**4.2.2 Guerilla urban planning**

The case of Ghobeiri is largely different. The municipal actor-network chose the confrontation path. In fact, there was no room for compromise. The negotiations between the central government, Amal and Hezbollah around the Elyssar project arrived to a deadend in the nineties, and the positions of the different stakeholders were still the same. On the other hand, it was not acceptable to have a negotiation between a central government and a municipality on this issue after the stalemate of the project. The municipal actor-network who wanted to "conquer back" its municipal perimeter had opted to two strategies. The first is what we call here a "guerrilla urban planning" in order to change, bit by bit, facts on the ground. The second is what we can call the "modernizing path".

In fact, as in the case of Chiyah, the municipal actor-network of Ghobeiri, even with the backing of the party, had no enough power to impose its will on a government led project. On the other hand, even if the Resistance based discourse on the locality's identity was well received in the informal settlements of Elyssar, these neighbourhoods are traditional Amal influence zones. The political goal of the "guerrilla urban planning" strategy is to gain support of the population and render the application of the project more difficult. This "guerrilla urban planning" in its applications could be in a way assimilated to Davidoff's (1965) advocacy planning. As in advocacy planning a certain technical expertise was

Bricolage Planning: Understanding Planning in a Fragmented City 113

saw an important redeployment of retail activity in its souk during the war, and the concentration of a large number of public administrations and important road infrastructures in its municipal perimeter after the war making it one important centrality in the suburbs of Beirut. Consequently, the municipal actor-network positioned itself in a rather indifferent attitude vis-à-vis the reconstruction metropolitan project of the central

The "federalization" of the municipal perimeter is a prompt indicator that the main concern here was to affirm a conservation of existing actor-network. Consequently, there's no project to approach the development of the municipal perimeter in a holistic way. We could say that the urban planning approach of Furn ALChebbak is that of an "ad-hoc" urban planning that deals with issues separately in a very reactive way. This situation became to change in the three or four last years with the abrupt boom in construction in Beirut and the impressive rise in real-estate value. We'll be presenting these changes and their implications

Through the locality's identity and the municipal vision the municipal actor-network have problematized the municipal issue in a way to construct their own "reality" in the Beirut fragmented city and society. This problematization have also brought to them the actors and the actants that will form their universe of instruments. It is this universe of instruments that they'll be using to engage in number of experimentations that will characterize their

The most visible change introduced in municipal action in post-war Beirut is surely the communication trend. Traditionally, municipal governance and municipal projects were dealt with in closed circles between the notables and the technicians of the municipality. Word of mouth was the main way of informing the population about policies and projects. In todays' municipalities, we can see a serious concern of the municipal actors to mobilize

In all three cases we've studied, we can see the creation of websites, municipal publications, posters and municipal billboards in the public space, publicity for events and frequent interviews in local and national media. Special attention is given to municipal projects. The use of 3D simulations is also frequent. To these media tools, we see also changes in the municipal practice itself towards more openness and transparency. The minutes of meetings are published on the websites or are displayed in the hall of the municipal building. Regular meetings are organized to present to the population the achievements and the projects of the municipality and receive comment. Some municipalities even worked on the training of their employees, who are most in touch with the population, for better communication. These tools have been undoubtedly successful. They've been used on and on in new editions since 1998. We can even see a professionalization of this activity with design studios coming

in and the work on the "visual identity" of the municipality (logos, colour palette…).

These tools are part of what is usually called "city marketing". It has two goals. One is directly related to governance ant the need to transcend fragmentation and get in touch with

**5. Facing fragmentation: Experimenting new tools of municipal action** 

**5.1 A "revolution" of communication strategies** 

government, and was not tempted to engage itself in large development projects.

in the next section.

bricolage planning.

new tools of communications.

provided to groups "with no voice" in order for them to have a greater control on their environment. However, to the difference of the advocacy planning approach, what was provided was punctual interventions and not alternatives to the Elyssar project. On the other hand, these interventions are done in clear contravention to the law that forbids the municipality from intervening in the Elyssar project's area.

This is why we chose to give it the "guerrilla" character.

The "modernizing path", though it aims at regaining Elyssar, had a larger ambition. "Modernizing" the locality was in a way challenging the adversaries of Hezbollah who saw in its access to the municipal council a dangerous drift of conservatism. In fact, this party was never member of any government and its partisans were rarely present in state administrations. Though, the party had strong and well reputed NGOs with very professional administrators, the 1998 elections was the first implication of the party in a leading governance position. Consequently, the municipal governance was seen as a test to the party, but also as an opportunity to present a model. The municipality of Ghobeiri, one of the rare large municipalities where the party succeeded in having the mayor to be one of the party prominent figures, was seen as one of the places where Hezbollah hoped to set the example. "Modernizing" meant, first and foremost, providing adequate and quality facilities this densilly inhabited locality was lacking.

The municipal actor-network in Ghobeiri main message in its municipal vision was that the marginalization and the backward image the locality was facing could be turned around by a solid strategy of investment in public spaces and facilities and by an ambitious and dedicated local authority. Ghobeiri was a relatively large locality in the Beirut suburbs with an important number of large private enterprises, hotels and public institutions, which meant a high annual tax income for the municipality. However, Ghobeiri had also large informal settlements, a deteriorated public realm and a very large population constituted mainly of low-income households, bringing important challenges to the municipality action, and expected large spending.

Though it chose to experiment other types of planning and never used the traditional tools of normative physical planning (like Master plans and regulations), and always refused to acknowledge the presence of a well structured municipal vision, it is clear that the municipal actor-network of Ghobeiri kept moving with no concessions towards direct control of its municipal perimeter. The "guerrilla urban planning" expressed by the implementation of infrastructures and facilities served this goal by proceeding in a long term one-step-at-a-time approach.

#### **4.2.3 Reactive urban planning**

The municipal actor-network of Furn AlChebbak had a notabilarian and conservative leadership that didn't saw much need to invest in large network building. It was content with its own family clans and notables' networks, and these networks were sufficient for winning the municipal elections. This municipal actor-network of Furn AlChebbak saw the role of the municipality in the most traditional way. In fact, Furn AlChebbak has a somehow different situation than Chiyah or Ghobeiri. It didn't suffer the displacement and the demarcation line as did Chiyah, nor did it find itself in harsh opposition to the central authorities over the fate of informal settlements in its municipal perimeter. Furn AlChebbak

provided to groups "with no voice" in order for them to have a greater control on their environment. However, to the difference of the advocacy planning approach, what was provided was punctual interventions and not alternatives to the Elyssar project. On the other hand, these interventions are done in clear contravention to the law that forbids the

The "modernizing path", though it aims at regaining Elyssar, had a larger ambition. "Modernizing" the locality was in a way challenging the adversaries of Hezbollah who saw in its access to the municipal council a dangerous drift of conservatism. In fact, this party was never member of any government and its partisans were rarely present in state administrations. Though, the party had strong and well reputed NGOs with very professional administrators, the 1998 elections was the first implication of the party in a leading governance position. Consequently, the municipal governance was seen as a test to the party, but also as an opportunity to present a model. The municipality of Ghobeiri, one of the rare large municipalities where the party succeeded in having the mayor to be one of the party prominent figures, was seen as one of the places where Hezbollah hoped to set the example. "Modernizing" meant, first and foremost, providing adequate and quality facilities

The municipal actor-network in Ghobeiri main message in its municipal vision was that the marginalization and the backward image the locality was facing could be turned around by a solid strategy of investment in public spaces and facilities and by an ambitious and dedicated local authority. Ghobeiri was a relatively large locality in the Beirut suburbs with an important number of large private enterprises, hotels and public institutions, which meant a high annual tax income for the municipality. However, Ghobeiri had also large informal settlements, a deteriorated public realm and a very large population constituted mainly of low-income households, bringing important challenges to the municipality action,

Though it chose to experiment other types of planning and never used the traditional tools of normative physical planning (like Master plans and regulations), and always refused to acknowledge the presence of a well structured municipal vision, it is clear that the municipal actor-network of Ghobeiri kept moving with no concessions towards direct control of its municipal perimeter. The "guerrilla urban planning" expressed by the implementation of infrastructures and facilities served this goal by proceeding in a long

The municipal actor-network of Furn AlChebbak had a notabilarian and conservative leadership that didn't saw much need to invest in large network building. It was content with its own family clans and notables' networks, and these networks were sufficient for winning the municipal elections. This municipal actor-network of Furn AlChebbak saw the role of the municipality in the most traditional way. In fact, Furn AlChebbak has a somehow different situation than Chiyah or Ghobeiri. It didn't suffer the displacement and the demarcation line as did Chiyah, nor did it find itself in harsh opposition to the central authorities over the fate of informal settlements in its municipal perimeter. Furn AlChebbak

municipality from intervening in the Elyssar project's area. This is why we chose to give it the "guerrilla" character.

this densilly inhabited locality was lacking.

and expected large spending.

term one-step-at-a-time approach.

**4.2.3 Reactive urban planning** 

saw an important redeployment of retail activity in its souk during the war, and the concentration of a large number of public administrations and important road infrastructures in its municipal perimeter after the war making it one important centrality in the suburbs of Beirut. Consequently, the municipal actor-network positioned itself in a rather indifferent attitude vis-à-vis the reconstruction metropolitan project of the central government, and was not tempted to engage itself in large development projects.

The "federalization" of the municipal perimeter is a prompt indicator that the main concern here was to affirm a conservation of existing actor-network. Consequently, there's no project to approach the development of the municipal perimeter in a holistic way. We could say that the urban planning approach of Furn ALChebbak is that of an "ad-hoc" urban planning that deals with issues separately in a very reactive way. This situation became to change in the three or four last years with the abrupt boom in construction in Beirut and the impressive rise in real-estate value. We'll be presenting these changes and their implications in the next section.

Through the locality's identity and the municipal vision the municipal actor-network have problematized the municipal issue in a way to construct their own "reality" in the Beirut fragmented city and society. This problematization have also brought to them the actors and the actants that will form their universe of instruments. It is this universe of instruments that they'll be using to engage in number of experimentations that will characterize their bricolage planning.
