**7. The limits of planning innovation**

It is important to emphasize that despite the promises of innovative urban planning in Eastern Africa, many of the challenges and problems remain unresolved. These will limit the possibilities for a move to renewed planning and sustainable urban development in East Africa.

One of the challenge in the region is the exponentially rising population growth and rapid urbanization in proportion to the planning response. For example, it is anticipated that the urban population in Africa will increase from 129 million in 1980 to more than 762 million in the year 2025 by which time it is estimated that over 52 per cent of the region's population will be living in towns and cities as compared with about 30 per cent of urban population recorded in the region by 1986 (Akatch, 1995:40). Whereas the growth isn't a problem in self, if compared to responses from the public and private sectors, these don't match. Thus the characterization of public responses in terms of overconcentration of resources and infrastructure in capital cities, inadequate and or defective national planning policies, lack of institutional and inter-sectoral co-ordination, ineffective development control enforcement measures and inadequate involvement of relevant stakeholders (Akatch, 1995:39; Clarke, 1995; UNCHS, 1999; UN-Habitat, 2009). Other initiatives such as the Sustainable Cities Programme and the Local Agenda 21 have inherent weaknesses that will challenge achievement of urban planning innovation. The difficulty in measuring the impact of the participatory processes, performance of local authorities, leverage of city consultations and inability of various partners to remain engaged with the same city for a long period of time have been projected as likely to maintain overambitious in nature of plans generated through city consultation (UN-Habitat, 2009). In addition, while different urban issues, political, economic and institutional systems, as well as different cultures and value systems, all shape the planning system in diverse ways, following and adhering to the normative principles will also pose some challenges.

#### **8. Conclusion**

This chapter set out to critically examine the role and impact of urban planning processes in Eastern Africa particularly with regard to addressing the sheer magnitude and scale of current urbanisation problems confronting the region. In setting the general context, the nature and emergence of urban planning in the region was briefly examined. In particular, it was emphasized that the evolution of urban planning in the region can be directly traced to the background of urbanisation in Africa, which is inextricably linked to European colonisation with the net result of there being many experiences of the interactions between global North oriented type planning and urban development experiences in sub-Saharan Africa (Lwasa, 2008; Akatch, 1995; Kessides, 2006). In addition, various urban planning instruments in sub-Saharan Africa were critically examined. From the onset, it was emphasized that the master plan approach remains the most dominant to date, although in recent years this particular instrument has been increasingly criticized for being complex, excessively bureaucratic, time consuming, non participatory and too static in nature. The potential offered by new urban approaches was briefly discussed including the key elements underpinning them although it was emphasized that these approaches did not suggest models or solutions, which could be literally transplanted from one context to another.

In conclusion, spatial planning in East Africa is at cross-roads and facing a huge challenge as the demographic shift creates an urbanized. Planning innovation is necessary to change the current urban development trends and imprint but such innovation will have to involve various stakeholders and in various spheres. The key spheres that could have multiplier effects include; planning practice, planning research, planning information and redefining community roles. For better communities in urban areas the response of the planning profession should address the social needs and endeavor to harness the potentials of communities based on the realities of current development. This is the key for transforming urban communities in East Africa. The time for planning innovation in East Africa is past and in this context the planning profession as well as other stakeholders should take initiative and start now because the cost of not adequately planning is so huge. However, several weaknesses of the participatory processes have been identified that create limits of new approaches to urban planning in the Eastern African region.

### **9. References**

18 Urban Development

Thus innovation around education is necessary and such would have experiential knowledge but also solutions that are responsive to the problems of African urbanism. For example the issue of planning standards for housing (materials, sizes, plot coverage) has been discussed at different fora and international level but has not been substantively resolved nor have flexible or adaptive standards developed (Rakodi, 1997). However good practices or cases from various countries including Uganda, Tanzania have considered mixed residential with light industry to take into consideration of home-based small scale industrious activities. This is just one among the many ways in which planning education can be innovative. This innovation required in broad requires an in-depth review and

It is important to emphasize that despite the promises of innovative urban planning in Eastern Africa, many of the challenges and problems remain unresolved. These will limit the possibilities for a move to renewed planning and sustainable urban development in East

One of the challenge in the region is the exponentially rising population growth and rapid urbanization in proportion to the planning response. For example, it is anticipated that the urban population in Africa will increase from 129 million in 1980 to more than 762 million in the year 2025 by which time it is estimated that over 52 per cent of the region's population will be living in towns and cities as compared with about 30 per cent of urban population recorded in the region by 1986 (Akatch, 1995:40). Whereas the growth isn't a problem in self, if compared to responses from the public and private sectors, these don't match. Thus the characterization of public responses in terms of overconcentration of resources and infrastructure in capital cities, inadequate and or defective national planning policies, lack of institutional and inter-sectoral co-ordination, ineffective development control enforcement measures and inadequate involvement of relevant stakeholders (Akatch, 1995:39; Clarke, 1995; UNCHS, 1999; UN-Habitat, 2009). Other initiatives such as the Sustainable Cities Programme and the Local Agenda 21 have inherent weaknesses that will challenge achievement of urban planning innovation. The difficulty in measuring the impact of the participatory processes, performance of local authorities, leverage of city consultations and inability of various partners to remain engaged with the same city for a long period of time have been projected as likely to maintain overambitious in nature of plans generated through city consultation (UN-Habitat, 2009). In addition, while different urban issues, political, economic and institutional systems, as well as different cultures and value systems, all shape the planning system in diverse ways, following and adhering to the normative

This chapter set out to critically examine the role and impact of urban planning processes in Eastern Africa particularly with regard to addressing the sheer magnitude and scale of current urbanisation problems confronting the region. In setting the general context, the nature and emergence of urban planning in the region was briefly examined. In particular, it was emphasized that the evolution of urban planning in the region can be directly traced to the

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**2** 

Frank van der Hoeven

*Netherlands* 

**Leidsche Rijn: Balancing the Compact City** 

In the mid-1990s, the Dutch economy grew at a pace of 3 to 4 percent annually (CBS, 2009). The use of the country's major infrastructure increased accordingly, and the urban areas in the western part of the country, the Randstad, continued to expand to meet the soaring housing demand. After decades of state intervention, the government started to loosen its grip on local and regional urban development. The government's policy on spatial planning shifted away from the concept of planning new towns to focus on more compact urban development (compacte stad). The policy reasoned that a compact city would have a smaller environmental footprint because of more effective land-use and shorter daily travel distances. With its Fourth Report on Spatial Planning (VROM, 1988: Vierde Nota) and the additional VINEX-report (VROM, 1993: Vierde Nota Extra), the Ministry of Spatial Planning, Housing and the Environment no longer seemed to dictate that one solution that fits all. Rather, it sought to implement developments that suited the regional territorial characteristics and the preferences of the concerned authorities. Thus, Utrecht ended up with the largest VINEX-development in the Netherlands. In fact, Utrecht is the fourth largest city by population in the country, after Amsterdam, Rotterdam and The Hague.

Although the concept of the 'compact city' may be simple, it had deep implications for the relation between infrastructure planning and town planning. Back in the seventies and eighties two major new town developments were built south of Utrecht to house its expanding population. The physical distance between the mother city and its new towns allowed the unobstructed expansion of the national motorway network. In the nineties Utrecht preferred a development that kept its inhabitants close by so they would remain bounded to Utrecht, both economically and socially. The development of Leidsche Rijn with a projected 30.000 housing units sought a close physical relationship with the mother city. For the first time the extending city and the expanding motorway network became at odds with each other. The area between Utrecht and Leidsche Rijn left little space to accommodate a wider A2 motorway and its environmental impact. Encapsulating the A2 motorway in a two kilometre long tunnel was proposed as the most suitable way to integrate the road in the new urban district. With no effective regulation in place and no similar practice to fall back on, the Leidsche Rijn land tunnel broke ground to allow the use of motorway tunnels for a new and promising application: environmental and spatial integration of motorways in urban areas. This chapter focusses on the struggle and trade

**1. Introduction** 

**with the Randstad Motorway Network** 

*Delft University of Technology, Faculty of Architecture* 

