as the case for the Master and Structure Plans. One important point is that most city or municipal scale plans have been produced with largely external funding. This is likely to continue unless there emerges an alternative strategy for mobilization of resources. There is also the much talked about local and or community level mobilization of resources which has either fallen a victim of projectization or simply not upscaled despite the good lessons(Andersson et al., 2004). There is little evidence of existing systems and initiatives for utilizing locally available resources for planning and its interventions. Yet the costs of not planning are actually those of not doing it and the planning profession cannot afford to continue this way. The societal costs are huge and if one attempted to translate them in monetary terms, it is alarming. For example in one of the study within Kampala, health related impacts of environmental burdens were monetized for the direct and indirect costs and results show that 15% of a household income is spent on defensive expenditure or costof-illness expenditure. For that neighborhood alone, a total economic value of \$ 1.7 m (Lwasa et al., 2008)was calculated and if one factors in the neighborhoods with similar conditions, the cost is by no doubt high. The costs have become increasingly huge for our society. A possible innovation would be to use an ecological planning approach which localizes problems and solutions as well building on the existing resources available. One of the key principles of such planning is transparency in order to respond to social needs. It is probably what (Bennett, 2003) calls sociocratic planning.

#### **6.4 Redefining community roles**

14 Urban Development

identify essential data for the planning exercise. Those which if utilized would have a multiplier effect in solving other related problems. This implies dealing with the 'most important problem' that Amdam and Veggeland (1998) called the 'garbage-can-model' in which the decision making process are activated through identifying the problems, active

In practical terms, assuming urban problems of livelihoods for majority of dwellers and public transportation are serious issues in a city. If collection of data about each would have to run baselines, it would be a huge undertaking. By strategic determination and skimming, the stakeholders may view livelihoods as the most important problem and would be interested in innovatively creating employment that may translate in improved incomes, possibly having multiplier effects on housing and vibrant urban economy. This is applicable to existing cities and neighborhoods and from our research, livelihoods based strategies have a place in innovative planning(Lwasa and Kadilo, 2010). In comparison, the public transport multiplier effect may be largely in regard to the energy sector and incomes (KCC and Bank, 2000). It should be noted that the resources required for the example of studying livelihoods are likely to be far much lower than those for improving public transport. One must note however that coupling urban system components such as the two raised here would possibly produce better results and possibly in a much quicker way. However the multiplier effects should not deter investment in large infrastructure like transportation. Basing on a Kampala experience, it emerged that over 60% of the urban dwellers use either walk or cycle modes of transportation to and from their places of work. Yet resources that go into improving roads and traffic counts have been enormous. In this case innovative planning that tackles either livelihoods coupled with alternative modes of transport or one that addresses only alternative modes of transport would most likely respond to the existential needs compared to traffic counts and

**6.3 Mobilizing resources for planning; From costs of plan production to societal costs**  Mobilizing resources has been touched on mainly as a big challenge in urban management(McGill, 1988). Mobilizing financial resources remains a long standing huddle in planning and urban development. Attention has been put on costs for producing plans as the case for the Master and Structure Plans. One important point is that most city or municipal scale plans have been produced with largely external funding. This is likely to continue unless there emerges an alternative strategy for mobilization of resources. There is also the much talked about local and or community level mobilization of resources which has either fallen a victim of projectization or simply not upscaled despite the good lessons(Andersson et al., 2004). There is little evidence of existing systems and initiatives for utilizing locally available resources for planning and its interventions. Yet the costs of not planning are actually those of not doing it and the planning profession cannot afford to continue this way. The societal costs are huge and if one attempted to translate them in monetary terms, it is alarming. For example in one of the study within Kampala, health related impacts of environmental burdens were monetized for the direct and indirect costs and results show that 15% of a household income is spent on defensive expenditure or costof-illness expenditure. For that neighborhood alone, a total economic value of \$ 1.7 m (Lwasa et al., 2008)was calculated and if one factors in the neighborhoods with similar conditions, the cost is by no doubt high. The costs have become increasingly huge for our

participants and a stream of solutions by those experiencing such problems.

improvement of road infrastructure.

Planning in sub Saharan Africa still remains largely technocratic, a field of practice for highly-trained and sophiscated professionals with less inclusive rules, regulations and standards(Koojo, 2005). Such planning expects adherence or non-adherence from the communities with the later followed by the 'stick' using the regulations. While it is important to have rules, regulations and standards, there is also need to recognize that such should be responsive to social needs which differ from neighborhood to another and between societies. Societal needs reflect both existential and ideals but what planning policy in East Africa responds to is largely the societal ideals. One needs to reflect on the 'societal values' theory in planning which among other tenets underpins the ideals of 'space'. In the context of urban space, one would have to muddle through differing conceptions of space depending on how it is defined and who defines it. The other issue is who determines how it would be used. Connected to the space paradox is power which is defined in governance structures(Leibowitz et al.). Existing and contemporary planning such as the rationalistic planning are silent about the roles of communities in regard to the ideals, space definition and decision making. Yet broadly speaking planning is about dialogue to enable decision making and from African perspective planning in current times is arguably about responding to needs of majority urban dwellers who have remained in deplorable conditions. In this vein, the planning has not adequately promoted decision making that is embracing communities. Often, solutions are handed down to them and this has for a long time shaped the community thinking as that of being on the receiving end. Redefining the community roles from largely receivers to major decision making stakeholders(Andersson et al., 2004) is a key innovation. This is one of the most talked about approach to 'new planning' but which has not been fully tested due to limitations regarding resources. But not testing participation has also not yielded positive results for better communities. It is important once again to note that deconstructing a neighborhood would possibly require enormous resources than constructing it with the communities progressively and incrementally.

#### **6.5 Innovative urban design**

As the search for inclusive urban space utilization solutions progress, innovative urban design is responding to the realities of societal needs through innovative research and knowledge generation. A mix of innovators whose desires to see a transformation of the East African cities is leading to emergence of a community of practice. For example because residential land use puts the greatest demand on urban land compared to any other use, its importance is no doubt placing it high on the planning innovation agenda. Based on a case in Kampala which was preceded by urban management policy innovation, urban design can now consider integration of urban agriculture with housing making the best use of limited space but providing housing, incomes and food while maintaining the environmental services. Making the Edible Landscape project by Kampala City Council was showcased at WUF III Vancouver and during the last session of WUF IV, Kampala was again showcased

Reappraising Urban Planning and Urban Sustainability in East Africa 17

Acts, the models and principles. If unpacked, the toolbox is changing but not at a speed desirable to fit in with the strategic determination of planning information to focus on essential data as well as linking policy guides to policy-action. Contemporary planning tools are dynamic and changing very fast(Mahavir, 2005, Lwasa, 2005). In Uganda for example, the toolbox has changed but there are still many areas for improvement around which innovations can be generated. In this section the planning toolbox elements of Acts, data and equipment are the focus. Starting off with the Acts, in East Africa have not been inclusive and sensitive to the needs of Africans. In addition the code of conduct professional and ethics have not been strengthened for long until recently. For example in Uganda the revision of the Town and Country Planning Act 1964 into the new Physical Planning Bill is very laudable and provides a platform for innovation(2008). One of the many innovations in the new bill is the response to the longstanding planning question of 'planning area boundary', by including rural areas and implicitly the peri-urban, the bill provide mandate to planning authorities to prepare or cause prepare plans for areas with a potential to explode outside the official planning area boundary as local physical development plans. In Kenya the creation of the Nairobi Metropolitan Ministry in 2008 is a laudable effort in establishing formal structure to address the metropolitan growth of the city. Planning education needs to quickly embrace these new changes from the public policy domain and prepare future planners to respond within such laws. While the other two components of accurate data and equipment are some of the areas with urgent need for innovation. While working in partnership with other professions and disciplines, it is important to address the need for spatial information, techniques for plan formulation and design of planning information systems that would probably reduce the costs of planning information collection and analysis as discussed earlier. The emergence of Global Navigation Satellite Systems (GNSS), Global Positioning Systems (GPS), Geographic Information Systems (GIS), Remote Sensing with associated systems of Spatial Data Infrastructure (SDI), web-based mapping, online planning are areas worth exposing to future planners (Lwasa, 2005). These techniques and tools provide means for quick accurate information which can aid quick response to planning problems while helping in establishing planning information systems. They also provide a powerful advantage of enabling community-access to planning information, designs and neighborhood conditions that reduces the burden on the part of

For a long time there has been an argument that planners in Africa have a theoreticalprofessional-practice foundation with a global north touch(James Otieno, 2009). This is true given the history of planning education in sub-Saharan Africa that was characterized by first level training in a different discipline before receiving training in planning at graduate level. Evidence shows that the switch to African based training and education in planning has provided the much needed human resource to confront the urban development challenge with argument that local training will enable planners to gunner experiential knowledge in terms of planning needs, problems and solutions(Diaw et al., 2002). But what is yet to be seen is the translation of this experiential training into real solutions to the local planning problems and challenges(DPU, 2004, Breidlid, 2009). One of the many attributes of this type of training is that it still largely remained shaped by planners whose skills, theory, practice and models do not properly align with the urban development pathways in East Africa.

planning authorities.

**6.8 Planning education** 

as one of the innovative cities by responding to the societal experiential needs (food, incomes, nutrition) through designs. Although both the results and outcomes of this innovative design are yet to be fully realized, it is a very promising innovation worth replicating and up scaling. It has further advantages of providing a basis for urban adaptive designs to climate change and variability. As contributors to GHG's and the cities vulnerability to climate change effects, adaptive urban designs that focus on plot-level hydrological, climatic and vegetative systems can have profound impact through cumulative progression of localized changes.

#### **6.6 Informality, formality and institutional reform**

From commentaries, research and evaluations, the informalization of urban development in East Africa has been well documented(UN-Habitat, 2008). Informality is however occurring amidst formal rules of engagement in urban development(Jain, 2003). Planning has not been spared by this informalization. There has been a good discussion of the fusion of the two seemingly different systems(Lwasa, 2006). Whereas informality has largely imitated the formal rules with adaptation, formal systems are also characterized by informality. In Kampala and Nairobi for example, the dualistic nature of urban development ((Koojo, 2005, Lwasa, 2006, Nkurunziza, 2008) describes informality of housing, infrastructure installations, services but also the development control procedure which is an important planning-policy action. The key issue regarding formality and informality concerns rules of engagement defined by institutional setup. These specify how individuals relate in urban development, their roles and responsibilities. Experience shows that institutions are characterized by three blanket levels for enforcement of the rules. The first is the *official policy rules* which are often well documented. The second is the *unofficial policy rules* that are not documented but are part of the routine policy-action of individuals in positions of public institutions. While the third are what can be considered as the *official-unofficial policy rules* that are neither documented but the guides of routine planning-policy action. To substantiate these rules, the discussion will focus on the last two. The unofficial policy rules are the type which individuals practice based on patronage, favors and sometimes selfish acts. Because of the risks associated with boldly identifying oneself as an agent of unofficial policy rules, this is always hidden and due to this the third category is created. The third official-unofficial policy rules are a very powerful type which lie beneath the official policy rules. They are exercised by a network of individuals in or out of organizations and often known by all staff from the top to bottom connecting to the clientele through selective information dissemination and informal channels. The rules are often described as 'usual' based on connivance, sharing information from identifying 'clients' execution of 'missions'. This has created different layers of procedures and stages in planning but also planning policy-action. Planning has not properly addressed these dynamic political and social processes of dispensation of services. The innovation in this sphere is by no doubt 'noble' and will have to involve adapting the official policy rules. The role of leadership is very significant in enabling innovation in this sphere and critical in this much desired change.

#### **6.7 The planning toolbox**

For long, the planning toolbox has also remained a black box in the sense that it has been so technocratic. The planning toolbox has components such as accurate data, equipment, the

as one of the innovative cities by responding to the societal experiential needs (food, incomes, nutrition) through designs. Although both the results and outcomes of this innovative design are yet to be fully realized, it is a very promising innovation worth replicating and up scaling. It has further advantages of providing a basis for urban adaptive designs to climate change and variability. As contributors to GHG's and the cities vulnerability to climate change effects, adaptive urban designs that focus on plot-level hydrological, climatic and vegetative systems can have profound impact through

From commentaries, research and evaluations, the informalization of urban development in East Africa has been well documented(UN-Habitat, 2008). Informality is however occurring amidst formal rules of engagement in urban development(Jain, 2003). Planning has not been spared by this informalization. There has been a good discussion of the fusion of the two seemingly different systems(Lwasa, 2006). Whereas informality has largely imitated the formal rules with adaptation, formal systems are also characterized by informality. In Kampala and Nairobi for example, the dualistic nature of urban development ((Koojo, 2005, Lwasa, 2006, Nkurunziza, 2008) describes informality of housing, infrastructure installations, services but also the development control procedure which is an important planning-policy action. The key issue regarding formality and informality concerns rules of engagement defined by institutional setup. These specify how individuals relate in urban development, their roles and responsibilities. Experience shows that institutions are characterized by three blanket levels for enforcement of the rules. The first is the *official policy rules* which are often well documented. The second is the *unofficial policy rules* that are not documented but are part of the routine policy-action of individuals in positions of public institutions. While the third are what can be considered as the *official-unofficial policy rules* that are neither documented but the guides of routine planning-policy action. To substantiate these rules, the discussion will focus on the last two. The unofficial policy rules are the type which individuals practice based on patronage, favors and sometimes selfish acts. Because of the risks associated with boldly identifying oneself as an agent of unofficial policy rules, this is always hidden and due to this the third category is created. The third official-unofficial policy rules are a very powerful type which lie beneath the official policy rules. They are exercised by a network of individuals in or out of organizations and often known by all staff from the top to bottom connecting to the clientele through selective information dissemination and informal channels. The rules are often described as 'usual' based on connivance, sharing information from identifying 'clients' execution of 'missions'. This has created different layers of procedures and stages in planning but also planning policy-action. Planning has not properly addressed these dynamic political and social processes of dispensation of services. The innovation in this sphere is by no doubt 'noble' and will have to involve adapting the official policy rules. The role of leadership is very significant in enabling innovation in this sphere and critical in this much desired change.

For long, the planning toolbox has also remained a black box in the sense that it has been so technocratic. The planning toolbox has components such as accurate data, equipment, the

cumulative progression of localized changes.

**6.7 The planning toolbox** 

**6.6 Informality, formality and institutional reform** 

Acts, the models and principles. If unpacked, the toolbox is changing but not at a speed desirable to fit in with the strategic determination of planning information to focus on essential data as well as linking policy guides to policy-action. Contemporary planning tools are dynamic and changing very fast(Mahavir, 2005, Lwasa, 2005). In Uganda for example, the toolbox has changed but there are still many areas for improvement around which innovations can be generated. In this section the planning toolbox elements of Acts, data and equipment are the focus. Starting off with the Acts, in East Africa have not been inclusive and sensitive to the needs of Africans. In addition the code of conduct professional and ethics have not been strengthened for long until recently. For example in Uganda the revision of the Town and Country Planning Act 1964 into the new Physical Planning Bill is very laudable and provides a platform for innovation(2008). One of the many innovations in the new bill is the response to the longstanding planning question of 'planning area boundary', by including rural areas and implicitly the peri-urban, the bill provide mandate to planning authorities to prepare or cause prepare plans for areas with a potential to explode outside the official planning area boundary as local physical development plans. In Kenya the creation of the Nairobi Metropolitan Ministry in 2008 is a laudable effort in establishing formal structure to address the metropolitan growth of the city. Planning education needs to quickly embrace these new changes from the public policy domain and prepare future planners to respond within such laws. While the other two components of accurate data and equipment are some of the areas with urgent need for innovation. While working in partnership with other professions and disciplines, it is important to address the need for spatial information, techniques for plan formulation and design of planning information systems that would probably reduce the costs of planning information collection and analysis as discussed earlier. The emergence of Global Navigation Satellite Systems (GNSS), Global Positioning Systems (GPS), Geographic Information Systems (GIS), Remote Sensing with associated systems of Spatial Data Infrastructure (SDI), web-based mapping, online planning are areas worth exposing to future planners (Lwasa, 2005). These techniques and tools provide means for quick accurate information which can aid quick response to planning problems while helping in establishing planning information systems. They also provide a powerful advantage of enabling community-access to planning information, designs and neighborhood conditions that reduces the burden on the part of planning authorities.

#### **6.8 Planning education**

For a long time there has been an argument that planners in Africa have a theoreticalprofessional-practice foundation with a global north touch(James Otieno, 2009). This is true given the history of planning education in sub-Saharan Africa that was characterized by first level training in a different discipline before receiving training in planning at graduate level. Evidence shows that the switch to African based training and education in planning has provided the much needed human resource to confront the urban development challenge with argument that local training will enable planners to gunner experiential knowledge in terms of planning needs, problems and solutions(Diaw et al., 2002). But what is yet to be seen is the translation of this experiential training into real solutions to the local planning problems and challenges(DPU, 2004, Breidlid, 2009). One of the many attributes of this type of training is that it still largely remained shaped by planners whose skills, theory, practice and models do not properly align with the urban development pathways in East Africa.

Reappraising Urban Planning and Urban Sustainability in East Africa 19

background of urbanisation in Africa, which is inextricably linked to European colonisation with the net result of there being many experiences of the interactions between global North oriented type planning and urban development experiences in sub-Saharan Africa (Lwasa, 2008; Akatch, 1995; Kessides, 2006). In addition, various urban planning instruments in sub-Saharan Africa were critically examined. From the onset, it was emphasized that the master plan approach remains the most dominant to date, although in recent years this particular instrument has been increasingly criticized for being complex, excessively bureaucratic, time consuming, non participatory and too static in nature. The potential offered by new urban approaches was briefly discussed including the key elements underpinning them although it was emphasized that these approaches did not suggest models or solutions, which could be

In conclusion, spatial planning in East Africa is at cross-roads and facing a huge challenge as the demographic shift creates an urbanized. Planning innovation is necessary to change the current urban development trends and imprint but such innovation will have to involve various stakeholders and in various spheres. The key spheres that could have multiplier effects include; planning practice, planning research, planning information and redefining community roles. For better communities in urban areas the response of the planning profession should address the social needs and endeavor to harness the potentials of communities based on the realities of current development. This is the key for transforming urban communities in East Africa. The time for planning innovation in East Africa is past and in this context the planning profession as well as other stakeholders should take initiative and start now because the cost of not adequately planning is so huge. However, several weaknesses of the participatory processes have been identified that create limits of

Akatch, S. 1995. "Evaluative Review of Urban Planning Practice and Experiences in Africa"

Andersson, N., Matthis, J., Paredes, S. & Ngxowa, N. 2004. Social audit of provincial health

Arimah, B. C., Jensen, I., Mutizwa-Mangiza, N. D. & Yemeru, E. A. 2009. Planning

Arimah, C. B. & Adeagbo, D. 2000. Compliance with urban development and planning

Arko-Adjei, A., Jong, J. D., Zevenbergen, J. & Tuladhar, A. Customary Tenure Institutions

Bennett, R. G. 2003. Planning Theory and Power. Center for Studies of Environment and

regulations in Ibadan, Nigeria. *Habitat International* 24, 279-294.

in Mosha, A (ed). 1995. A Reappraisal of the Urban Planning Process. Nairobi: UN-

services: Building the community voice into planning in South Africa. *Journal of* 

Sustainable Cities: Global Report on Human Settlements 2009. New York: UN-

and Good Governance. *In:* FIG, ed. International Federation of Surveyors, 2010.

literally transplanted from one context to another.

**9. References** 

Habitat.

Habitat.

FIG, 17.

2008. The Physical Planning Bill, 2008. *31.* 

*Interprofessional Care,* 18, 381-390.

Resources, University of Bergen.

new approaches to urban planning in the Eastern African region.

Thus innovation around education is necessary and such would have experiential knowledge but also solutions that are responsive to the problems of African urbanism. For example the issue of planning standards for housing (materials, sizes, plot coverage) has been discussed at different fora and international level but has not been substantively resolved nor have flexible or adaptive standards developed (Rakodi, 1997). However good practices or cases from various countries including Uganda, Tanzania have considered mixed residential with light industry to take into consideration of home-based small scale industrious activities. This is just one among the many ways in which planning education can be innovative. This innovation required in broad requires an in-depth review and reorganization of the education system.
