**4. Urban planning in the Global South**

6 Urban Development

in majority of African countries with a general reluctance to reform the systems giving rise to

In a similar vein the much promoted flexible instruments including the 'Structure Planning approach has also faced problems and critique. Structure planning addresses a broader range of social, economic and physical development thereby enabling a more flexible base for the preparation of local plans (Jenkins et al; 2007; Akatch, 1995). On the other hand, action planning is an implementation-oriented approach to solving problems at a local level with community participation as a key to success and using local adaptation of experiences from other contexts effectively translating to a "learning by doing" approach (Clarke, 1995; Nigel, 1998; Hopkins, 2001). Despite recognizing the stakeholders, in principle enabling participation and flexibility around changing envisaged future structures of the city or neighborhood, this approach has not substantively addressed the issues around governance political interests and multi-stakeholder engagement. Therefore, part of the failure of urban planning instruments in Africa generally is attributed to their conceptual and contextual weaknesses to align with African environment and difficulties arising from the complex and dynamic interplay between global, national and political economy in which urban planning has to be undertaken in the region (Akatch, 1995; Mabogunje, 1990). Consequently, an important lesson learnt from the failure of the approaches in Africa generally is the inherent danger of transplanting planning systems and approaches from one context to another given the highly varied nature of urban societies globally. In addition, urban planning is still perceived as a specialist and technical activity, the exclusive preserve of skilled and commonly foreign trained segment of the professionals and or foreign consultant (Akatch,

Despite the rich theory and approaches, the question is whether the outputs and means of achieving elaborated plans have translated into spatial-social changes in cities of East Africa. An additional question is whether envisaged outcomes of the plans correspond or fit with the societal values, needs and aspirations? As noted by (Diaw et al., 2002), planners have been equipped with sufficient skills and knowledge necessary for responding to the planning needs but this has largely remained for plan outputs and less to implementation of the outputs. Several research, evaluation and commentaries have presented the successes and failure of planning in the Global South(Mukwaya, 2001, Goodfellow, 2010, DPU, 2004, Arimah et al., 2009). From Orangi project in Karachi to Lima and Bogota, Lagos and Nairobi, literature shows fewer successes of planning which has been largely dominated with Global North theories and models (Egbu et al., 2006). Literature shows that adapting the theories and approaches to locale specific realities has a potential for transformative urban development. From the Orangi Project for example, experiences show that local human capacities and resources can create a spin to urban development that is parallel to the topdown approaches though community participation is plagued by challenges of scalability. The inability of spatial plans to subsequently realize societal goals, to deal with housing problems, poverty, urban services, urban environment and enhancement of urban governance is evident in most of the cities of sub-Saharan Africa(Jain, 2003). While efforts and sectoral initiatives by development agencies, UN organizations spearheaded by UN-Habitat, Civil Society Organizations and Governments are also yielding less than the badly needed results of planning (Jain, 2003). Planning and its outputs or outcomes in this context can then be looked at as a distinctive fusion of Global North and or Global South practices.

organic approaches and interventions by the various stakeholders in the cities.

1995; UN-Habitat, 2009).

Pre-colonial settlement and urbanization is recognized in literature but in Eastern Africa, urbanization is largely viewed as part of European colonization. Urban planning processes are also inextricably linked to European town planning practices. In particular, it should be noted that British colonial rule profoundly influenced the nature of urban development in East Africa especially from the late nineteenth century until independence. As Akatch (1995:42) points out, the African region provided ideal experimental grounds for new colonial centers with urban planning processes literally exported as part of the cultural baggage of imperialism. Indeed, as aptly stated in the UN-Habitat Global Human Settlements Report, (2009:60), "frequently, these imported ideas were used for reasons of political, ethnic or racial domination and exclusion rather than in the interests of good planning systems". Thus the current planning systems and urban imprints are largely a legacy of colonial planning practice manifest in a physical sense through the segregated residential quarters (Jenkins et al; 2007).

Furthermore, there are also strong connections in terms of planning legislation, institutional structures and administrative processes (Okpala, 1987). In this regard, town planning legislation for many countries in the region, for example, Kenya, Uganda, Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Zambia has its roots directly in British town planning laws and was transported without modification to the new situation, irrespective of the different circumstances prevailing in the recipient country (Akatch, 1994). However, as Kanyeihamba (1973:243) argues, the adoption of transported legislation was a recipe for failure for a variety of reasons related to different political, cultural, social and economic conditions prevailing in the recipient countries. This situation was further compounded by the dire shortage of specialized manpower experienced during the colonial period, which still prevails to date in the region.

Following the attainment of political independence, very little attempt was made by the new African governments to change the urban functions of the towns and cities, which were inherited from colonial governments (Akatch, 1995). This notwithstanding, rapid urbanization was perhaps the most dramatic social phenomena that marked the end of the colonial era in Africa. From a situation in 1950 in which the total population was no more than 28 million, the figure had by 1984 jumped to well over 125 million (Mabogunje, 1990). Consequently, according to Jenkins et al (2007:115-117), planning activities in colonial Africa undertaken under the influence of western planning institutions left a mixed legacy comprising often contradicting processes and policies. These include a new 'tidal wave' of urban growth, exclusive land policies, a public sector expected to offer solutions to the pressures of urban growth, financial and technical capital inadequacies, segregation and social differentiation.

Reappraising Urban Planning and Urban Sustainability in East Africa 9

human resource adequacy and capacity but the issues of governance and institutional aspects have of recent become outstanding (Lwasa, 2006, Rakodi, 2001, Goodfellow, 2010). Yet the major 'players' in urban development who are the developers of differing categories and character have not been well linked to the values of planning and orderly development. But the other argument as put forward by (Leibowitz et al., Jain, 2003) the planning profession may not have actually embraced let alone been able to understand the values of communities and African urban populations. Evidence has also been generated around the missing link between the planning policy strategies and planning action very much shaped by the practice of development control (McGill, 1988). Debunking some of these practice frameworks is still a highly technical and major challenge, which maintains planning arguably as abstract that is largely non-responsive to social needs and change. The fundamental basis for urban and regional planning is for development to meet the needs and aspirations of the population or enable such population to creatively innovate to meet their own needs. It is important to recognize the differing needs and aspirations of a diverse society and or population with possibly locally defined values. This is where innovation in planning needs to strike and break the continued urban development trends in East Africa. There have been recent calls for sociocratic type of planning or ecological planning and with many concepts used, it is a type that assess the existing resource base of a community and or city to devise strategies for a catalytic spatial plan that would enable the population to unleash their potential. Resource here implies; social/political assets, capital assets, human assets and natural/man-made assets. Following the discourse of the major issues of planning theory, urban development and the analysis of planning successes and failures, it is necessary to turn to where planning needs to innovate. One can argue that planning in East Africa is at crossroads, calls for a type of 'new planning' that which among the most

urgent issues needs to deconstruct the current urban development imprint.

The concept innovation has been defined differently by different people(Bennett, 2003). This is because it has become a buzz word in quest for solutions to the unresolved questions and problems in various fields(Crossley et al., 2005). Innovating has been known in natural science and business as creating or finding something new in a particular context. This section attempts to provide an understanding of the concept of innovation as a launch pad for the subsequent sections of the chapter. In the context of this chapter, "*innovation is understood as the development of systems that are 'new' in the context of planning, utilizing creativity that can be based on adapted local conditions principles and methods*". This planning innovation would require debunking various aspects among which is the planning colloquium that has been followed for a long time. Such innovative planning would have to consider debunking of the 'business analogy' as observed by (McGill, 1988) in which he explains the operations of commercial businesses, their targets and means to achieve those targets. One needs to understand the process theory of business in this case commercially oriented business and the substantive issues of commercial business and the linkage between the business entities with the targeted market population. In the context of spatial planning, substantive issues are urban development sectors and so are the contemporary procedures characterized by a fusion of formal and informal processes. Planning innovation

**5. Towards new innovative planning approaches** 

**5.1 Innovation in planning: What it is? And why?** 

Therefore, the influence of received planning concepts lingers on in East Africa and is continuously reinforced by the substantial influence of International Development Agencies, the 'donor community' and the planning doctrines of the global north (Watson, 2002). Surprisingly, post-colonial governments have tended to reinforce and entrench colonial spatial plans and land management tools, sometimes in even more rigid form than colonial governments (Njoh, 2003). The net effect has been that these urban plans remain relatively unchanged and unresponsive (UN-Habitat, 2009). Consequently, as Okpala (1990) argues "there is substantial external influence on the planning and development of the African urban system. The performance and service delivery capacities in the African region have also been hampered as a result of inadequacy in the quality and quantity of personnel.

#### **4.1 The interface between planning and urban development in East Africa**

There are many experiences of the interactions between planning and urban development in East Africa that are driven by current planning practice. This interface of the practice and the urban development experiences show how social and political processes have shaped urban development, contesting the principles that planners often come up with in developing planning policy. The experience is what some scholars like (Rakodi, 2001) have expressed as 'politics first' before planning can work while scholars have rechoed the gaps between the plans and urban development reality in sub-Saharan Africa (Lwasa, 2006, Koojo, 2005). The interface can be described as one engulfed in a mix of the 'traditional' planning concerns of societal values based on the substantive planning needs on one hand and the procedural equirements(Bennett, 2003, Koojo, 2005) with the later superseding the ability of plans to address the substantive needs. Thus conditions of inadequate urban infrastructure, housing, social services, space utilization or underutilization, congestion, inefficient public transport, poor environmental services and low urban economic transformation have been engulfed in a complex set of procedures that are known by few planners or urban managers and driven largely by politics. The result is a mixed type of urban development that which can be described as informal with pockets of formal areas creating a duality (Koojo, 2005, Egbu et al., 2006). Planning exists and professional planners are applauded with their persistent effort to ensure orderly and sustainable urban development but the translation of such effort to social reform and change remains a fundamental planning question because of the mismatch between the plans and urban development experiences.

#### **4.2 The Disjuncture between plans and urban development in sub-Saharan Africa**

Success of urban and regional planning in East Africa has become unpredictable(Egbu et al., 2006, Arimah and Adeagbo, 2000). Planned outcomes are often not achieved because cities develop as a result of millions of independent consumption and production decisions by different individuals, organizations and groups. On the other hand, many positive outcomes of planned interventions are unanticipated (Ssemambo, 2000, Mukwaya, 2005, Jain, 2003, Andersson et al., 2004). There is evidence of positive outcomes of urban planning which has largely been through piecemeal planning(UN-Habitat, 2008, Ssemambo, 2000). This has created pockets of isolated well planned, upgraded and developed neighborhoods, industrial parks and transportation corridors in East Africa. The failures of planning are attributed to many factors including; lack of municipal resources, enforcement, land issues,

Therefore, the influence of received planning concepts lingers on in East Africa and is continuously reinforced by the substantial influence of International Development Agencies, the 'donor community' and the planning doctrines of the global north (Watson, 2002). Surprisingly, post-colonial governments have tended to reinforce and entrench colonial spatial plans and land management tools, sometimes in even more rigid form than colonial governments (Njoh, 2003). The net effect has been that these urban plans remain relatively unchanged and unresponsive (UN-Habitat, 2009). Consequently, as Okpala (1990) argues "there is substantial external influence on the planning and development of the African urban system. The performance and service delivery capacities in the African region have also been hampered as a result of inadequacy in the quality and quantity of personnel.

There are many experiences of the interactions between planning and urban development in East Africa that are driven by current planning practice. This interface of the practice and the urban development experiences show how social and political processes have shaped urban development, contesting the principles that planners often come up with in developing planning policy. The experience is what some scholars like (Rakodi, 2001) have expressed as 'politics first' before planning can work while scholars have rechoed the gaps between the plans and urban development reality in sub-Saharan Africa (Lwasa, 2006, Koojo, 2005). The interface can be described as one engulfed in a mix of the 'traditional' planning concerns of societal values based on the substantive planning needs on one hand and the procedural equirements(Bennett, 2003, Koojo, 2005) with the later superseding the ability of plans to address the substantive needs. Thus conditions of inadequate urban infrastructure, housing, social services, space utilization or underutilization, congestion, inefficient public transport, poor environmental services and low urban economic transformation have been engulfed in a complex set of procedures that are known by few planners or urban managers and driven largely by politics. The result is a mixed type of urban development that which can be described as informal with pockets of formal areas creating a duality (Koojo, 2005, Egbu et al., 2006). Planning exists and professional planners are applauded with their persistent effort to ensure orderly and sustainable urban development but the translation of such effort to social reform and change remains a fundamental planning question because of the mismatch between the plans and urban

**4.2 The Disjuncture between plans and urban development in sub-Saharan Africa** 

Success of urban and regional planning in East Africa has become unpredictable(Egbu et al., 2006, Arimah and Adeagbo, 2000). Planned outcomes are often not achieved because cities develop as a result of millions of independent consumption and production decisions by different individuals, organizations and groups. On the other hand, many positive outcomes of planned interventions are unanticipated (Ssemambo, 2000, Mukwaya, 2005, Jain, 2003, Andersson et al., 2004). There is evidence of positive outcomes of urban planning which has largely been through piecemeal planning(UN-Habitat, 2008, Ssemambo, 2000). This has created pockets of isolated well planned, upgraded and developed neighborhoods, industrial parks and transportation corridors in East Africa. The failures of planning are attributed to many factors including; lack of municipal resources, enforcement, land issues,

**4.1 The interface between planning and urban development in East Africa** 

development experiences.

human resource adequacy and capacity but the issues of governance and institutional aspects have of recent become outstanding (Lwasa, 2006, Rakodi, 2001, Goodfellow, 2010). Yet the major 'players' in urban development who are the developers of differing categories and character have not been well linked to the values of planning and orderly development. But the other argument as put forward by (Leibowitz et al., Jain, 2003) the planning profession may not have actually embraced let alone been able to understand the values of communities and African urban populations. Evidence has also been generated around the missing link between the planning policy strategies and planning action very much shaped by the practice of development control (McGill, 1988). Debunking some of these practice frameworks is still a highly technical and major challenge, which maintains planning arguably as abstract that is largely non-responsive to social needs and change. The fundamental basis for urban and regional planning is for development to meet the needs and aspirations of the population or enable such population to creatively innovate to meet their own needs. It is important to recognize the differing needs and aspirations of a diverse society and or population with possibly locally defined values. This is where innovation in planning needs to strike and break the continued urban development trends in East Africa. There have been recent calls for sociocratic type of planning or ecological planning and with many concepts used, it is a type that assess the existing resource base of a community and or city to devise strategies for a catalytic spatial plan that would enable the population to unleash their potential. Resource here implies; social/political assets, capital assets, human assets and natural/man-made assets. Following the discourse of the major issues of planning theory, urban development and the analysis of planning successes and failures, it is necessary to turn to where planning needs to innovate. One can argue that planning in East Africa is at crossroads, calls for a type of 'new planning' that which among the most urgent issues needs to deconstruct the current urban development imprint.

#### **5. Towards new innovative planning approaches**

#### **5.1 Innovation in planning: What it is? And why?**

The concept innovation has been defined differently by different people(Bennett, 2003). This is because it has become a buzz word in quest for solutions to the unresolved questions and problems in various fields(Crossley et al., 2005). Innovating has been known in natural science and business as creating or finding something new in a particular context. This section attempts to provide an understanding of the concept of innovation as a launch pad for the subsequent sections of the chapter. In the context of this chapter, "*innovation is understood as the development of systems that are 'new' in the context of planning, utilizing creativity that can be based on adapted local conditions principles and methods*". This planning innovation would require debunking various aspects among which is the planning colloquium that has been followed for a long time. Such innovative planning would have to consider debunking of the 'business analogy' as observed by (McGill, 1988) in which he explains the operations of commercial businesses, their targets and means to achieve those targets. One needs to understand the process theory of business in this case commercially oriented business and the substantive issues of commercial business and the linkage between the business entities with the targeted market population. In the context of spatial planning, substantive issues are urban development sectors and so are the contemporary procedures characterized by a fusion of formal and informal processes. Planning innovation

Reappraising Urban Planning and Urban Sustainability in East Africa 11

be considered in relation to the specific urban planning issues confronting the Eastern

Therefore, in support of the UN Habitat Global Human Settlements Report, (2009), the new

*Strategic spatial planning* which includes a strategic spatial planning system with long range, spatial planning frameworks and principles, and broad and conceptual spatial ideas. Spatial planning as a *tool for integrating public sector functions* – this new approach focuses on decentralized solutions as well as a desire to 'join up' or integrate the functions of the public sector and inject spatial or territorial dimension into sectoral strategies. Perhaps most importantly this approach recognises that achieving environmental sustainability will require sectoral interests to work together and cut

New approaches to *land regularisation and management* – Informality remains the most critical issue for urban planning in terms of regularization and management. Consequently, new regularization approaches require an attitudinal shift in government to recognize the potentially positive role of informality or 'emerging sector'; requires policies, laws and regulations, which are adapted to the dynamics of informality and requires efforts to improve the support for and legitimacy of the

*Participatory processes* and partnerships in planning – In general, it is widely acknowledged that broad-based participation in planning can empower communities and much needed social capital leading to better design of urban projects while also allowing for participants' concerns to be incorporated into strategies. In this regard, a critical aspect would be the need to clearly redefine community roles transforming them from largely 'receivers' to major decision making stakeholders at various levels including verification of objectives, resource assessment, formulation of programmes and monitoring and evaluation (Lwasa, 2008; UN-Habitat, 2002; Fainstein, 2003). This would constitute an important first step towards responding to the failure of past development efforts that have had the unfortunate tendency of relegating the efforts of

local communities to backstage in the articulation of their development needs.

when existing municipalities lack resources to provide the infrastructure.

Successful participation, however, remains ultimately contingent upon certain preconditions relating to the *prevailing political system*, the legal basis for participation and available resources and empowered local governments as well as organized communities and stakeholders. It is also important to acknowledge the important role of public-private partnerships, which have often been developed around public infrastructure especially

Approaches promoted by international agencies - Significantly, in recent times, these forms of broader *'participatory planning'* described above, have been attempted by International Development Agencies and United Nations organizations spearheaded by UN-Habitat in important initiatives including the Urban Management Programme (UMP), Sustainable Cities Programme (SCP), Local Agenda 21 (LA 21) and City Development Strategy (CDS) projects in various pilot situations although their impact still needs to be understood more specifically in context (Jenkins et al; 2007; UN-Habitat, 2006). New Urban Forms: *'New Urbanism' and the 'Compact City'* - On the one hand, and at a city-wide scale, the 'compact city' approach argues for medium to high built densities,

approaches can be grouped under the following categories as follows:

across traditional disciplinary and professional boundaries.

planning system by those involved in informality.

African region.

for better communities will have to emerge largely from sub-Saharan Africa where different actors in urban development would need a platform for exchange of ideas, knowledge and skills for developing strategies on how to ignite the much needed social change for sustainable and inclusive urban development.

### **5.2 Innovative approaches**

From the onset, it is important to point out that the problems associated with planning approaches discussed above, and the changing urban and environment contexts have led to the emergence of more innovative or contemporary approaches to urban planning. In particular, various countries in Eastern Africa (Kenya, Uganda) have adopted new approaches to urban planning, which are under test. Strategic planning and sociocratic planning provide the framework for the new innovative approaches. Although these approaches are still under test, a few successes and potentially scalable innovations have emerged through learning by doing and engagement with communities around the longstanding urban problems in East Africa.

Strategic planning reflects the "process" view of planning and is characterized inter alia by cross sectoral co-ordination, financial feasibility, enabling mechanisms by the public sector to support both formal and informal private sector activities, realistic choice mechanisms and monitoring as well as evaluation (Jenkins et al; 2007; Clarke, 1995). Consequently, the emerging output is not just a physical development plan, but a set of interrelated strategies for city development including land, environmental management, infrastructure, economic opportunities, finance leading to a process of integrated urban development (Clarke, 1995).

Urban problems confronting East Africa are unique, locale specific and have led to evolution of locally responsive instruments of city-wide to neighborhood management (Akatch, 1995, Lwasa 2008, Lwasa 2011). Innovation has emerged in respect to financial mobilization, decision-making frameworks and processes as well as knowledge management for scaling of successes that would enable progression from micro-scale innovation to city-wide impacts. Planning innovation, can be based on adapted local conditions to spur local opportunities with built-in mechanisms for sustained social transformation for a livable urban environment". A key theme emerging with reference to urban planning and land use management in East Africa is the need to draw on real social, economic, cultural and political resources to promote solutions which are appropriate to context while 'best practices' from other countries may serve as inspiration to be de-contextualized from place of origin.

The new innovative urban planning approaches have differing entry points. Whereas adapted strategic planning provides city-wide or city regional frameworks, neighborhood innovations revolve around thematic and substantive planning issues of local economic opportunities, environmental management, service provision, managing utilities and promoting cultural diversity. Thus at these scales of intervention, the urban planning innovations have key elements of being strategic, flexible rather than fixed, action oriented, stakeholder or community, linked to political processes, environmentally responsive, socially inclusive, integrative in nature, focused on the outcomes of the planning process.

The urban planning innovations do not suggest models or solutions, which can be transplanted literally from one context to another, but rather offer general ideas, which can

for better communities will have to emerge largely from sub-Saharan Africa where different actors in urban development would need a platform for exchange of ideas, knowledge and skills for developing strategies on how to ignite the much needed social change for

From the onset, it is important to point out that the problems associated with planning approaches discussed above, and the changing urban and environment contexts have led to the emergence of more innovative or contemporary approaches to urban planning. In particular, various countries in Eastern Africa (Kenya, Uganda) have adopted new approaches to urban planning, which are under test. Strategic planning and sociocratic planning provide the framework for the new innovative approaches. Although these approaches are still under test, a few successes and potentially scalable innovations have emerged through learning by doing and engagement with communities around the

Strategic planning reflects the "process" view of planning and is characterized inter alia by cross sectoral co-ordination, financial feasibility, enabling mechanisms by the public sector to support both formal and informal private sector activities, realistic choice mechanisms and monitoring as well as evaluation (Jenkins et al; 2007; Clarke, 1995). Consequently, the emerging output is not just a physical development plan, but a set of interrelated strategies for city development including land, environmental management, infrastructure, economic opportunities, finance leading to a process of integrated urban development (Clarke, 1995). Urban problems confronting East Africa are unique, locale specific and have led to evolution of locally responsive instruments of city-wide to neighborhood management (Akatch, 1995, Lwasa 2008, Lwasa 2011). Innovation has emerged in respect to financial mobilization, decision-making frameworks and processes as well as knowledge management for scaling of successes that would enable progression from micro-scale innovation to city-wide impacts. Planning innovation, can be based on adapted local conditions to spur local opportunities with built-in mechanisms for sustained social transformation for a livable urban environment". A key theme emerging with reference to urban planning and land use management in East Africa is the need to draw on real social, economic, cultural and political resources to promote solutions which are appropriate to context while 'best practices' from other countries may

The new innovative urban planning approaches have differing entry points. Whereas adapted strategic planning provides city-wide or city regional frameworks, neighborhood innovations revolve around thematic and substantive planning issues of local economic opportunities, environmental management, service provision, managing utilities and promoting cultural diversity. Thus at these scales of intervention, the urban planning innovations have key elements of being strategic, flexible rather than fixed, action oriented, stakeholder or community, linked to political processes, environmentally responsive, socially inclusive, integrative in nature, focused on the outcomes of the planning process.

The urban planning innovations do not suggest models or solutions, which can be transplanted literally from one context to another, but rather offer general ideas, which can

sustainable and inclusive urban development.

longstanding urban problems in East Africa.

serve as inspiration to be de-contextualized from place of origin.

**5.2 Innovative approaches** 

be considered in relation to the specific urban planning issues confronting the Eastern African region.

Therefore, in support of the UN Habitat Global Human Settlements Report, (2009), the new approaches can be grouped under the following categories as follows:

*Strategic spatial planning* which includes a strategic spatial planning system with long range, spatial planning frameworks and principles, and broad and conceptual spatial ideas.

Spatial planning as a *tool for integrating public sector functions* – this new approach focuses on decentralized solutions as well as a desire to 'join up' or integrate the functions of the public sector and inject spatial or territorial dimension into sectoral strategies. Perhaps most importantly this approach recognises that achieving environmental sustainability will require sectoral interests to work together and cut across traditional disciplinary and professional boundaries.

New approaches to *land regularisation and management* – Informality remains the most critical issue for urban planning in terms of regularization and management. Consequently, new regularization approaches require an attitudinal shift in government to recognize the potentially positive role of informality or 'emerging sector'; requires policies, laws and regulations, which are adapted to the dynamics of informality and requires efforts to improve the support for and legitimacy of the planning system by those involved in informality.

*Participatory processes* and partnerships in planning – In general, it is widely acknowledged that broad-based participation in planning can empower communities and much needed social capital leading to better design of urban projects while also allowing for participants' concerns to be incorporated into strategies. In this regard, a critical aspect would be the need to clearly redefine community roles transforming them from largely 'receivers' to major decision making stakeholders at various levels including verification of objectives, resource assessment, formulation of programmes and monitoring and evaluation (Lwasa, 2008; UN-Habitat, 2002; Fainstein, 2003). This would constitute an important first step towards responding to the failure of past development efforts that have had the unfortunate tendency of relegating the efforts of local communities to backstage in the articulation of their development needs.

Successful participation, however, remains ultimately contingent upon certain preconditions relating to the *prevailing political system*, the legal basis for participation and available resources and empowered local governments as well as organized communities and stakeholders. It is also important to acknowledge the important role of public-private partnerships, which have often been developed around public infrastructure especially when existing municipalities lack resources to provide the infrastructure.

Approaches promoted by international agencies - Significantly, in recent times, these forms of broader *'participatory planning'* described above, have been attempted by International Development Agencies and United Nations organizations spearheaded by UN-Habitat in important initiatives including the Urban Management Programme (UMP), Sustainable Cities Programme (SCP), Local Agenda 21 (LA 21) and City Development Strategy (CDS) projects in various pilot situations although their impact still needs to be understood more specifically in context (Jenkins et al; 2007; UN-Habitat, 2006). New Urban Forms: *'New Urbanism' and the 'Compact City'* - On the one hand, and at a city-wide scale, the 'compact city' approach argues for medium to high built densities,

Reappraising Urban Planning and Urban Sustainability in East Africa 13

Following the adage that "knowing a problem cause means you have solutions for it", its imperative for planning to reflect on these challenges probably with adapted or different lenses. From basic to applied research and now participatory research, these domains offer great opportunities to support planning innovation, knowledge generation and making informed planning interventions. Some of these research undertakings have been very revealing. For example whereas the planning has always grappled with the issue of 'standards' in respect to land and housing, the revelation is that possibly many people are not in position to afford such 'high standards' and coupled with other factors this influences the urban development imprint in the region(Rakodi and Lloyd-Jones, 2002, Rakodi, 1997, Rakodi, 2001). Research indicates that with this experience and projectization, a move from projects to policy thinking is necessary(McGill, 1988, Arimah and Adeagbo, 2000, Lotz-Sisitka). A move that entails programming of urban development but which recognizes incrementalism or phasing but most important ensuring sticking to plans through the routine actions that would lead to the desired goals. Participatory research has provided some insights but maybe not answers (Lwasa and Kadilo, 2010). A triple helix model that would enable a platform of knowledge generation and exchange would be useful, one which brings together, local governments, governments on one hand, research organizations/NGO's as second category and communities as the third category, to investigate problems and search for local-based solutions within affordable ranges (Egbu et al., 2006, Higgs, 2008, Williams et al., 1999). The bringing together of various actors in urban development is now widely recognized and some of the initiatives include Urban Fora for

discussion, prioritizing and directing knowledge generation for search of solutions.

A key input for planning is information on the substantive issues as well as processes (Mahavir, 2005, Lwasa, 2005) which is related to knowledge. Planning usually is preceded with collection of large data volumes, which sometimes are never processed to useful information nor getting utilized. Given the gamut of planning information needs, it means that any initiative to collect, analyze and utilize planning information could have experienced a situation of 'too much' data and 'less' utilized. This is not a surprise because planning usually projects development into the future, which may be uncertain. From social and economic surveys to spatial information on land use and other physical components, data are collected but partly analyzed. Arguably, there is an assumption that with the scale of data collection, the solutions to urban problems would be understood, explained and solutions derived. Not all the data collected by planners is actually used in a plan-making exercise. In fact "very little," a planner will discretely reply as observed by (Mahavir, 2005) that only 60% of data actually become input for plan making. The reason that planners collect so much data is a conventional approach influenced by the planning models described earlier in the chapter. Huge amounts of time and other resources are spent on collecting and analysing the same data, which in turn delays the start of the planning process, sometimes by several years Mahavir further observes. Differentiation, between essential and desirable data should provide the answer to the resources an aspect not given due attention. The key issue here is that both in terms of financial resources and time, this information takes an enormous share but if an evaluation is conducted, one wonders whether such scale of data analysis has really translated into solutions in East Africa. The innovation around planning information is likely to come from strategic determination and use of planning information given the level at which our information systems are. This would mean skimming through the available information as well as urban problems to

enabling efficient public transport and thresholds to support concentrations of economic activity, services and facilities. On the other hand, 'new urbanism' adheres to similar spatial principles, but at the scale of the local neighborhood. This position promotes a vision of cities with fine-grained mixed use, mixed housing types, compact form, an attractive public realm, pedestrian-friendly streetscapes and defined centers.

However, it should be pointed out that there is considerable overlap between these categories; some emphasize process and others outcomes and sometimes a combination (UN-Habitat, 2009). In the Eastern African context, efforts at attempting innovative participatory planning approaches have largely been spearheaded by international agencies, for example, the joint initiative of UNEP/UN-Habitat Sustainable Cities Programme in Dares-Salaam, Tanzania and the Local Agenda 21 initiative in Nakuru, Kenya. In general, the urban Environmental Planning and Management (EPM) approaches, technologies and know-how through urban local authorities based on broad-based stakeholder participatory or city consultation approaches offer innovations space.
