**4. Parenting approaches in children's digital engagement**

## **4.1 Parenting style**

*Parenting - Studies by an Ecocultural and Transactional Perspective*

**3. Parental media competence and self-efficacy**

critical attitude, etc.).

family relationships" (p. 1).

behaviors. Conversely, the positive beliefs concern positive effects of digital technologies on child's entertainment, communication and learning, access to information, and enhancing of child's skills (such as brain functioning, self-regulation, autonomy,

Other researchers [27] explored parent's perceptions about positive (i.e., they are shared by generations) or negative impact (i.e., they expose family privacy to risks) of social media—such as Facebook or WhatsApp—on family open communication. Teenagers are intensely involved in social media use, but adults also are regular users. On the one hand, parents use social networks to communicate; on the other hand, they fear that they negatively impact family relationships, for example, through the phubbing phenomenon (i.e., ignoring someone or interrupting a conversation or mealtime to check the smartphone). Authors found that parents' perceptions are a meditational variable between the collective family efficacy (i.e., the perceived efficacy to manage family relationships, to support each other, etc.) and the openness of communication: "it is not only the actual impact of social media on family systems that matters but also parents' perceptions about it and how much they feel able to manage their children's social media use without damaging their

Parental beliefs may influence the degree to which parents give opportunities or restrict their children's media use, but beliefs should not be considered the "cause" of behavior towards children. Researches show that parents' positive beliefs (e.g., "the tablet improves reading skills") are associated with favorable attitudes, co-using approach, communication, or suggestions to enhance their child's appropriate use of the Internet [28]. For example, when parents think that smartphones are useful tools (i.e., they promote child's intelligence and knowledge), they more often allow their preschool children to use them (i.e., at the restaurant), and children become regular users, spending more time (at least 2 h a day) with smartphone activities [29]. Conversely, parents who attribute negative effects to digital media tend to limit activities to children (i.e., put time limits or react for smartphone overuse); in turn, these restrictive behaviors can influence how much the children use these devices [28]. Therefore, the influences of parental beliefs on child's behaviors are not directed, but they are mediated by parental practices and other factors such as parental education or involvement with mobile device ("attachment"; see, e.g., [30]) that can intervene.

Parental beliefs include also self-efficacy [31, 32], that is, parent's sense of competence in their own digital skills and in managing their children's technology usage. An example of parental self-referent estimation of competence is "I won't bother setting parental controls or passwords because my kids will "hack" around them" (cfr. [33]). In many studies, parental self-efficacy is positively associated with active parental practices: when parents feel confident about their Internet skills, they more often are involved in or monitor their children's media activities [6]. Recently Shin [34] distinguishes general self-efficacy (the confidence to be a good parent; [35]) from two self-efficacy domains assessing parental beliefs more strictly related to digital tasks: parental "media competency" in using media technology (such as sending/receiving email with a smartphone) and "perceived control over mediation strategies" (the degree to which the parent feels to be able to guide or modify their children's behaviors on smartphone). All these domains of parenting self-efficacy are associated with each other [34], suggesting that perceived competence on their own digital skills can positively influence parents' involvement with children (e.g.,

**130**

discussing about smartphone use).

Initially studies on parental engagement in children's activities with media assumed as theoretical basis the traditional parenting styles [36, 37]. According to Darling and Steinberg [38], parenting styles are defined as the context (or *emotive climate*) in which parents raise and socialize their children, and they are distinct from *practices*, that is, the distinct actions contingent to the child's behavior (e.g., scolding when the child uses the smartphone during mealtime). As it is well known, two main dimensions of the parent's behaviors, and their natural variations along a continuum, describe the styles: responsiveness/warmth (involvement, acceptance, and affect that the parent expresses towards the child's needs) and demandingness/ control (rules, control, and maturity expectations for the child's socialization). Parenting styles derive from the combination of these variable dimensions: authoritative parenting (high warmth and high control, e.g., parents listen to the child's wishes, but they put clear limits to the child's behaviors); laissez-faire parenting (low warmth and low control; the parents are detached from the needs expressed by the child; they did not give rules or limits to child's behavior); authoritarian parenting (low warmth and high control; parents expect the child to obey; they neither discuss nor listen to the child's opinions and can react with harsh discipline); and permissive parenting (high warmth and low control; parents are very affectionate, but they lack in guidance through rules and give few limits to the child's behavior).

Studies that applied these "classic" parenting styles to children's behaviors with new communication media did not provide convincing results [39]. As an alternative to the "broad" parenting styles, a description of specific *media-related practices* is more useful in empirical studies for exploring the link between parental behaviors and child outcomes (e.g., time spent online). Therefore, researchers strove to identify the key dimensions of parental warmth/control more strictly referred to children's behaviors on the Internet or new media (**Table 1**). These Internet parenting styles are more strictly linked to children's actual use of digital technologies, for example, low parental control predicted more time of Internet usage by school-aged children [8].

Parenting style dimensions seem influenced by parents' individual characteristics such as gender, instruction, beliefs, or prior experiences with digital technologies. For example, in Valcke et al. [8] study, mothers are more controlling but also warmer than fathers, both dimensions associated with an authoritative style. In other studies, younger fathers and those who use the Internet more frequently with their teenagers are higher in control [40]. Parental instruction and experiences with digital technologies are other important variables: higher educated parents are more involved and high in control, probably because higher instructional levels also correspond to greater parents' competence with the Internet [8].


**Table 1.**

*Dimensions of the internet parenting style (adapted from [8], p. 89).*

The first studies explored parenting styles related to Internet usage *at home,* but more recently other authors explored the influence of digital parenting styles on children's usage of *mobile devices* (tablet and smartphone). Konok et al. [30] found that children (3–7 years old) who use the devices for more time every day have parents who are more permissive (e.g., they talk with children about applications on devices, but have low levels of demandingness), more authoritative (e.g., they give time limits, but they do not block the use because they expect the child to regulate himself), and less authoritarian (i.e., the parent restricts and prohibits mobile use). Interestingly, these parenting styles are also associated with parental beliefs about positive/negative consequences of early media usage: parents who have higher permissive or authoritative digital style declared more beneficial (i.e., skill improvement, entertainment, and early learning of digital skills) than negative effects (i.e., reduced time for other activities, developmental problems, and danger/addiction) for children's mobile usage.

Digital parenting styles change also according to children's characteristics, such as age [41], self-esteem [42], emotion regulation [43], or behavioral problems [44] that can intervene, mediating the link between parenting and children's actual behavior with digital technologies. Particularly, styles vary and accommodate with children's age: authoritative parents during infancy become more permissive with older children [41]. Overall, these findings reappraise the idea that there is a linear, causeeffect relationship between parenting and child outcomes on digital behaviors, but bidirectional and transactional parent-child influences [45] should be considered.

#### **4.2 Parental mediation**

Alternatively to digital parenting styles, many researchers adopted parental mediation as perspective for exploring parental influences on children's digital behaviors. Parental mediation refers to "the diverse practices through which parents try to manage and regulate their children's experiences with the media" ([7], p. 7). Parental mediation strategies were initially introduced in empirical studies as a potential factor influencing children's use of television [46] and videogames [47]. These studies, exploring how parents can effectively reduce excessive exposure or enhance children's self-regulated behaviors, inspired the following researches on digital technologies. Actually in literature two broad mediation approaches are distinct: *enabling* (or *instructive*) mediation and *restrictive* mediation [16]. These strategies are only partially similar to those parents who adopt "traditional" media: for example, co-viewing is a mediation strategy generally applied to television

**133**

responses [12].

*Digital Parenting: Raising and Protecting Children in Media World*

children's media use and involvement in digital life [11, 49].

gies, such as giving explanations or sharing the device [6].

school homework or for visiting Facebook; [11]).

children about contents and the use of media increase.

use [48], but it is difficult to apply it to portable media (particularly, smartphone and tablet) that children often use alone or outside the home environment. As a consequence, parents can feel worried because they cannot effectively control their

in that parents engage different activities with the aim to enhance their child's appropriate use of the digital technologies: for example, they explain to him/her how to use a media device, talk about the contents of new app/websites, or play a videogame together (*co-use* mediation). Nevertheless, in many empirical studies, (b) *co-use* (or co-viewing mediation) does not imply parent-child conversations, but the parent is present when the child displays the activity with the media without discussing the content [13]. The (c) *restrictive mediation* is characterized by a strict attention to rules and control to the child's digital activities: for example, parents decide when the child can have his/her tablet, pose time restrictions, or react when the child uses the smartphone too long. The (d) *technical restriction* is a particular kind of restrictive approach adopting software applications or other technical tools to control the child's activities (e.g., installing filters on PC for children's safety). Nevertheless, parents rarely use them and declare they prefer child-directed strate-

The (a) *enabling mediation* is also defined as "active" or "instructive mediation"

Active mediation is the most frequent approach adopted in European families with 9–16 years old children, whereas restrictive mediation strategies are more common with younger children [16]. Interestingly, when children are interviewed about the mediation approach adopted in the family, they agree with their parents'

All mediation strategies are linked with changes in children's digital behaviors, for example, less time exposure with online activities [12], or reduction of negative outcomes (i.e., aggressive behaviors, overuse, etc.; see [50]), but their efficacy is relative and it changes as a function of the child's development (i.e., age and digital skills) and his/her actual activity with media. Active mediation is linked with positive outcomes (such as social and cognitive skills), particularly with younger children (0–3 ages): for example, during video/movie watching, parents stimulate attention, comment, or pose questions to children, giving them occasions for language exposure and cognitive and digital learning [51]. Nevertheless, we cannot link children's outcomes uniquely to a distinct mediation strategy, since parent-child interactions are complex and many contextual or individual factors can intervene. Parents often use a combination of mediation strategies, and they change the mediation approach according to the activity the child is doing (e.g., using the tablet for

Other authors explored the influence of family sociocultural factors. For mediation to be effective to guide children's experiences in the web, parents need to have themselves knowledge and skills of the new digital media (see Section 4 in this chapter). Particularly in conditions of sociocultural disadvantage, parents may lack basic digital skills [52], or they may not be able to explain to children how digital reality works and rapidly changes [53]. Unlike the traditional media (such as television or video game console), parents can give a difficult task to assure a help or guide children with the ever-changing technologies. Recently, Nikken and Opree [11] found that mostly low-educated, low-income, and single parents are likely to experience low competence and greater insecurity with new devices (such as electronic screen), declaring that it is difficult to apply co-use or active mediation strategies with their young children (1–9 ages). In addition, Warren and Aloia [49] found that when parents perceive high stress levels, the restrictive mediation and the discussions with

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.92579*

#### *Digital Parenting: Raising and Protecting Children in Media World DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.92579*

*Parenting - Studies by an Ecocultural and Transactional Perspective*

**Item (examples)**

1 h a day)"

website, etc.)"

*Dimensions of the internet parenting style (adapted from [8], p. 89).*

The first studies explored parenting styles related to Internet usage *at home,* but more recently other authors explored the influence of digital parenting styles on children's usage of *mobile devices* (tablet and smartphone). Konok et al. [30] found that children (3–7 years old) who use the devices for more time every day have parents who are more permissive (e.g., they talk with children about applications on devices, but have low levels of demandingness), more authoritative (e.g., they give time limits, but they do not block the use because they expect the child to regulate himself), and less authoritarian (i.e., the parent restricts and prohibits mobile use). Interestingly, these parenting styles are also associated with parental beliefs about positive/negative consequences of early media usage: parents who have higher permissive or authoritative digital style declared more beneficial (i.e., skill improvement, entertainment, and early learning of digital skills) than negative effects (i.e., reduced time for other activities, developmental problems, and danger/addiction)

Supervision: *"I'm around when my child surfs on the Internet"*

Stopping internet usage: "I stop my child when he/she visits a less suitable website" Internet usage rules: "I limit the time my child is allowed in the Internet (e.g., only

Communication: "I talk with my child about the dangers related to the Internet (costs, addiction to games, computer viruses, privacy violation, etc.)"

Support*:* "I show my child "child friendly" websites (library, songs, crafts, school

Digital parenting styles change also according to children's characteristics, such as age [41], self-esteem [42], emotion regulation [43], or behavioral problems [44] that can intervene, mediating the link between parenting and children's actual behavior with digital technologies. Particularly, styles vary and accommodate with children's age: authoritative parents during infancy become more permissive with older children [41]. Overall, these findings reappraise the idea that there is a linear, causeeffect relationship between parenting and child outcomes on digital behaviors, but bidirectional and transactional parent-child influences [45] should be considered.

Alternatively to digital parenting styles, many researchers adopted parental mediation as perspective for exploring parental influences on children's digital behaviors. Parental mediation refers to "the diverse practices through which parents try to manage and regulate their children's experiences with the media" ([7], p. 7). Parental mediation strategies were initially introduced in empirical studies as a potential factor influencing children's use of television [46] and videogames [47]. These studies, exploring how parents can effectively reduce excessive exposure or enhance children's self-regulated behaviors, inspired the following researches on digital technologies. Actually in literature two broad mediation approaches are distinct: *enabling* (or *instructive*) mediation and *restrictive* mediation [16]. These strategies are only partially similar to those parents who adopt "traditional" media: for example, co-viewing is a mediation strategy generally applied to television

**132**

for children's mobile usage.

**Style dimensions**

Parental control

Parental warmth

**Table 1.**

**4.2 Parental mediation**

use [48], but it is difficult to apply it to portable media (particularly, smartphone and tablet) that children often use alone or outside the home environment. As a consequence, parents can feel worried because they cannot effectively control their children's media use and involvement in digital life [11, 49].

The (a) *enabling mediation* is also defined as "active" or "instructive mediation" in that parents engage different activities with the aim to enhance their child's appropriate use of the digital technologies: for example, they explain to him/her how to use a media device, talk about the contents of new app/websites, or play a videogame together (*co-use* mediation). Nevertheless, in many empirical studies, (b) *co-use* (or co-viewing mediation) does not imply parent-child conversations, but the parent is present when the child displays the activity with the media without discussing the content [13]. The (c) *restrictive mediation* is characterized by a strict attention to rules and control to the child's digital activities: for example, parents decide when the child can have his/her tablet, pose time restrictions, or react when the child uses the smartphone too long. The (d) *technical restriction* is a particular kind of restrictive approach adopting software applications or other technical tools to control the child's activities (e.g., installing filters on PC for children's safety). Nevertheless, parents rarely use them and declare they prefer child-directed strategies, such as giving explanations or sharing the device [6].

Active mediation is the most frequent approach adopted in European families with 9–16 years old children, whereas restrictive mediation strategies are more common with younger children [16]. Interestingly, when children are interviewed about the mediation approach adopted in the family, they agree with their parents' responses [12].

All mediation strategies are linked with changes in children's digital behaviors, for example, less time exposure with online activities [12], or reduction of negative outcomes (i.e., aggressive behaviors, overuse, etc.; see [50]), but their efficacy is relative and it changes as a function of the child's development (i.e., age and digital skills) and his/her actual activity with media. Active mediation is linked with positive outcomes (such as social and cognitive skills), particularly with younger children (0–3 ages): for example, during video/movie watching, parents stimulate attention, comment, or pose questions to children, giving them occasions for language exposure and cognitive and digital learning [51]. Nevertheless, we cannot link children's outcomes uniquely to a distinct mediation strategy, since parent-child interactions are complex and many contextual or individual factors can intervene. Parents often use a combination of mediation strategies, and they change the mediation approach according to the activity the child is doing (e.g., using the tablet for school homework or for visiting Facebook; [11]).

Other authors explored the influence of family sociocultural factors. For mediation to be effective to guide children's experiences in the web, parents need to have themselves knowledge and skills of the new digital media (see Section 4 in this chapter). Particularly in conditions of sociocultural disadvantage, parents may lack basic digital skills [52], or they may not be able to explain to children how digital reality works and rapidly changes [53]. Unlike the traditional media (such as television or video game console), parents can give a difficult task to assure a help or guide children with the ever-changing technologies. Recently, Nikken and Opree [11] found that mostly low-educated, low-income, and single parents are likely to experience low competence and greater insecurity with new devices (such as electronic screen), declaring that it is difficult to apply co-use or active mediation strategies with their young children (1–9 ages). In addition, Warren and Aloia [49] found that when parents perceive high stress levels, the restrictive mediation and the discussions with children about contents and the use of media increase.

Parental mediation strategies may change according to their child's age and his/ her digital skills, but longitudinal studies are scarce in literature. Developmental changes have been observed from childhood to adolescence: active mediation strategies more often are adopted with younger children, whereas restrictive mediation fades with older and adolescents [17]. Parents generally expect greater autonomy and self-regulation skills from adolescents, and the influence of some parental strategies decrease over time: for example, the efficacy of restrictive strategies (i.e., rules for time or negative consequences for overuse) in reducing screen time decreases with older children [33]. From a developmental perspective, particularly the effects of restrictive approach are unclear. Some studies evidence that restrictive strategies (such as limiting access to media) are effective with younger children [6], but not with older kids. Adolescents can perceive parental control/limitations as a violation of their needs (i.e., self-determination, privacy, peer relationships, etc.) and react with increased online activities [54].

After all, parents wish their children can develop self-regulation, critical view, and awareness of opportunities or risks of digital technologies. In many studies, parental active mediation—for example, discussing with children issues such as cyberbullying, sexting, and online frauds—is more effective than restrictive mediation in reducing risks [16, 55]. Conversely, the efficacy of restrictive mediation must be considered relatively, since in literature both positive and negative associations with online risks emerge [56]. Mascheroni et al. [57] comment, "While restrictive mediation can be effective in reducing children's exposure to online risks, it has numerous side-effects, because it limits children's opportunities to develop digital literacy and build resilience and discourages children's agency within the childparent relationship. Enabling mediation, instead, encompasses a set of mediation practices (including co-use, active mediation of internet safety, monitoring and technical restrictions such as parental controls) that are aimed at empowering children and supporting their active engagement with online media. The question is, then, how to ensure children's access to online opportunities while protecting them from potential harmful effects."

Interestingly, parents adopt their approach according to their child's competence in digital technology use (*digital literacy*). In line with a bidirectional model of parentchild influences [45], not only parenting influences child's behaviors, but also the child's actual behavior or perceived digital competence influences parental behaviors. Generally, restrictive mediation strategies are more often adopted with less digitally skilled children, but this approach could be counterproductive: limiting online activities for protecting the child from risks, in turn, can deprive him/her to opportunities for developing adequate digital skills [5]. Conversely, parents more often use active mediation strategies (e.g., they share experiences or talk about media) with skilled children than with children who have scarce competencies [58].

### **5. Parental worries about children's online activities**

The predominance of online activities in the life of many children often worries parents, who observe that spending much time online removes children from faceto-face relationships and social activities. Empirical studies confirm the negative effects of Internet unsuitable use on social participation, since high levels of online activities are associated with few friends, reduced offline relationships [59], and increased loneliness [60]. Particularly loneliness, that is, social isolation and lack of intimacy with close friends, was found to be strongly associated with Internet excessive use [61]. However, causal relationship between Internet excessive use and loneliness is still under investigation [62], in an attempt to understand if loneliness

**135**

study1

*Digital Parenting: Raising and Protecting Children in Media World*

can be the antecedent or the consequence of the individual's excessive involvement with Internet activities. Two alternative hypotheses have been proposed to explain the link between poor social involvement, feeling lonely, and the development of problematic Internet use in children. According to the first hypothesis, loneliness is one of the main antecedents of excessive online activities, together with low selfesteem, poor social skills, social anxiety, and frequent conflict with parents. Some authors (e.g., [63]) hypothesized that adolescents who feel lonely or experience high anxiety in face-to-face social situations may use social networks and online exchanges more frequently than non-lonely adolescents. According to this "compensation hypothesis," they are increasingly involved in Internet activities that provide alternative experiences for social life. The second hypothesis assumes that time spent online causes loneliness and social withdrawal, isolating and depriving people of real social experiences. Therefore, loneliness can be considered as a possible outcome of Internet overuse [64], like when prolonged activities online reduce time spent with family and friends. Finally, there are studies that did not confirm the link between loneliness and Internet problematic use [65] or that evidence some positive consequences on individual socioemotional well-being. For example, contradicting the assumption that using the web impoverishes social life and increases isolation, in some studies higher levels of Internet activities are positively associated with social connection and perceived support. Unfortunately studies with children and adolescents are still lacking, but the attention among researchers is growing [60, 66]. Given the paucity of research with adolescents, we conducted an unpublished

to explore the relationships among excessive Internet use, preferred online

Scale (CIUS,

activities, and adolescent's perceived loneliness. In addition, we hypothesized that among adolescents better parent-child communication and higher parental emotional availability were positively related with less time spent online and less frequent online activities. In fact, studies indicate that parent-child communication and parental involvement play a protective role to excessive online activities [67]. A community sample of 177 high school students (66% females), aged 16–22 years old (M = 18, DS = 1.01), completed a questionnaire measuring the sense of loneli-

[69]) for assessing problematic involvement in Internet activities. Daily frequency of favorite online activities (chatting, e-mailing, visiting social networking sites, listening to music, watching videos, playing online games, etc.) was also measured. Regarding parenting factors, adolescents filled out (a) the Lum Emotional Availability of Parents questionnaire (LEAP; [71]) assessing adolescent's perception of parental responsiveness, sensitivity, and emotional involvement and (b) two scales (derived from [70]) measuring the frequency of communication (how often the adolescent communicates with parents about his/her online activities) and the quality of parent-child communication (the adolescent feels understood, or comforted, or taking seriously from parents when he/she talks about Internet activities). In our study loneliness was not associated with Internet compulsive use

<sup>1</sup> The data of this research were collected by Gabriella Famà for her degree thesis in Psychology (2013–2014): *Internet in adolescenza: benessere o solitudine? Il ruolo della disponibilità emotive e del monitoring genitoriale* [*Internet in adolescence: well-being or loneliness? The role of emotional availability and* 

<sup>2</sup> According to accepted criteria, compulsive internet use (CIU) is defined by the following characteristics [69]: "(1) continuation of internet use despite the intention or desire to stop or cut down; (2) experiencing unpleasant emotions when internet use is impossible; (3) using the internet to escape from negative feelings; (4) internet use dominating one's cognitions and behaviors; and (5) internet use result-

*parental monitoring*]. University of Messina (Italy).

ing in conflict with others or in self-conflict" (see [70]. p. 78).

ness (UCLA Loneliness Scale; [68]) and the Compulsive Internet Use2

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.92579*

#### *Digital Parenting: Raising and Protecting Children in Media World DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.92579*

*Parenting - Studies by an Ecocultural and Transactional Perspective*

with increased online activities [54].

from potential harmful effects."

Parental mediation strategies may change according to their child's age and his/ her digital skills, but longitudinal studies are scarce in literature. Developmental changes have been observed from childhood to adolescence: active mediation strategies more often are adopted with younger children, whereas restrictive mediation fades with older and adolescents [17]. Parents generally expect greater autonomy and self-regulation skills from adolescents, and the influence of some parental strategies decrease over time: for example, the efficacy of restrictive strategies (i.e., rules for time or negative consequences for overuse) in reducing screen time decreases with older children [33]. From a developmental perspective, particularly the effects of restrictive approach are unclear. Some studies evidence that restrictive strategies (such as limiting access to media) are effective with younger children [6], but not with older kids. Adolescents can perceive parental control/limitations as a violation of their needs (i.e., self-determination, privacy, peer relationships, etc.) and react

After all, parents wish their children can develop self-regulation, critical view, and awareness of opportunities or risks of digital technologies. In many studies, parental active mediation—for example, discussing with children issues such as cyberbullying, sexting, and online frauds—is more effective than restrictive mediation in reducing risks [16, 55]. Conversely, the efficacy of restrictive mediation must be considered relatively, since in literature both positive and negative associations with online risks emerge [56]. Mascheroni et al. [57] comment, "While restrictive mediation can be effective in reducing children's exposure to online risks, it has numerous side-effects, because it limits children's opportunities to develop digital literacy and build resilience and discourages children's agency within the childparent relationship. Enabling mediation, instead, encompasses a set of mediation practices (including co-use, active mediation of internet safety, monitoring and technical restrictions such as parental controls) that are aimed at empowering children and supporting their active engagement with online media. The question is, then, how to ensure children's access to online opportunities while protecting them

Interestingly, parents adopt their approach according to their child's competence in digital technology use (*digital literacy*). In line with a bidirectional model of parentchild influences [45], not only parenting influences child's behaviors, but also the child's actual behavior or perceived digital competence influences parental behaviors. Generally, restrictive mediation strategies are more often adopted with less digitally skilled children, but this approach could be counterproductive: limiting online activities for protecting the child from risks, in turn, can deprive him/her to opportunities for developing adequate digital skills [5]. Conversely, parents more often use active mediation strategies (e.g., they share experiences or talk about media) with skilled

The predominance of online activities in the life of many children often worries parents, who observe that spending much time online removes children from faceto-face relationships and social activities. Empirical studies confirm the negative effects of Internet unsuitable use on social participation, since high levels of online activities are associated with few friends, reduced offline relationships [59], and increased loneliness [60]. Particularly loneliness, that is, social isolation and lack of intimacy with close friends, was found to be strongly associated with Internet excessive use [61]. However, causal relationship between Internet excessive use and loneliness is still under investigation [62], in an attempt to understand if loneliness

children than with children who have scarce competencies [58].

**5. Parental worries about children's online activities**

**134**

can be the antecedent or the consequence of the individual's excessive involvement with Internet activities. Two alternative hypotheses have been proposed to explain the link between poor social involvement, feeling lonely, and the development of problematic Internet use in children. According to the first hypothesis, loneliness is one of the main antecedents of excessive online activities, together with low selfesteem, poor social skills, social anxiety, and frequent conflict with parents. Some authors (e.g., [63]) hypothesized that adolescents who feel lonely or experience high anxiety in face-to-face social situations may use social networks and online exchanges more frequently than non-lonely adolescents. According to this "compensation hypothesis," they are increasingly involved in Internet activities that provide alternative experiences for social life. The second hypothesis assumes that time spent online causes loneliness and social withdrawal, isolating and depriving people of real social experiences. Therefore, loneliness can be considered as a possible outcome of Internet overuse [64], like when prolonged activities online reduce time spent with family and friends. Finally, there are studies that did not confirm the link between loneliness and Internet problematic use [65] or that evidence some positive consequences on individual socioemotional well-being. For example, contradicting the assumption that using the web impoverishes social life and increases isolation, in some studies higher levels of Internet activities are positively associated with social connection and perceived support. Unfortunately studies with children and adolescents are still lacking, but the attention among researchers is growing [60, 66].

Given the paucity of research with adolescents, we conducted an unpublished study1 to explore the relationships among excessive Internet use, preferred online activities, and adolescent's perceived loneliness. In addition, we hypothesized that among adolescents better parent-child communication and higher parental emotional availability were positively related with less time spent online and less frequent online activities. In fact, studies indicate that parent-child communication and parental involvement play a protective role to excessive online activities [67]. A community sample of 177 high school students (66% females), aged 16–22 years old (M = 18, DS = 1.01), completed a questionnaire measuring the sense of loneliness (UCLA Loneliness Scale; [68]) and the Compulsive Internet Use2 Scale (CIUS, [69]) for assessing problematic involvement in Internet activities. Daily frequency of favorite online activities (chatting, e-mailing, visiting social networking sites, listening to music, watching videos, playing online games, etc.) was also measured. Regarding parenting factors, adolescents filled out (a) the Lum Emotional Availability of Parents questionnaire (LEAP; [71]) assessing adolescent's perception of parental responsiveness, sensitivity, and emotional involvement and (b) two scales (derived from [70]) measuring the frequency of communication (how often the adolescent communicates with parents about his/her online activities) and the quality of parent-child communication (the adolescent feels understood, or comforted, or taking seriously from parents when he/she talks about Internet activities). In our study loneliness was not associated with Internet compulsive use

<sup>1</sup> The data of this research were collected by Gabriella Famà for her degree thesis in Psychology (2013–2014): *Internet in adolescenza: benessere o solitudine? Il ruolo della disponibilità emotive e del monitoring genitoriale* [*Internet in adolescence: well-being or loneliness? The role of emotional availability and parental monitoring*]. University of Messina (Italy).

<sup>2</sup> According to accepted criteria, compulsive internet use (CIU) is defined by the following characteristics [69]: "(1) continuation of internet use despite the intention or desire to stop or cut down; (2) experiencing unpleasant emotions when internet use is impossible; (3) using the internet to escape from negative feelings; (4) internet use dominating one's cognitions and behaviors; and (5) internet use resulting in conflict with others or in self-conflict" (see [70]. p. 78).

(CIUS scores), but with *specific* online activities. Adolescents with higher loneliness levels reported higher frequency of music listening, but they declared less access to social networks (such as Facebook). This result contradicts the hypothesis of *social compensation* assuming that the teenagers use online exchanges to replace the sense of loneliness in real life [61]. An alternative explanation, proposed by others [72] is that a process downward with a "spiral pattern" is activated: loneliness leads to a decrease in social involvement which in turn increases the sense of isolation. Interestingly, those who spent more time online and were problematic users (higher CIUS scores) were more frequently involved in solitary activities, such as watching videos, listening to music, playing games offline, and visiting social networking sites. Perceived emotional availability from the father (but not from the mother) was negatively related with time that adolescents spent online. Teenagers who perceived greater emotional availability from both parents used the Internet more often for working on school projects and homework or doing search. A better quality of communication with parents is associated with less use of the Internet for gambling and online games. Overall these results confirm a virtuous relationship between quality of family communication, emotional availability of parents, and productive use of the web.

## **6. Family communication and parental consistency for preventing risks**

An interesting evidence emerging from empirical literature is the protective role of parent-child communication for preventing Internet unsuitable use in children [73]. Conversely, Internet excessive use is associated with low quality of communication in the family [74]. Particularly with teenagers, the open and effective parent-child communication is a key dimension of family relationships and climate. Assuming a bidirectional perspective of adolescent-child influences, some authors focus on the role of youths' self-disclosure and spontaneous communication on parenting. Stattin and Kerr [75] claim that parental efforts to monitor adolescent's activities or to discuss about them are ineffective if teenagers do not trust their parents and if they are not willing to open up spontaneously. Parental monitoring on children's activities can be less effective when it is *parent-driven* (e.g., the parent tries to follow the child's activities on Facebook) than when it is *child-driven*, that is, activated by children's *self-disclosure* and open communication. Conversely, when parents try to control teenagers' online communication (e.g., the friends on Facebook, the photos posted on Instagram, etc.), parent-child conflicts increase, and adolescents can perceive parental behaviors as an obstacle to their autonomy or an intrusion to privacy [76].

Van den Eijnden et al. [70] identify two key dimensions of parent-child communication about children's digital behaviors. The first parenting practice refers to the *frequency of communication* about Internet usage (e.g., "How often do you and your parents talk about who you have Internet contact with?"), whereas the *quality of communication* about Internet use measures adolescent's perception of mutual respect and acceptance during conversation ("When my parents and I talk about my Internet use, I feel taken seriously"). Authors explore how these parental behaviors, together with other Internet-specific parental practices (rules about time online, rules about contents, reactions to excessive use), link to compulsive Internet use (CIU) in adolescents. Findings from their longitudinal study are particularly interesting, showing a protective effect of the quality of communication, but *not* of frequency of communication, on the risk of developing CIU. In other words, a good quality of parent-child communication about the use of Internet decreased the risk of CIU (6 months later), whereas this relationship was not observed for the frequency of parent-child exchanges about adolescent's online activities. Authors

**137**

children.

**7. Conclusions**

*Digital Parenting: Raising and Protecting Children in Media World*

discuss these findings by highlighting the *bidirectional* nature of parent-child influences. When adolescents show compulsive Internet behaviors, the frequency of parent-child communication decreases. Probably gradually parents get discouraged and give up the idea of achieving a positive change in their child's problematic

Regarding the parental rules about online activities, studies evidence some mixed

Today's reality is widely digitized, and it offers people of all ages opportunities for socialization, amusement, learning, job, and knowledge that were unthinkable until a few decades ago. Precisely in the weeks in which the authors were engaged in the revision of this chapter, COVID-19 pandemic was involving more than 130 countries in the world. The lockdown and restrictions at home quickly changed daily activities of children and parents, transferring to the screen of the devices many activities previously carried outdoor (school lessons, play with peers, etc.). It is still too early to know what impact the epidemic will have on children's physical and mental health, but the attention of professionals and researchers is not lacking [80]. Surely during COVID-19 screen time has increased exponentially in the families: in some ways for the parents it was a relief, because through the Internet children continued their school courses and contact with peers. In addition, children avoided boredom through videogames or website dedicated to music, creativity, etc. On the other hand, the intensive online activities have renewed parents' concerns about

results. When parents give their children rules about the content of the Internet, the compulsive use of web decreases; conversely, strict rules about time allowed for online activities seem to be counterproductive, linking to compulsive Internet behaviors in children [70]. Moreover, considering the child's influences on parent's behaviors, it is possible that when the child remains connected online without time limits, her/his behavior in turn stimulates stricter rules by parents. Other studies evidence that parental rules about Internet use are less influential on their children's behaviors than their parents' behaviors. Liu et al. [77] found that when parental behaviors are *consistent* with parental rules regarding digital technologies and the Internet (e.g., the smartphone must not be used during mealtime, personal data cannot be given online, etc.), the rules negatively predict Internet problematic use in adolescents. This result reminds us the importance of educational consistency (i.e., rule-behavior agreement) from parents. Conversely, when parental rules and parental behaviors do not agree, *only* the parents' behaviors are positively predictive of children's excessive Internet use. According to social learning theory [78], a parental modeling process intervenes, that is, an observational learning in which the parent's behavior acts as antecedent for similar behavior in the child. Therefore, parents act as a role model for their children's digital behaviors, and young children learn how and under what circumstances to use a mobile, for example, the smartphone, observing parents' activities with that device. Interestingly, studies show that the time parents spend with computers positively relates with time spent by their children [79]. Similarly, parental involvement in favorite Internet activities (visiting social networking sites, video streaming, etc.) is positively associated with the same activities engaged by children. In addition, as some researchers remind us "it is not only overt parental behavior (i.e., digital device use) but also attitudes and emotions that can be modelled for children to imitate" ([30], p. 4). Taken together, these findings suggest that parents' agreement and modeling of adequate behaviors are crucial factors for promoting self-regulation and safety use of digital technologies in young

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.92579*

behaviors through frequent conversations.

#### *Digital Parenting: Raising and Protecting Children in Media World DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.92579*

*Parenting - Studies by an Ecocultural and Transactional Perspective*

(CIUS scores), but with *specific* online activities. Adolescents with higher loneliness levels reported higher frequency of music listening, but they declared less access to social networks (such as Facebook). This result contradicts the hypothesis of *social compensation* assuming that the teenagers use online exchanges to replace the sense of loneliness in real life [61]. An alternative explanation, proposed by others [72] is that a process downward with a "spiral pattern" is activated: loneliness leads to a decrease in social involvement which in turn increases the sense of isolation. Interestingly, those who spent more time online and were problematic users (higher CIUS scores) were more frequently involved in solitary activities, such as watching videos, listening to music, playing games offline, and visiting social networking sites. Perceived emotional availability from the father (but not from the mother) was negatively related with time that adolescents spent online. Teenagers who perceived greater emotional availability from both parents used the Internet more often for working on school projects and homework or doing search. A better quality of communication with parents is associated with less use of the Internet for gambling and online games. Overall these results confirm a virtuous relationship between quality of family communication, emotional availability of parents, and productive use of the web.

**6. Family communication and parental consistency for preventing risks**

Van den Eijnden et al. [70] identify two key dimensions of parent-child communication about children's digital behaviors. The first parenting practice refers to the *frequency of communication* about Internet usage (e.g., "How often do you and your parents talk about who you have Internet contact with?"), whereas the *quality of communication* about Internet use measures adolescent's perception of mutual respect and acceptance during conversation ("When my parents and I talk about my Internet use, I feel taken seriously"). Authors explore how these parental behaviors, together with other Internet-specific parental practices (rules about time online, rules about contents, reactions to excessive use), link to compulsive Internet use (CIU) in adolescents. Findings from their longitudinal study are particularly interesting, showing a protective effect of the quality of communication, but *not* of frequency of communication, on the risk of developing CIU. In other words, a good quality of parent-child communication about the use of Internet decreased the risk of CIU (6 months later), whereas this relationship was not observed for the frequency of parent-child exchanges about adolescent's online activities. Authors

An interesting evidence emerging from empirical literature is the protective role of parent-child communication for preventing Internet unsuitable use in children [73]. Conversely, Internet excessive use is associated with low quality of communication in the family [74]. Particularly with teenagers, the open and effective parent-child communication is a key dimension of family relationships and climate. Assuming a bidirectional perspective of adolescent-child influences, some authors focus on the role of youths' self-disclosure and spontaneous communication on parenting. Stattin and Kerr [75] claim that parental efforts to monitor adolescent's activities or to discuss about them are ineffective if teenagers do not trust their parents and if they are not willing to open up spontaneously. Parental monitoring on children's activities can be less effective when it is *parent-driven* (e.g., the parent tries to follow the child's activities on Facebook) than when it is *child-driven*, that is, activated by children's *self-disclosure* and open communication. Conversely, when parents try to control teenagers' online communication (e.g., the friends on Facebook, the photos posted on Instagram, etc.), parent-child conflicts increase, and adolescents can perceive parental behaviors as an obstacle to their autonomy or

**136**

an intrusion to privacy [76].

discuss these findings by highlighting the *bidirectional* nature of parent-child influences. When adolescents show compulsive Internet behaviors, the frequency of parent-child communication decreases. Probably gradually parents get discouraged and give up the idea of achieving a positive change in their child's problematic behaviors through frequent conversations.

Regarding the parental rules about online activities, studies evidence some mixed results. When parents give their children rules about the content of the Internet, the compulsive use of web decreases; conversely, strict rules about time allowed for online activities seem to be counterproductive, linking to compulsive Internet behaviors in children [70]. Moreover, considering the child's influences on parent's behaviors, it is possible that when the child remains connected online without time limits, her/his behavior in turn stimulates stricter rules by parents. Other studies evidence that parental rules about Internet use are less influential on their children's behaviors than their parents' behaviors. Liu et al. [77] found that when parental behaviors are *consistent* with parental rules regarding digital technologies and the Internet (e.g., the smartphone must not be used during mealtime, personal data cannot be given online, etc.), the rules negatively predict Internet problematic use in adolescents. This result reminds us the importance of educational consistency (i.e., rule-behavior agreement) from parents. Conversely, when parental rules and parental behaviors do not agree, *only* the parents' behaviors are positively predictive of children's excessive Internet use. According to social learning theory [78], a parental modeling process intervenes, that is, an observational learning in which the parent's behavior acts as antecedent for similar behavior in the child. Therefore, parents act as a role model for their children's digital behaviors, and young children learn how and under what circumstances to use a mobile, for example, the smartphone, observing parents' activities with that device. Interestingly, studies show that the time parents spend with computers positively relates with time spent by their children [79]. Similarly, parental involvement in favorite Internet activities (visiting social networking sites, video streaming, etc.) is positively associated with the same activities engaged by children. In addition, as some researchers remind us "it is not only overt parental behavior (i.e., digital device use) but also attitudes and emotions that can be modelled for children to imitate" ([30], p. 4). Taken together, these findings suggest that parents' agreement and modeling of adequate behaviors are crucial factors for promoting self-regulation and safety use of digital technologies in young children.
