**Abstract**

Emotional security theory illustrates the significance of children's reactions to interparental conflict as a mediator of the associations between interparental conflict and children's well-being. Less is known about infants' emotional security. The current study assessed the stability of emotional security over infancy through preschool years. We also assessed whether infant emotional insecurity mediated between interparental conflict during infancy and preschooler adjustment. Seventy-four families with infants aged 6–14 months participated at Time 1. Parents engaged in a conflict resolution task with their infants present. Families returned when children were 3–5 years old (Time 2). Families engaged in the same conflict resolution task and parents additionally completed the Strengths and Difficulty Questionnaire to assess preschooler adjustment. Cluster analyses revealed two classes of infants based on conflict responses at Time 1: secure and insecure. The insecure group demonstrated higher levels of distress, frustration, physical frustration, and dysregulation compared to the secure group. These classifications remained relatively stable over Times 1 and 2. Infant emotional security mediated associations between Time 1 interparental conflict and preschooler adjustment, even when considering preschooler emotional security. Our results highlight the lasting legacy of destructive conflict on infants' still developing security systems.

**Keywords:** emotional security, interparental conflict, infants, preschoolers, child adjustment

### **1. Emotional security theory**

Emotional security theory (EST) has illustrated the significance of children's reactions to interparental conflict as a mediator of the relationships between exposure to interparental conflict and children's later psychological and physiological well-being [1–3]. Although empirical support has been well documented for older children [4], less is known about younger children, specifically infants and toddlers, and their responses to interparental conflict. However, a cross-sectional study conducted by Du Rocher Schudlich et al. [5] found that infants aged 6–14 months showed differential responses to interparental conflict; depressive (i.e., avoidance and emotional distress) and destructive conflict (i.e., hostile verbal and nonverbal

behaviors) were associated with increased infant negative reactions, whereas constructive conflict (i.e., well-modulated conflict striving toward resolution) was associated with decreased infant negative reactions. This study was the first to highlight the significance of emotional security concerns in infancy. Others have since supported the role of emotional security concerns during this developmental period (e.g., [6, 7]). However, to date, there are no studies that have examined the longitudinal effects of interparental conflict and the stability of emotional security in infants through their preschool years. The dearth of studies is striking, as this developmental period is the one most commonly exposed to interparental conflict, and rates of interparental discord are highest during infant and early childhood years [8]. Guided by EST, the current study addresses the aforementioned gaps in the research literature by assessing the stability of emotional security over infancy through preschool years, determining if infant emotional insecurity mediates between interparental conflict during infancy and preschooler adjustment, and more stringently determining whether infant emotional insecurity continues to mediate between interparental conflict during infancy and preschooler adjustment, while simultaneously considering contemporaneous preschooler emotional insecurity.

EST [9] has demonstrated the significance of exposure to interparental conflict and children's following physiological and psychological well-being [3, 10]. According to EST, children react to the meaning of the conflict, ergo the threat to the safety and stability of their emotional life and the integrity of their family system [11]. As children grow and develop in response to their environment, an internal working model of conflict, based on previous exposure history, will progress and affect future responses and reactions to interparental conflict, which in turn may have deleterious effects on parent's conflict [12], thus feeding the negative cycle of insecurity. Children's emotional security is thus reflected in future emotional responding, effectiveness of coping, and emotion regulation skills [4, 11]. Observations of children's elevated emotional and behavioral dysregulation as a response to interparental conflict exposure provide the foundation for assessing children's emotional security [5].

Different types of interparental conflict will have different effects and outcomes on exposed children. EST posits that children are most negatively impacted by conflict perceived as threatening to the family system [9, 13]. Interparental conflict is most damaging to children's emotional security when it involves aggression [14], is unresolved with a negative emotional aftermath [15], when it is characterized by parental withdrawal [16], and when it is paired with harsh maternal parenting [17]. In contrast, conflict that is resolved and dealt with positively may enhance emotional security by reinforcing children's sense of stability in the family and providing a constructive model for dealing with difficult emotions [13, 18].

#### **2. Sensitization**

Within EST, sensitization developed from repeated or heightened exposure to interparental conflict increases children's reactivity, including distress, anger, aggressiveness, and involvement in interparental conflict [13]. For children, preserving a sense of security and stability within the family is a salient goal [17]. Thus, habituation to interparental conflict does not occur, as the threat of harm from exposure to interparental conflict increases their reactivity. Furthermore, with repeated exposure to destructive or depressive interparental conflict, the child should progressively amplify the importance of protecting security and stability of their family system. This results in increases in the children's greater emotional, behavioral, cognitive, and physiological reactivity in the face of interparental conflict [13]. Eventually, the components of the emotional security system, emotional

**3**

*Enduring Effects of Infant Emotional Security on Preschooler Adaptation to Interparental Conflict*

Consistent with sensitization, Davies et al. [21] found greater child reactivity over time was associated with higher levels of destructive interparental conflict. However, the link between threats to emotional security and children's mental and physical health does not occur immediately, but requires consistency and stability over time as the link gradually progresses, intensifies, and generalizes, into a broader pattern of the children's reactions and responses [13]. Based on EST, it is expected that individual differences in children's security responses to interparental

conflict have long-term implications for adjustment and adaptation [13].

tor of pathways between interparental conflict and child adjustment.

These studies highlight the importance of determining how exposure to interparental conflict may affect early childhood and infancy and the longitudinal effects associated with child adjustment. Infancy is an especially important developmental period for studying emotional security. To date, we are aware of only one study examining interparental conflict's effects on infants' emotional insecurity longitudinally. Frankel et al. [6] found that elevated interparental conflict during infancy predicted greater flat/withdrawn and negative affect in toddlerhood. Paternal affect was particularly important in their study: preschooler's negative affect was highest

Although much less is known about the effects of interparental conflict on infants, compared to later periods of development, there is evidence that they are also sensitive to specific dimensions of interparental conflict. Cummings et al. [22] examination of parent reports of 10- to 20-month-old infants' responses to naturally occurring and simulated expressions of anger and affection found that infants differentially responded to affectionate versus angry demonstrations; anger elicited distress and negative emotional reactions, whereas affectionate interactions elicited affectionate behaviors and pleasure. Furthermore, infants' distress levels were later heightened when exposed to higher levels of destructive marital conflict. Their findings are congruent with sensitization, which suggests that differences in children's responses to conflict, particularly destructive, lead to different capabilities in the child's emotional regulation and the child's response to conflict [23, 24]. As for regulation of exposure to conflict, although infants and toddlers may not directly interject themselves into the conflict, avoidance and withdrawal as well as ameliorating behaviors, such as self-soothing or gaze aversion, were observed [22]. Looking at a slightly younger population, Du Rocher Schudlich et al. [5] examined infants' responses and reactions to interparental conflict live in a laboratory. Parents were videotaped discussing a disagreement with their infant present. Infants showed heightened discussion attending and negative reactions in response to destructive and depressive conflict. However, infants displayed diminished discussion attending and negative reactions in response to constructive conflict. Together, these studies establish infants' sensitivity and reactivity to interparental conflict behavior. Similarly, it has been found that preschool-aged children are predisposed to experience fear, self-blame, and threat in response to interparental conflict due in part to the regulatory processes underlying children's security in the interparental relationship [13]. In infancy through the preschool years, regulatory processes are more easily overwhelmed by exposure to interparental discord, suggesting that insecurity in the interparental relationship may be a significant media-

reactivity, regulation of conflict exposure, and internal representations, should evidence stability and continuity over time [13]. Longitudinal studies have found moderate stability in individual differences in children's reactions to interparental

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.91261*

conflict over time [11, 19, 20].

**3. EST and infants**

*Enduring Effects of Infant Emotional Security on Preschooler Adaptation to Interparental Conflict DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.91261*

reactivity, regulation of conflict exposure, and internal representations, should evidence stability and continuity over time [13]. Longitudinal studies have found moderate stability in individual differences in children's reactions to interparental conflict over time [11, 19, 20].

Consistent with sensitization, Davies et al. [21] found greater child reactivity over time was associated with higher levels of destructive interparental conflict. However, the link between threats to emotional security and children's mental and physical health does not occur immediately, but requires consistency and stability over time as the link gradually progresses, intensifies, and generalizes, into a broader pattern of the children's reactions and responses [13]. Based on EST, it is expected that individual differences in children's security responses to interparental conflict have long-term implications for adjustment and adaptation [13].

### **3. EST and infants**

*Parenting - Studies by an Ecocultural and Transactional Perspective*

ing contemporaneous preschooler emotional insecurity.

behaviors) were associated with increased infant negative reactions, whereas constructive conflict (i.e., well-modulated conflict striving toward resolution) was associated with decreased infant negative reactions. This study was the first to highlight the significance of emotional security concerns in infancy. Others have since supported the role of emotional security concerns during this developmental period (e.g., [6, 7]). However, to date, there are no studies that have examined the longitudinal effects of interparental conflict and the stability of emotional security in infants through their preschool years. The dearth of studies is striking, as this developmental period is the one most commonly exposed to interparental conflict, and rates of interparental discord are highest during infant and early childhood years [8]. Guided by EST, the current study addresses the aforementioned gaps in the research literature by assessing the stability of emotional security over infancy through preschool years, determining if infant emotional insecurity mediates between interparental conflict during infancy and preschooler adjustment, and more stringently determining whether infant emotional insecurity continues to mediate between interparental conflict during infancy and preschooler adjustment, while simultaneously consider-

EST [9] has demonstrated the significance of exposure to interparental conflict and children's following physiological and psychological well-being [3, 10]. According to EST, children react to the meaning of the conflict, ergo the threat to the safety and stability of their emotional life and the integrity of their family system [11]. As children grow and develop in response to their environment, an internal working model of conflict, based on previous exposure history, will progress and affect future responses and reactions to interparental conflict, which in turn may have deleterious effects on parent's conflict [12], thus feeding the negative cycle of insecurity. Children's emotional security is thus reflected in future emotional responding, effectiveness of coping, and emotion regulation skills [4, 11]. Observations of children's elevated emotional and behavioral dysregulation as a response to interparental conflict exposure provide the foundation for assessing children's emotional security [5]. Different types of interparental conflict will have different effects and outcomes

on exposed children. EST posits that children are most negatively impacted by conflict perceived as threatening to the family system [9, 13]. Interparental conflict is most damaging to children's emotional security when it involves aggression [14], is unresolved with a negative emotional aftermath [15], when it is characterized by parental withdrawal [16], and when it is paired with harsh maternal parenting [17]. In contrast, conflict that is resolved and dealt with positively may enhance emotional security by reinforcing children's sense of stability in the family and provid-

Within EST, sensitization developed from repeated or heightened exposure to interparental conflict increases children's reactivity, including distress, anger, aggressiveness, and involvement in interparental conflict [13]. For children, preserving a sense of security and stability within the family is a salient goal [17]. Thus, habituation to interparental conflict does not occur, as the threat of harm from exposure to interparental conflict increases their reactivity. Furthermore, with repeated exposure to destructive or depressive interparental conflict, the child should progressively amplify the importance of protecting security and stability of their family system. This results in increases in the children's greater emotional, behavioral, cognitive, and physiological reactivity in the face of interparental conflict [13]. Eventually, the components of the emotional security system, emotional

ing a constructive model for dealing with difficult emotions [13, 18].

**2**

**2. Sensitization**

Although much less is known about the effects of interparental conflict on infants, compared to later periods of development, there is evidence that they are also sensitive to specific dimensions of interparental conflict. Cummings et al. [22] examination of parent reports of 10- to 20-month-old infants' responses to naturally occurring and simulated expressions of anger and affection found that infants differentially responded to affectionate versus angry demonstrations; anger elicited distress and negative emotional reactions, whereas affectionate interactions elicited affectionate behaviors and pleasure. Furthermore, infants' distress levels were later heightened when exposed to higher levels of destructive marital conflict. Their findings are congruent with sensitization, which suggests that differences in children's responses to conflict, particularly destructive, lead to different capabilities in the child's emotional regulation and the child's response to conflict [23, 24]. As for regulation of exposure to conflict, although infants and toddlers may not directly interject themselves into the conflict, avoidance and withdrawal as well as ameliorating behaviors, such as self-soothing or gaze aversion, were observed [22].

Looking at a slightly younger population, Du Rocher Schudlich et al. [5] examined infants' responses and reactions to interparental conflict live in a laboratory. Parents were videotaped discussing a disagreement with their infant present. Infants showed heightened discussion attending and negative reactions in response to destructive and depressive conflict. However, infants displayed diminished discussion attending and negative reactions in response to constructive conflict. Together, these studies establish infants' sensitivity and reactivity to interparental conflict behavior. Similarly, it has been found that preschool-aged children are predisposed to experience fear, self-blame, and threat in response to interparental conflict due in part to the regulatory processes underlying children's security in the interparental relationship [13]. In infancy through the preschool years, regulatory processes are more easily overwhelmed by exposure to interparental discord, suggesting that insecurity in the interparental relationship may be a significant mediator of pathways between interparental conflict and child adjustment.

These studies highlight the importance of determining how exposure to interparental conflict may affect early childhood and infancy and the longitudinal effects associated with child adjustment. Infancy is an especially important developmental period for studying emotional security. To date, we are aware of only one study examining interparental conflict's effects on infants' emotional insecurity longitudinally. Frankel et al. [6] found that elevated interparental conflict during infancy predicted greater flat/withdrawn and negative affect in toddlerhood. Paternal affect was particularly important in their study: preschooler's negative affect was highest

when both interparental conflict and fathers' distressed responses were high. Thus, effects of conflict may be long-lasting during this developmental period.

### **4. Current study**

The current study attempts to address the gaps in the literature that have been outlined. Currently, there are no studies that have examined the longitudinal effects of interparental conflict and the stability of emotional security on infants through their preschool years. The results of this study have critical implications because infants and preschoolers are the age group most commonly exposed to interparental conflict and this may be a key stage for the development of emotional security.

Guided by EST framework, the current study will address the following aims: (1) Does emotional security observed in infants have longitudinal stability into the preschool years? (2) Does infant emotional insecurity mediate between interparental conflict during infancy and preschooler adjustment? (3) Finally, does infant emotional insecurity continue to mediate associations between interparental conflict and preschooler adjustment when simultaneously considering preschooler emotional insecurity? Based on previous literature, we hypothesized that emotional security would be a stable construct over the infancy to preschooler time points. Additionally, infant emotional insecurity would serve as a mediator between interparental conflict and preschooler adjustment. Lastly, infant emotional insecurity would continue to serve as a mediator and predict preschooler adjustment even when simultaneously considering preschooler emotional insecurity.

#### **5. Method**

#### **5.1 Participants**

This study was a part of a larger investigation concerning family relationships and child development (e.g., see also Du Rocher Schudlich et al., [13, 25]). Data were collected during the years 2007–2009. Participants were recruited by contacting families listed in local birth records from a county in the Pacific Northwest of the United States, as well as families recommended by previous participants. Inclusion criteria included the following: (1) primary caregivers who were comfortable speaking and reading in English, (2) families who had an infant between the ages of 6 and 14 months, and (3) families who had been living together since the birth of the child, regardless of interparental marital status. Families were excluded if they did not meet all of the inclusion criteria or their child was diagnosed with a developmental disorder. Families were invited back when their children were between the ages of 3 and 5 years. This was an unplanned longitudinal study that developed out of a graduate student's thesis and thus our retention rate of 54% is lower than that which is typically seen in planned longitudinal studies.

At time one (T1), participants were 74 nuclear families (mothers' *M* age = 29.56 years, *SD* = 5.54; fathers' *M* age = 31.62 years, *SD* = 5.87) with 33 male and 41 female infants aged 6.20–14.48 months (*M* age = 10.07 months, *SD* = 2.10). Sixty-four of the parent couples (85%) were married, (*M* length of marriage = 4.83 years, *SD* = 3.15 years) and couples had been living together for an average of 5.78 years (*SD* = 3.34). All parents reported being the biological parents of the target child in the study. Parents indicated a modal family income of \$40,001–\$65,000 per year. In this sample, 88% of fathers and 85.3% of mothers were Caucasian, 1.3% of fathers and mothers were Asian American or Pacific

**5**

*intense feeling.*

*Enduring Effects of Infant Emotional Security on Preschooler Adaptation to Interparental Conflict*

Thirty-eight families returned at Time 2 (T2). To test for differences between families who participated at both time points versus those who did not, we conducted statistical comparisons among our primary study variables and family demographics (child sex, parents' education, parents' income, parents' and child race, parents' age, and interparental status). Out of the 15 variables assessed, only 2 yielded significant differences: parents who participated at both time points had

For both Time 1 and 2, parents consenting to participate received mailed packets containing consent forms and questionnaires to be completed at home prior to the laboratory visit. Upon arrival at the laboratory, parents engaged in three interactions: a conflict resolution task with their infant absent, a conflict resolution task with their infant or preschooler present, and a triadic play interaction. The order of conflict interactions was randomly counterbalanced across families when possible. The triadic play interaction always occurred last to reduce any emotional distress families may have experienced while engaging in the conflict and challenge tasks. In

Both parents completed parent-report versions of The Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ; [26]) at T2 regarding their child, which is a brief behavioral questionnaire about children 3–16 years of age. Parents are provided with a list of behavioral descriptions and asked to rate the extent to which they are true of their child on a scale from 0 (*Not True*)*,* 1 (*Somewhat True*), to 2 (*Certainly True*). We used three subscales: emotional problems, conduct problems, and prosocial behavior. Mother and father reports were highly correlated and thus their scores were averaged. Cronbach's α's were 0.72 for emotional problems, 0.86 for conduct

Following similar procedures in previous research (i.e., [27]), parents deliberated to select three topics that were most typically problematic for their relationship and then chose a topic that they were both comfortable discussing. Parents chose a different topic for their second interaction than what they discussed in their first interaction. We instructed parents to not discuss a child-related issue with the child present because previous research has indicated that children are especially sensitive to children-related topics [28]. We asked parents to attempt to reach a resolution and to share their emotions and perspectives on the issues. We asked parents to interact with their baby as they would normally if they were at home discussing the issue. Families were left alone during their interactions, which were videotaped. After 7.5 minutes, we offered parents additional time and those who accepted were given an additional 2.5 minutes. Following procedures developed by the Cummings lab, immediately following each of the interactions, parents independently completed ratings of how strongly they felt each of the following emotions during their interactions: loving feelings, happiness, anger, worry, scared, sadness, helplessness, and hopelessness. The emotions scale ranged from 1 to 9, with 1 = *absence of the emotion*, 5 = *mid-range level of feeling*, and 9 = *most* 

Islander, 1.3% of fathers and mothers were Hispanic, 5.4% of fathers and 8% of

mothers were biracial, and 3% of parents did not report ethnicity.

fathers who reported higher incomes and mothers with older ages.

the current study, we only utilized the conflict tasks.

problems, and 0.74 for prosocial behavior.

*5.2.2 Conflict*

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.91261*

**5.2 Procedures and measures**

*5.2.1 Time 1 and 2 (T1, T2)*

#### *Enduring Effects of Infant Emotional Security on Preschooler Adaptation to Interparental Conflict DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.91261*

Islander, 1.3% of fathers and mothers were Hispanic, 5.4% of fathers and 8% of mothers were biracial, and 3% of parents did not report ethnicity.

Thirty-eight families returned at Time 2 (T2). To test for differences between families who participated at both time points versus those who did not, we conducted statistical comparisons among our primary study variables and family demographics (child sex, parents' education, parents' income, parents' and child race, parents' age, and interparental status). Out of the 15 variables assessed, only 2 yielded significant differences: parents who participated at both time points had fathers who reported higher incomes and mothers with older ages.

#### **5.2 Procedures and measures**

#### *5.2.1 Time 1 and 2 (T1, T2)*

*Parenting - Studies by an Ecocultural and Transactional Perspective*

**4. Current study**

**5. Method**

**5.1 Participants**

when both interparental conflict and fathers' distressed responses were high. Thus,

The current study attempts to address the gaps in the literature that have been outlined. Currently, there are no studies that have examined the longitudinal effects of interparental conflict and the stability of emotional security on infants through their preschool years. The results of this study have critical implications because infants and preschoolers are the age group most commonly exposed to interparental conflict and this may be a key stage for the development of emotional security. Guided by EST framework, the current study will address the following aims: (1) Does emotional security observed in infants have longitudinal stability into the preschool years? (2) Does infant emotional insecurity mediate between interparental conflict during infancy and preschooler adjustment? (3) Finally, does infant emotional insecurity continue to mediate associations between interparental conflict and preschooler adjustment when simultaneously considering preschooler emotional insecurity? Based on previous literature, we hypothesized that emotional security would be a stable construct over the infancy to preschooler time points. Additionally, infant emotional insecurity would serve as a mediator between interparental conflict and preschooler adjustment. Lastly, infant emotional insecurity would continue to serve as a mediator and predict preschooler adjustment even

effects of conflict may be long-lasting during this developmental period.

when simultaneously considering preschooler emotional insecurity.

lower than that which is typically seen in planned longitudinal studies. At time one (T1), participants were 74 nuclear families (mothers' *M* age = 29.56 years, *SD* = 5.54; fathers' *M* age = 31.62 years, *SD* = 5.87) with 33 male and 41 female infants aged 6.20–14.48 months (*M* age = 10.07 months, *SD* = 2.10). Sixty-four of the parent couples (85%) were married, (*M* length of marriage = 4.83 years, *SD* = 3.15 years) and couples had been living together for an average of 5.78 years (*SD* = 3.34). All parents reported being the biological parents of the target child in the study. Parents indicated a modal family income of \$40,001–\$65,000 per year. In this sample, 88% of fathers and 85.3% of mothers were Caucasian, 1.3% of fathers and mothers were Asian American or Pacific

This study was a part of a larger investigation concerning family relationships and child development (e.g., see also Du Rocher Schudlich et al., [13, 25]). Data were collected during the years 2007–2009. Participants were recruited by contacting families listed in local birth records from a county in the Pacific Northwest of the United States, as well as families recommended by previous participants. Inclusion criteria included the following: (1) primary caregivers who were comfortable speaking and reading in English, (2) families who had an infant between the ages of 6 and 14 months, and (3) families who had been living together since the birth of the child, regardless of interparental marital status. Families were excluded if they did not meet all of the inclusion criteria or their child was diagnosed with a developmental disorder. Families were invited back when their children were between the ages of 3 and 5 years. This was an unplanned longitudinal study that developed out of a graduate student's thesis and thus our retention rate of 54% is

**4**

For both Time 1 and 2, parents consenting to participate received mailed packets containing consent forms and questionnaires to be completed at home prior to the laboratory visit. Upon arrival at the laboratory, parents engaged in three interactions: a conflict resolution task with their infant absent, a conflict resolution task with their infant or preschooler present, and a triadic play interaction. The order of conflict interactions was randomly counterbalanced across families when possible. The triadic play interaction always occurred last to reduce any emotional distress families may have experienced while engaging in the conflict and challenge tasks. In the current study, we only utilized the conflict tasks.

Both parents completed parent-report versions of The Strengths and Difficulties Questionnaire (SDQ; [26]) at T2 regarding their child, which is a brief behavioral questionnaire about children 3–16 years of age. Parents are provided with a list of behavioral descriptions and asked to rate the extent to which they are true of their child on a scale from 0 (*Not True*)*,* 1 (*Somewhat True*), to 2 (*Certainly True*). We used three subscales: emotional problems, conduct problems, and prosocial behavior. Mother and father reports were highly correlated and thus their scores were averaged. Cronbach's α's were 0.72 for emotional problems, 0.86 for conduct problems, and 0.74 for prosocial behavior.

#### *5.2.2 Conflict*

Following similar procedures in previous research (i.e., [27]), parents deliberated to select three topics that were most typically problematic for their relationship and then chose a topic that they were both comfortable discussing. Parents chose a different topic for their second interaction than what they discussed in their first interaction. We instructed parents to not discuss a child-related issue with the child present because previous research has indicated that children are especially sensitive to children-related topics [28]. We asked parents to attempt to reach a resolution and to share their emotions and perspectives on the issues. We asked parents to interact with their baby as they would normally if they were at home discussing the issue. Families were left alone during their interactions, which were videotaped. After 7.5 minutes, we offered parents additional time and those who accepted were given an additional 2.5 minutes. Following procedures developed by the Cummings lab, immediately following each of the interactions, parents independently completed ratings of how strongly they felt each of the following emotions during their interactions: loving feelings, happiness, anger, worry, scared, sadness, helplessness, and hopelessness. The emotions scale ranged from 1 to 9, with 1 = *absence of the emotion*, 5 = *mid-range level of feeling*, and 9 = *most intense feeling.*

We coded interparental interactions using an adapted version of The Marital Daily Records (MDR) protocol [29]. The MDR has good convergent validity with self-report measures of interparental conflict and relations [23]. Our adaptation included coding behaviors on a 1–9 scale based on the Couples' Interaction Global Coding System, rather than the original 0–2 scale on the MDR [30], allowing us to capture more variability in the behaviors. Global ratings of the entire interaction were applied (see [5, 25] for more coding details). We coded the conflict behaviors on a scale from 1 to 9, with 1 = *absence of the expression*, 5 = *mid-range level*, and 9 = *most intense expressions*. Coded behaviors included conflict, defensiveness, contempt, withdrawal, demand, communication skills, support-validation, problemsolving, and humor. The degree of emotional intensity was also coded on a 1–9 scale for each of four emotions (positivity, anger, sadness, and anxiousness), as well the overall degree (1–9) of conflict resolution for each partner. To minimize potential coding bias or carry-over effects, coders coded only one type of conflict interaction (triadic or dyadic) for each family. Coders received extensive training by the principal investigator, achieving adequate reliabilities on all coding categories (i.e., intra-class correlation coefficients ranged from 0.60 to 0.98, with a mean coefficient score of 0.91).

#### *5.2.3 Emotional security*

We recorded infants' reactions during actual interparental disagreements (see [5] for more details on procedures and coding). We adapted coding procedures from infants' responses to angry interparental interactions in the home environment, which were previously utilized to code infants' behavior from a wide developmental spectrum, 10 months to 2.5 years of age [31]. We considered intensity as well as frequency of behaviors and emotions, and scored them from 0 (*absence of the behavior*) to 4 (*strong intensity and frequency of the behavior*). Codes included frustration, self-soothing, sadness, physical frustration, and dysregulation. Infant location during the interaction was also coded, with 1 (*on floor*) and 2 (*in a parent's lap*). A group of raters blind to other study and coding information coded infant behaviors. The coders received extensive training by the principal investigator, achieving adequate reliabilities on all coding categories. Intra-class correlation coefficients ranged from 0.84 to 1.00, with a mean coefficient score of 0.95.

To assess preschoolers' reactions during actual interparental interactions, preschoolers were present during their parents' interparental disagreement and were videotaped for later coding. Coding procedures were adapted from the coding system utilized for infants [5]. Intensity and frequency of behaviors and emotions were both considered. Codes were scored from 0 (*absence of the behavior*) to 4 (*strong intensity and frequency of the behavior*), and included frustration (e.g., scowl, huffing, yelling, or stomping); self-soothing (e.g., sucking thumb, rocking); distress (e.g., whining, tears, pouting, or hanging head); aggression (e.g., throwing objects, hitting, kicking, or biting); dysregulation (e.g., intense, multiple, and potentially contradictory emotions, behaviors, and strategies in attempts to cope with conflict); avoidance (e.g., asking to leave, walking away from parents); and mediation (e.g., offering solutions to conflict, telling parents what to do, or comforting parents). A group of raters blind to other study and coding information coded preschooler behaviors. The coders received extensive training by the principal investigator, achieving adequate reliabilities on all coding categories. Intra-class correlation coefficients ranged from 0.78 to 0.98, with a mean coefficient score of 0.87.

**7**

insecurity.

*Enduring Effects of Infant Emotional Security on Preschooler Adaptation to Interparental Conflict*

We used SPSS v25 and AMOS v25 to analyze our data. Mothers' and fathers' conflict scores within T1 and T2 were highly correlated in expected directions and thus we averaged their scores together. Based on previous research, we created a global interparental conflict composite for T1 and T2 by summing the negative behaviors and emotions together and subtracting the positive ones. Based on previous research and supported by a factor analysis, we created a global emotional insecurity composite for T1 and T2 by summing scores for negative infant reactions

We examined whether the average scores on any of the outcomes were associated with child gender and socioeconomic status (SES) independent of interparental conflict. Very few significant associations were found. Girls demonstrated higher levels of mediation at Time 2 than boys, *t* (32) = −2.09, *p* = 0.048, and SES was negatively correlated with self-soothing at Time 1, *r* = −0.28, *p* = 0.02. Given the minimal significant findings for these variables and in order to preserve power, we

Utilizing a person-centered approach to assess Aim 1, the stability of ES over time, we conducted a cluster analysis of the T1 ES variables to determine the infants' patterns of responding to conflict. We compared the different clusters that emerged and used independent sample t-tests to determine their differential patterns of responding to conflict based on key T1 emotional security variables. Finally, to assess whether this remained stable over time, independent sample t-tests were conducted on key T2 emotional security variables as a function of infants' T1

Hierarchical regressions assessed mediational models for Aim 2 and 3. Zeroorder correlations were examined first. Correlations between interparental conflict at Time 1 and 2, emotional insecurity at Time 1 and 2, and preschooler emotional adjustment are presented in **Table 1**. T1 interparental conflict was significantly correlated with greater T1 emotional security, greater preschooler conduct problems, but less prosocial behavior. T1 emotional insecurity was significantly correlated with greater emotional and conduct problems, but less prosocial behavior. Similarly, T2 emotional insecurity was also correlated with greater emotional and conduct problems. Interestingly, T1 and T2 interparental conflict were not significantly correlated, and thus not surprisingly neither were T1 and T2 emotional

As a first step to assessing the stability of ES over time, we conducted a cluster analysis of the T1 ES variables to determine the infants' patterns of responding to conflict. We performed a hierarchical agglomerative cluster analysis with squared Euclidian distance and examined both the agglomeration schedule and the dendogram to determine the number of clusters [32]. The hierarchical agglomerative cluster approach allowed us to run the analyses without a predetermined number of clusters while minimizing the computational load [32]. We chose the squared Euclidian distance statistic to calculate the distance between cases because it allowed us to assess both the pattern and elevation of scores in question [32]. The agglomeration schedule was used to determine at what point two clusters were being combined that were too different to be combined into a homogenous group,

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.91261*

**6.1 Data reduction and preliminary analyses**

and subtracting scores from the positive reactions.

did not control for any of them in the rest of the analyses.

differential response patterns.

**6.2 Aim 1: assess the stability of ES over time**

**6. Results**

*Enduring Effects of Infant Emotional Security on Preschooler Adaptation to Interparental Conflict DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.91261*
