The Immutability of the Core Construction of a Chair: The Building Techniques from Ancient Egypt to Contemporaneity

*André Patrício*

### **Abstract**

Since the discovery of the now well-known and preserved examples of furniture found in several *per-djet* of ancient Egypt's Old Kingdom (c. 2686–2160 BCE) and New Kingdom (c. 1550–1069 BCE) it was possible to analyze in detail each object uncovered, revealing how it was built, the composing materials, the techniques that maintained it together and other elements present in its composition. The most interesting fact for this study is that, upon analysis, there seems to be interesting similarities between construction techniques used to assemble both ancient furniture and the ones used nowadays for the same purposes. To test the hypothesis, this paper is focused in three particular objects, the Solid Ebony Chair of *Tutankhamun* JE 62033, from KV62, and the Chairs of *Hetepheres* MFA 38.957 and *JE 53263*, from G7000X, -a much older chair- and analyses its structures, the materials and techniques used to assemble them, the similarities and dissimilarities, if any, between these two examples and to see if the is any correlations with them and their analog structures built three and a half millennia later, in our current days.

**Keywords:** ancient Egypt, chair, *Hetepheres*, *Tutankhamun*, contemporaneity

### **1. Introduction**

Each civilization follows a path according to its own rhythm. This evolution may be defined by the choice of its main location, internal and external political situation, growth and economic prosperity but mainly the internal cultural differentiation. The appearance of an artistic mind is paramount to allow a growth from the satisfaction of basic needs to allow the emergence of more complex ones, a phenomenon that in ancient Egypt, seems to have happened in the so-called elite in a very early moment in time but not as evident in the majority of the population [1]. Based on what is now know of ancient Egyptian practices and customs of daily life, mainly known through iconography and what reached our moment in time, although rough pieces of furniture seem to be transversal to the civilization, most of the Egyptians did sit or squat and slept on the floors [1]. In our days, such behavior would be considered very disconformable on a day to day living basis. In Egypt, some of those who lived in poorer conditions did have some basic stools, chests or baskets, used primarily for minimal comfort, food conservation or simple storage [1, 2].

One establishes here that furniture, chairs, beds, well-build chest, footstools, and so on, were, indeed, pieces belonging to a specific elite, which tended to use it, supposedly in daily live and, this is quite an academic interesting debate—ancient Egyptians, commonly took they earthly belongings with them to their *per djet* or had copies made to accompany them for their last address [1, 3].

The evolution of the production of furniture itself is also associated directly with both a development of taste, a search for comfort and, also with the development of a core system of beliefs alongside the need of protection. Both always accompanied these same evolutionary processes.

So, firstly an elite chair, in ancient Egypt, has the use of extraordinary rare pieces of elements such as woods, ivory, gold and often several other elements to decorate household items, something used not only for a question of status they represent by themselves, interlinked with the beauty directly related from their compositions—but many times with a special relation with the symbolic meaning of many of their components and colors. Nevertheless, the search for comfort seems to have always been part of the equation, if one takes in consideration the evolution of the chair, from the Old to the New Kingdom. It is noticeable the *crescendo* of quality items over time inside elites' households who gradually found means to acquire their security and therefore could pursuit other needs in life. In our contemporary society, the same does seem to apply [1].

Through millennia, from ancient Egypt to our more modern days, somewhat the same globalization of furniture on the western world also happens, although not based in a real security but in a false sense of need of acquisition, even though the quality at its core is not exactly durable and certainly not the main focus, but rather aesthetics and low price.

Even though the ancient Egyptian elite could feel it relatively secure, no chair was just a chair, or furniture, for that matter. The charge of symbolism attached to every single object, designed by a craftsman was very high. In the materials chosen, the designs incorporated, the colors of the scheme presented and even the type of legs, or any other detail of a furniture made would serve more than a purpose to lay or sit or even eat off. The finished product would frequently be protective with a help of, at least, a deity, working as sort of an amulet, protecting or having some kind of intrinsic power or protective action or inscribed spell to maintain enemies at bay. This was one of the main objectives of any ancient Egyptian furniture. Try as anyone might, other than simple utilitarian furniture not-belonging to an elite member, it is, for now, impossible to find, at least, a piece without some symbolic meaning attached to it. Interesting examples, not focused in this paper, would be find in well-known pieces such as the Chair of *Sat-Amun*, now in the Museum of Egyptian Antiquities in Cairo, JE 5342, or some furniture, like the *Tutankhamun*'s Footrest, in the same Museum, Carter Object 092, where the pharaoh stood upon his enemies during audiences with them, to prevent the envoys of foreigners of arming him or Egypt. Here it enters a complex world of ancient belief system that had been in work for centuries. Such preoccupation seemed to be on the Egyptian mind. This belief and the action to counter act it made the ancient Egyptians even more interesting and its culture an ever deeper one to understand, for, in fact, nobody understood what was really going on behind all that reserve, smoke and spectacle that made the Egyptians fearful in the eyes of the world for quite some millennia…

Even *Hatnofer*, mother of *Sennemut*, Vizier of *Hatchepsut*, in the privacy of her home, had a chair filled with symbolism, on the center a figure of Bes, a powerful apotropaic deity, protector of children and pregnant women, and a combination of *djed* pillars and the *tyet* amulets to protect her household, her children and herself. Here, one can see magic been used between Egyptians themselves. Such a work

**31**

*The Immutability of the Core Construction of a Chair: The Building Techniques from Ancient…*

most certainly would have been generalized if it was possible to afford such an item, and for some foreigner, that would simply be stranger and incomprehensible, but

Extremely relevant to this paper is to establish the point on which one can really

In the specific period one is analyzing here, due to its distance in time, one is inevitably restricted to what was left behind by an Ancient Civilization, whose way

The extreme climate conditions of Africa, specifically Egypt, works to one's advantage. The heat and inexistence of humidity paired with burial sites usually under rocks that protect wood elements from heavy deterioration, helps to maintain

The first real unearthing of such an item, where one has to consider the beginning of the history of furniture, happened exactly where people's mind tends to go

The mind tends to recall the Pyramids of the Giza Plateau. Structures built dur-

It is exactly during this time in history that the first pieces of furniture where placed on the Giza Plateau, dating approximately c. 2600–2500 BCE. They were found on the twentieth century by the excavating team of George Reisner and eventually brought to light. They are considered to this day the most ancient preserved pieces of furniture in our Planet. This will be analyzed in a section below [8].

However, long before this period, during Dynasty I, in Tarkhan, already bovine shaped pillar legs carved in wood with perfect joints of mortice and tenon, supposedly belonging to long beds, had been encountered. The difference here is that they did not make part of a complete structure. This indicates that furniture production was in effect in ancient Egypt far sooner than Dynasty IV, as it is also attested by the ceiling Stelae of Princess *Nefer-meri-ka* in Helwan, Tomb 246 H8 and Prince *Nisu-Heqet* also in Helwan, Tomb 946 H8, from Dynasty II, were one can see the royals sitting in front of tables or even the iconographic designs of a bed, stool and chair

It is, unquestionably clear that in ancient *per djet*, from all the periods of Ancient Egypt lays the answers one is looking for and certainly more questions that have

This paper will present a curious case of a chair that has being reproduced, and is currently in Boston, using an extraordinary effort to try and be truthful to the original and use its sister chair that has been restored and is in Cairo to compare the difference between execution techniques separated by 4 millennia and 7 centuries. The other chair is a fine example of a Dynasty XVIII chair, built and only

For both of them one proposes a careful analysis, focusing on main material, use of extra-materials and techniques to incorporate them as well as forms used to

During this exposition, one will point out joints, the technological advance in furniture building in general, and chairs in particular, is the development of several joints to unify different parts of wood. For joints make a wood structure extraordinary resilient structure, the, use or absence of nails and methods of embodying

Several questions did take form when one started pondering all this information, how similar could have been the construction techniques used then and now? Have these two civilizations developed so different woodworking techniques, or are

In the final discussion contemporary techniques will be paralleled.

focus and start to understand the "beginnings of the story of the chair" [6].

a dry climate that tends to conserve wood for several thousands of years [7].

of life, practices and costumes were extinct almost two millennia ago.

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85388*

for an Egyptian, the message would be loud and clear [3–5].

when one's asked, "tell me something about Egypt…"

on the tomb of *Hesira* in Saqqara, Dynasty III [9].

ever been asked.

conserved, never again retouched.

other materials on the main object [10].

include complex designs.

they strangely similar?

ing the Old Kingdom (c. 2686–2160 BCE).

### *The Immutability of the Core Construction of a Chair: The Building Techniques from Ancient… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85388*

most certainly would have been generalized if it was possible to afford such an item, and for some foreigner, that would simply be stranger and incomprehensible, but for an Egyptian, the message would be loud and clear [3–5].

Extremely relevant to this paper is to establish the point on which one can really focus and start to understand the "beginnings of the story of the chair" [6].

In the specific period one is analyzing here, due to its distance in time, one is inevitably restricted to what was left behind by an Ancient Civilization, whose way of life, practices and costumes were extinct almost two millennia ago.

The extreme climate conditions of Africa, specifically Egypt, works to one's advantage. The heat and inexistence of humidity paired with burial sites usually under rocks that protect wood elements from heavy deterioration, helps to maintain a dry climate that tends to conserve wood for several thousands of years [7].

The first real unearthing of such an item, where one has to consider the beginning of the history of furniture, happened exactly where people's mind tends to go when one's asked, "tell me something about Egypt…"

The mind tends to recall the Pyramids of the Giza Plateau. Structures built during the Old Kingdom (c. 2686–2160 BCE).

It is exactly during this time in history that the first pieces of furniture where placed on the Giza Plateau, dating approximately c. 2600–2500 BCE. They were found on the twentieth century by the excavating team of George Reisner and eventually brought to light. They are considered to this day the most ancient preserved pieces of furniture in our Planet. This will be analyzed in a section below [8].

However, long before this period, during Dynasty I, in Tarkhan, already bovine shaped pillar legs carved in wood with perfect joints of mortice and tenon, supposedly belonging to long beds, had been encountered. The difference here is that they did not make part of a complete structure. This indicates that furniture production was in effect in ancient Egypt far sooner than Dynasty IV, as it is also attested by the ceiling Stelae of Princess *Nefer-meri-ka* in Helwan, Tomb 246 H8 and Prince *Nisu-Heqet* also in Helwan, Tomb 946 H8, from Dynasty II, were one can see the royals sitting in front of tables or even the iconographic designs of a bed, stool and chair on the tomb of *Hesira* in Saqqara, Dynasty III [9].

It is, unquestionably clear that in ancient *per djet*, from all the periods of Ancient Egypt lays the answers one is looking for and certainly more questions that have ever been asked.

This paper will present a curious case of a chair that has being reproduced, and is currently in Boston, using an extraordinary effort to try and be truthful to the original and use its sister chair that has been restored and is in Cairo to compare the difference between execution techniques separated by 4 millennia and 7 centuries.

The other chair is a fine example of a Dynasty XVIII chair, built and only conserved, never again retouched.

For both of them one proposes a careful analysis, focusing on main material, use of extra-materials and techniques to incorporate them as well as forms used to include complex designs.

During this exposition, one will point out joints, the technological advance in furniture building in general, and chairs in particular, is the development of several joints to unify different parts of wood. For joints make a wood structure extraordinary resilient structure, the, use or absence of nails and methods of embodying other materials on the main object [10].

In the final discussion contemporary techniques will be paralleled.

Several questions did take form when one started pondering all this information, how similar could have been the construction techniques used then and now? Have these two civilizations developed so different woodworking techniques, or are they strangely similar?

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

accompanied these same evolutionary processes.

society, the same does seem to apply [1].

aesthetics and low price.

had copies made to accompany them for their last address [1, 3].

One establishes here that furniture, chairs, beds, well-build chest, footstools, and so on, were, indeed, pieces belonging to a specific elite, which tended to use it, supposedly in daily live and, this is quite an academic interesting debate—ancient Egyptians, commonly took they earthly belongings with them to their *per djet* or

The evolution of the production of furniture itself is also associated directly with both a development of taste, a search for comfort and, also with the development of a core system of beliefs alongside the need of protection. Both always

So, firstly an elite chair, in ancient Egypt, has the use of extraordinary rare pieces of elements such as woods, ivory, gold and often several other elements to decorate household items, something used not only for a question of status they represent by themselves, interlinked with the beauty directly related from their compositions—but many times with a special relation with the symbolic meaning of many of their components and colors. Nevertheless, the search for comfort seems to have always been part of the equation, if one takes in consideration the evolution of the chair, from the Old to the New Kingdom. It is noticeable the *crescendo* of quality items over time inside elites' households who gradually found means to acquire their security and therefore could pursuit other needs in life. In our contemporary

Through millennia, from ancient Egypt to our more modern days, somewhat the same globalization of furniture on the western world also happens, although not based in a real security but in a false sense of need of acquisition, even though the quality at its core is not exactly durable and certainly not the main focus, but rather

Even though the ancient Egyptian elite could feel it relatively secure, no chair was just a chair, or furniture, for that matter. The charge of symbolism attached to every single object, designed by a craftsman was very high. In the materials chosen, the designs incorporated, the colors of the scheme presented and even the type of legs, or any other detail of a furniture made would serve more than a purpose to lay or sit or even eat off. The finished product would frequently be protective with a help of, at least, a deity, working as sort of an amulet, protecting or having some kind of intrinsic power or protective action or inscribed spell to maintain enemies at bay. This was one of the main objectives of any ancient Egyptian furniture. Try as anyone might, other than simple utilitarian furniture not-belonging to an elite member, it is, for now, impossible to find, at least, a piece without some symbolic meaning attached to it. Interesting examples, not focused in this paper, would be find in well-known pieces such as the Chair of *Sat-Amun*, now in the Museum of Egyptian Antiquities in Cairo, JE 5342, or some furniture, like the *Tutankhamun*'s Footrest, in the same Museum, Carter Object 092, where the pharaoh stood upon his enemies during audiences with them, to prevent the envoys of foreigners of arming him or Egypt. Here it enters a complex world of ancient belief system that had been in work for centuries. Such preoccupation seemed to be on the Egyptian mind. This belief and the action to counter act it made the ancient Egyptians even more interesting and its culture an ever deeper one to understand, for, in fact, nobody understood what was really going on behind all that reserve, smoke and spectacle that made the Egyptians fearful in the eyes of the world for quite some

Even *Hatnofer*, mother of *Sennemut*, Vizier of *Hatchepsut*, in the privacy of her home, had a chair filled with symbolism, on the center a figure of Bes, a powerful apotropaic deity, protector of children and pregnant women, and a combination of *djed* pillars and the *tyet* amulets to protect her household, her children and herself. Here, one can see magic been used between Egyptians themselves. Such a work

**30**

millennia…

Would we understand the processes and the steps they took?

Between the ancient Egyptians and our current civilization stands four and a half millennia, a vastness of time, and eventually of evolution. Would this be significative, or did we have analog evolutions in technical expertise?

How well did our current knowledge of carpentry reproduce an ancient Egyptian chair?

All these seem valid question to start analyzing closely the two examples selected.

### **2. The Chairs**

### **2.1 The First Chair**

*Tutankhamun* is, perhaps, the most well-known monarch of all ancient Egyptian history. Not because of his deeds or long life, but because of the circumstances and the findings of his Home of Eternity. His funerary paraphernalia, the British Lord who became obsessed in discovering everything the Tomb had to offer and eventually died in the process, together with other members of the excavations, all the publicity around a supposed "untouched tomb" that circulated the globe for years… A reflex of the might of Egypt over a World that had only seen a glimpse of a past civilization [11]. That specific moment in time, 1922, transformed the face of the Earth with new ideas about the Great Ancient Egypt, approaching the idea to the imaginary of people that had never contacted with Egypt or with its past. It was the beginning of reception by the masses, seen in the creation of Cafés, private rooms, furniture, bric-a-brac, and an assortment of material that would eventually bring Egypt and its culture nearer the common people of Europe and Americas.

In truth, the pharaoh lived during Dynasty XVIII, having ascended to power still in *Akhetaten* (Tell el-Amarna) very young. His father, *Akhenaten* died (c. 1352–1336 BCE—years as pharaoh) *Tutankhamun*'s older brother, *Smenkhkare* (c. 1338–1336 BCE—years as pharaoh) was in the throne. It is commonly suggested that *Nefertiti*, under the name *Neferneferuaten* could have also been a pharaoh and reigned after this pharaoh or another unknown individual, presented with the name *Ankhkheperure*, that is hypothesized to have been either *Smenkhkare* or *Nefertiti* could have occupied the throne for the four lapsed years from 1336 to 1332 [11].

In either case, the problem here is mainly chronological, for it would both explain the usually assumed disappearance of *Nefertiti* from *Akhetaten* and also the succession of *Tutankhamun*, as *Tutankhaten* circa 1332 BCE, 4 years after the death of his father. The boy—pharaoh still governed from *Akhetaten*, apparently the wellestablished capital of the empire at that specific time [12].

According to current data, he reigned for a total of a decade and not much is known about his direct orders or actions. However, important actions took place during his reign. A continuation of what had started a few years back, after the death of his father. In Thebes, Amun had started gaining an increase number of loud followers, in the great temples, and all over Egypt the ancestral religions were getting back to their normal functions. The most curious aspect is that no retaliation happened from *Akhetaten*, neither any retaliation happened against the Horizon of the *Aten*. There is an interesting Stelae where the pharaoh states that he, himself, restored and returned all the favors of the ancient Gods to Egypt, an incredible propagandistic form to start a new reign, for a child with around a decade of age. However, it is perception that tells the story, and the story is what it is always remembered, When *Tutankhaten* performed the coronation ceremony, he changed his name to *Tutankhamun*, in fact, but his first name did not disappear, and neither did the iconography of *Akhetaten* in many of the furniture that surrounded him, until 1922 AC [12].

**33**

**Figure 1.**

*The chair has the following measurements (in SI\**

*International system of units.*

*The Immutability of the Core Construction of a Chair: The Building Techniques from Ancient…*

Such a fate, as it seems, was not to be, and the pharaoh did die very young. Critics refer to the tomb of *Tutankhamun*—KV 62, as a very small space, hastily

However, in this aspect, the pharaoh really did leave a mark. His House of eternity supplied pieces of incalculable scientific value like no other to this day. Many of those belong to the furniture section. The chair chosen for this paper illustrates not only the best of ancient Egyptian art in furniture, but also the best of

finished to accommodate the prematurely departed "boy-pharaoh" [13].

technique applied to fine wood construction and superb execution.

**Figure 1** shows a 45° angle of the Solid Ebony Chair of *Tutankhamun*.

This chair is currently at the Museum of Egyptian Antiquities in Cairo and was discovered by Howard Carted and Lord Herbert, Earl of Carnarvon, in 1922 inside

The funerary paraphernalia was immense, as the world came to know, but this so

Its conservation status being quite good, as if it was left inside a mere couple of days before the tomb was opened, was surprisingly rudely placed inside the antechamber of KV 62, below one of the ceremonial beds—The Lioness Bed—along with several other

Despite its rude deposit and its long sleep for more than c. 3200 years it arrived

*Solid Ebony Chair of Tutankhamun. ©The Griffith Institute, University of Oxford. Physical characteristics:* 

 *units): height, 0.715 ml; width, 0.406 m; depth, 0.391 m [13]. \**

*2.1.1 Analyzing the Solid Ebony Chair of Tutankhamun JE 62033*

very special chair is going to take central stage in this paper.

This chair is one of six chairs found inside KV62.

items such as the Black Shrine-shaped box on sled (object Carter 38),

or the extraordinary Chest of ivory, ebony, and red wood (object Carter 32),

at the twentieth century in perfect condition, ready to be carefully analyzed.

As a new Pharaoh, it was time to leave The Horizon of the *Aten* and start to man-

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85388*

age the empire from an ancient Capital.

KV 62—The Tomb of *Tutankhamun*.

as examples.

*The Immutability of the Core Construction of a Chair: The Building Techniques from Ancient… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85388*

As a new Pharaoh, it was time to leave The Horizon of the *Aten* and start to manage the empire from an ancient Capital.

Such a fate, as it seems, was not to be, and the pharaoh did die very young. Critics refer to the tomb of *Tutankhamun*—KV 62, as a very small space, hastily finished to accommodate the prematurely departed "boy-pharaoh" [13].

However, in this aspect, the pharaoh really did leave a mark. His House of eternity supplied pieces of incalculable scientific value like no other to this day.

Many of those belong to the furniture section. The chair chosen for this paper illustrates not only the best of ancient Egyptian art in furniture, but also the best of technique applied to fine wood construction and superb execution.

*2.1.1 Analyzing the Solid Ebony Chair of Tutankhamun JE 62033*

**Figure 1** shows a 45° angle of the Solid Ebony Chair of *Tutankhamun*.

This chair is currently at the Museum of Egyptian Antiquities in Cairo and was discovered by Howard Carted and Lord Herbert, Earl of Carnarvon, in 1922 inside KV 62—The Tomb of *Tutankhamun*.

The funerary paraphernalia was immense, as the world came to know, but this so very special chair is going to take central stage in this paper.

Its conservation status being quite good, as if it was left inside a mere couple of days before the tomb was opened, was surprisingly rudely placed inside the antechamber of KV 62, below one of the ceremonial beds—The Lioness Bed—along with several other items such as the Black Shrine-shaped box on sled (object Carter 38), or the extraordinary Chest of ivory, ebony, and red wood (object Carter 32), as examples.

Despite its rude deposit and its long sleep for more than c. 3200 years it arrived at the twentieth century in perfect condition, ready to be carefully analyzed.

This chair is one of six chairs found inside KV62.

**Figure 1.**

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

Egyptian chair?

**2. The Chairs**

**2.1 The First Chair**

Would we understand the processes and the steps they took?

significative, or did we have analog evolutions in technical expertise?

culture nearer the common people of Europe and Americas.

established capital of the empire at that specific time [12].

many of the furniture that surrounded him, until 1922 AC [12].

in *Akhetaten* (Tell el-Amarna) very young. His father, *Akhenaten* died

Between the ancient Egyptians and our current civilization stands four and a half millennia, a vastness of time, and eventually of evolution. Would this be

All these seem valid question to start analyzing closely the two examples selected.

*Tutankhamun* is, perhaps, the most well-known monarch of all ancient Egyptian history. Not because of his deeds or long life, but because of the circumstances and the findings of his Home of Eternity. His funerary paraphernalia, the British Lord who became obsessed in discovering everything the Tomb had to offer and eventually died in the process, together with other members of the excavations, all the publicity around a supposed "untouched tomb" that circulated the globe for years… A reflex of the might of Egypt over a World that had only seen a glimpse of a past civilization [11]. That specific moment in time, 1922, transformed the face of the Earth with new ideas about the Great Ancient Egypt, approaching the idea to the imaginary of people that had never contacted with Egypt or with its past. It was the beginning of reception by the masses, seen in the creation of Cafés, private rooms, furniture, bric-a-brac, and an assortment of material that would eventually bring Egypt and its

In truth, the pharaoh lived during Dynasty XVIII, having ascended to power still

(c. 1352–1336 BCE—years as pharaoh) *Tutankhamun*'s older brother, *Smenkhkare* (c. 1338–1336 BCE—years as pharaoh) was in the throne. It is commonly suggested that *Nefertiti*, under the name *Neferneferuaten* could have also been a pharaoh and reigned after this pharaoh or another unknown individual, presented with the name *Ankhkheperure*, that is hypothesized to have been either *Smenkhkare* or *Nefertiti* could have occupied the throne for the four lapsed years from 1336 to 1332 [11]. In either case, the problem here is mainly chronological, for it would both explain the usually assumed disappearance of *Nefertiti* from *Akhetaten* and also the succession of *Tutankhamun*, as *Tutankhaten* circa 1332 BCE, 4 years after the death of his father. The boy—pharaoh still governed from *Akhetaten*, apparently the well-

According to current data, he reigned for a total of a decade and not much is known about his direct orders or actions. However, important actions took place during his reign. A continuation of what had started a few years back, after the death of his father. In Thebes, Amun had started gaining an increase number of loud followers, in the great temples, and all over Egypt the ancestral religions were getting back to their normal functions. The most curious aspect is that no retaliation happened from *Akhetaten*, neither any retaliation happened against the Horizon of the *Aten*. There is an interesting Stelae where the pharaoh states that he, himself, restored and returned all the favors of the ancient Gods to Egypt, an incredible propagandistic form to start a new reign, for a child with around a decade of age. However, it is perception that tells the story, and the story is what it is always remembered, When *Tutankhaten* performed the coronation ceremony, he changed his name to *Tutankhamun*, in fact, but his first name did not disappear, and neither did the iconography of *Akhetaten* in

How well did our current knowledge of carpentry reproduce an ancient

**32**

*Solid Ebony Chair of Tutankhamun. ©The Griffith Institute, University of Oxford. Physical characteristics: The chair has the following measurements (in SI\* units): height, 0.715 ml; width, 0.406 m; depth, 0.391 m [13]. \* International system of units.*

Due to its size, it has been classified as a "Chair of a child" [13].

It was initially classified as Object Carter 039. The Museum of Egyptian Antiquities of Cairo has the ascension number JE 62033.

It is mainly made of ebony. This wood, for the ancient Egyptians, was extremely rare and a hard to find type of wood. It was not native from the land, and also rare in the empire even in the dominated lands the New Kingdom had under its control, so to have access to such wood in vast quantity would probably signify that it came from either commercial exchanges, something very frequent during the New Kingdom, or the payment of tributes, a practice the early New Kingdom Pharaohs, mainly *Tuthmoses* III, approximately a century before, started enforcing to maintain control on constant insurrections in further territories. Whatever the case, this wood could have only come primarily, has since the Old Kingdom, from either the Western most part of the African Continent not very acessible areas [14].

In the time of *Tutankhamun*, one sees the results of such tributes on the production of the so-called luxury items with an extreme perfection, but not to the extent seen years before, during the time of *Amenhotep* III.

The other components of this chair are ivory, gold, and some gilded bronze pieces and natural color bronzed "shoes", according to the Carter cards, from the Griffith Institute [1, 14].

### *2.1.2 Building the Chair JE 62033*

This chair is made of six essential parts, legs, seat, arms, backrest, chair supports and back supports.

The legs are exquisitely carved pieces, two by two, mimicking the front and posterior legs of a lion sitting in bronze gilded drums, a common theme that intended to symbolically both elevate and protect the one who seated in the chair. In this particular case, an elegant detail was added, and the claws were made with ivory [15].

To give the chair extra-support four wood cylinders—the stretchers—with dowel joints would be docked between the legs that in turn docked with the carved lion legs using the same mechanism, reinforced and decorated with gilded bronze pieces one can see on the extremity of each side of the stretcher. Using the same joint, the dowels, from each stretcher four smaller ones extend to the seat of the chair reinforcing it. All and all, the visual aspect of the design is actually very pleasing, it allows for a visual effect that is completely agreeable when one sees what the craftsman was aiming for, which was a very complex but also secure structure. It is this, seemingly undecorated work that supports the overall structure of the chair in its entirety [10, 16, 17].

Although the chair seems to be a normal Egyptian chair, it is far from it. This type of seat is called a double-cove and it is a hard one to take form, and much harder to make it last for millennia. Granted, that it is very comfortable, but the execution and mainly the guarantee that it endures is probably a nightmare. It was a test on how good the craftsman really was. The trick started with the legs. They had to be higher than usual. It is common to see this type of furniture referred to- the Egyptian also sat frequently in stools—as high leg chairs or stools. The hard part does start when all the rest has to be kept in place, ergo the extra reinforcements talked supra.

In terms of execution, the wood has to be slightly bended before it could be placed in its final position. If one looks to the image, the most certain way to guarantee no bad future results with the piece is exactly by applying some nails where the legs enter the set.

The frame of the seat is unified with a series of four joints of the type mortice and tenon with shoulder. After that, an old technique from the Old Kingdom is used to fixate the seat to the legs—the lower part of the chair is fixated using a series of

**35**

with shoulder [16].

*The Immutability of the Core Construction of a Chair: The Building Techniques from Ancient…*

leather or linen bindings that passed through holes cut in the legs and the frame of

After this process is concluded, the sides of the legs are secured with gold nails, as it is visible in **Figure 1**. The major part of the structural integrity of the chair is done. Regarding the seat, Carter described in his camp book, open access at the Griffith Institute, that the seat had five "slats (material unknown—but probably either cedar or ebony) fitted in to the framework". The material analysis is not ideal, one did not find another one, but it is known that the wood had been color treated

It is safe to assume that the chair had probably a pillow when in use, so the mate-

The work in the arms and back, were extremely interesting. The principle used for fixation was the common use of joint of mortise and tenon with shoulder. In the situation of the arms they had four support points, the base, the backrest, the gold "L" plaque, fixated with nails, that enforced a connection to the seat and the wood piece that contour and gave them both extra resistance and comfort to whom whore the chair. It is extremely important to note that the arms are a mixture of two types of art. The first one is, of course, carpentry. The whole chair was made by a master artisan, it presents itself with no fault, a superb work, with clear lines, complex angles made with no worry and extreme devotion, but then there was also the work of gold workers, probably jewel makers, with an extremely accurate eye for detail. It is not clear for a naked eye to see the detail of the pieces that are on the stretcher's finials, and it is even harder to see the bas-relief of what is happening on the side of the arms. In a parallel note, because it is not an excellent detailed image, both arms are decorated on the outside and inside. On the outside there are wounded oryx and desert plants, surrounded by scroll patterns, and on the inside a simple

To fixate the golden element inside the four parts of wood of the arm, a housing joint would have been the most appropriate technique used. In itself, the arm took form with an invisible mortise and tenon, with shoulder, to control any possible risk

During the late Dynasty XVIII, there is already an inclination of the back, visible in **Figure 1**. That was possible due to the existence of stiles and a central brace that

The chairs from this time period tended to create an illusion. They seemed to end where the back ended if looked from the front, but in truth the backrest was

From the back legs a structure was raised composed by three vertical pieces of wood that would unite to the backrest on the headrail. Therefore, the chair eventually had a more ergonomic feel when sitting. These three vertical structures would be fixated with mortice and tenon to the back braces and mortice and tenon with shoulder to the head rail. The backrest was placed on the seat, in this case, with a

On the backrest artisans gave free reign to their imaginations and made the most marvelous inlays of ivory, as one can observe in this specific chair. Inlaid with ivory contrasting with a darker color surrounding it, with an incredible work of detail this chair is one example of the finest ancient Egypt art has to offer. It is important to refer that also here the same mortise and tenon with shoulder were used, always showing the extreme carefulness used to maintain invisible any unions between different parts of wood and the re-use of gold nails for structural and decorative purposes. In one final detail, although the back-rest of this chair is indeed made of ebony, there is an impressive extra detail associated to it. All the ebony was covered

stub-tenon joint and in the headrail with a same mortice and tenon joint

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85388*

the seat, maintaining the lower superstructure united [16].

to resemble with some type of resin to resemble ebony [10].

rial on the seat could have taken a secondary concern.

desert plants surrounded by common patterns [18, 19].

of damage. To the back the same method was used.

allows the support of the weight of the person [20].

several centimeters in front of the back legs.

### *The Immutability of the Core Construction of a Chair: The Building Techniques from Ancient… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85388*

leather or linen bindings that passed through holes cut in the legs and the frame of the seat, maintaining the lower superstructure united [16].

After this process is concluded, the sides of the legs are secured with gold nails, as it is visible in **Figure 1**. The major part of the structural integrity of the chair is done.

Regarding the seat, Carter described in his camp book, open access at the Griffith Institute, that the seat had five "slats (material unknown—but probably either cedar or ebony) fitted in to the framework". The material analysis is not ideal, one did not find another one, but it is known that the wood had been color treated to resemble with some type of resin to resemble ebony [10].

It is safe to assume that the chair had probably a pillow when in use, so the material on the seat could have taken a secondary concern.

The work in the arms and back, were extremely interesting. The principle used for fixation was the common use of joint of mortise and tenon with shoulder. In the situation of the arms they had four support points, the base, the backrest, the gold "L" plaque, fixated with nails, that enforced a connection to the seat and the wood piece that contour and gave them both extra resistance and comfort to whom whore the chair. It is extremely important to note that the arms are a mixture of two types of art. The first one is, of course, carpentry. The whole chair was made by a master artisan, it presents itself with no fault, a superb work, with clear lines, complex angles made with no worry and extreme devotion, but then there was also the work of gold workers, probably jewel makers, with an extremely accurate eye for detail.

It is not clear for a naked eye to see the detail of the pieces that are on the stretcher's finials, and it is even harder to see the bas-relief of what is happening on the side of the arms. In a parallel note, because it is not an excellent detailed image, both arms are decorated on the outside and inside. On the outside there are wounded oryx and desert plants, surrounded by scroll patterns, and on the inside a simple desert plants surrounded by common patterns [18, 19].

To fixate the golden element inside the four parts of wood of the arm, a housing joint would have been the most appropriate technique used. In itself, the arm took form with an invisible mortise and tenon, with shoulder, to control any possible risk of damage. To the back the same method was used.

During the late Dynasty XVIII, there is already an inclination of the back, visible in **Figure 1**. That was possible due to the existence of stiles and a central brace that allows the support of the weight of the person [20].

The chairs from this time period tended to create an illusion. They seemed to end where the back ended if looked from the front, but in truth the backrest was several centimeters in front of the back legs.

From the back legs a structure was raised composed by three vertical pieces of wood that would unite to the backrest on the headrail. Therefore, the chair eventually had a more ergonomic feel when sitting. These three vertical structures would be fixated with mortice and tenon to the back braces and mortice and tenon with shoulder to the head rail. The backrest was placed on the seat, in this case, with a stub-tenon joint and in the headrail with a same mortice and tenon joint with shoulder [16].

On the backrest artisans gave free reign to their imaginations and made the most marvelous inlays of ivory, as one can observe in this specific chair. Inlaid with ivory contrasting with a darker color surrounding it, with an incredible work of detail this chair is one example of the finest ancient Egypt art has to offer. It is important to refer that also here the same mortise and tenon with shoulder were used, always showing the extreme carefulness used to maintain invisible any unions between different parts of wood and the re-use of gold nails for structural and decorative purposes. In one final detail, although the back-rest of this chair is indeed made of ebony, there is an impressive extra detail associated to it. All the ebony was covered

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

Antiquities of Cairo has the ascension number JE 62033.

seen years before, during the time of *Amenhotep* III.

Griffith Institute [1, 14].

and back supports.

ivory [15].

*2.1.2 Building the Chair JE 62033*

Due to its size, it has been classified as a "Chair of a child" [13].

Western most part of the African Continent not very acessible areas [14].

It was initially classified as Object Carter 039. The Museum of Egyptian

It is mainly made of ebony. This wood, for the ancient Egyptians, was extremely rare and a hard to find type of wood. It was not native from the land, and also rare in the empire even in the dominated lands the New Kingdom had under its control, so to have access to such wood in vast quantity would probably signify that it came from either commercial exchanges, something very frequent during the New Kingdom, or the payment of tributes, a practice the early New Kingdom Pharaohs, mainly *Tuthmoses* III, approximately a century before, started enforcing to maintain control on constant insurrections in further territories. Whatever the case, this wood could have only come primarily, has since the Old Kingdom, from either the

In the time of *Tutankhamun*, one sees the results of such tributes on the production of the so-called luxury items with an extreme perfection, but not to the extent

This chair is made of six essential parts, legs, seat, arms, backrest, chair supports

The legs are exquisitely carved pieces, two by two, mimicking the front and posterior legs of a lion sitting in bronze gilded drums, a common theme that intended to symbolically both elevate and protect the one who seated in the chair. In this particular case, an elegant detail was added, and the claws were made with

To give the chair extra-support four wood cylinders—the stretchers—with dowel joints would be docked between the legs that in turn docked with the carved lion legs using the same mechanism, reinforced and decorated with gilded bronze pieces one can see on the extremity of each side of the stretcher. Using the same joint, the dowels, from each stretcher four smaller ones extend to the seat of the chair reinforcing it. All and all, the visual aspect of the design is actually very pleasing, it allows for a visual effect that is completely agreeable when one sees what the craftsman was aiming for, which was a very complex but also secure structure. It is this, seemingly undecorated work that supports the overall structure of the chair in its entirety [10, 16, 17].

Although the chair seems to be a normal Egyptian chair, it is far from it. This type of seat is called a double-cove and it is a hard one to take form, and much harder to make it last for millennia. Granted, that it is very comfortable, but the execution and mainly the guarantee that it endures is probably a nightmare. It was a test on how good the craftsman really was. The trick started with the legs. They had to be higher than usual. It is common to see this type of furniture referred to- the Egyptian also sat frequently in stools—as high leg chairs or stools. The hard part does start when all

the rest has to be kept in place, ergo the extra reinforcements talked supra.

In terms of execution, the wood has to be slightly bended before it could be placed in its final position. If one looks to the image, the most certain way to guarantee no bad future results with the piece is exactly by applying some nails where

The frame of the seat is unified with a series of four joints of the type mortice and tenon with shoulder. After that, an old technique from the Old Kingdom is used to fixate the seat to the legs—the lower part of the chair is fixated using a series of

The other components of this chair are ivory, gold, and some gilded bronze pieces and natural color bronzed "shoes", according to the Carter cards, from the

**34**

the legs enter the set.

by papyrus strips glued to the wood and colored by the same resin used in the seat to acquire the color of ebony. If nothing else, it is an extremely decorative step to make with such a usually marvelous wood [16].

Could the explanation be associated with the need to give a strange texture to the chair? Or to demonstrate an extravagant behavior? Maybe it is not what one would consider Egyptian, but upon the analyses of this chair, this is indeed a strange fact. Perhaps the reason is simply related to the quality of the wood, it was not completely homogeneous.

The extra concern for the use of four gold reinforcements, two between the seat and the arms and two between the seat and the stiles seems to indicate that the chair might have had, at some point, the need of repairs, which could explain the need for a repair of the backrest.

The use of golden nails on the upper side of the backrest also seems to indicate the same. Maybe the use of such a delicate chair by a young pharaoh could have been more than the chair was prepared to handle. They do not seem to be structural at all but can very possibly have been placed to reinforce the connection between the backrest and the structure behind it, in case the elbow brace originally placed to maintain the central brace was not being enough [17].

On a final note regarding structural reinforcement, usually between joints it was used some kind of natural glue to increase the resistance of the piece. Ancient Egyptians used commonly gesso and either a natural adhesive or resin, usually Acacia gum, as found in the joints of the furniture of KV 62 and in this chair here presented [21].

### **2.2 The Second Chair**

Approximately 4600 years ago (c. 2600 BCE), the sarcophagus of *Hetepheres*, wife of *Snefrw* (the first pharaoh of this dynasty), mother of *Khwfw*, the builder of the great pyramid, was descended and finally placed in "eternal" rest, with no body inside, in the shaft tomb now numbered G7000X, in Giza [22].

Several items compose the funerary paraphernalia including the oldest preserved pieces of furniture in the World: a canopy, a bed, two chairs, a carrying chair and a curtain box [1]. The originals are now in the Museum of Egyptian Antiquities in Cairo. The team that was excavating the place and eventually unearthed the tomb was working for the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston. Per contract, if they ever discovered a sealed tomb, all the contents would remain in Egypt. It took them 23 years to find the Tomb of *Hetepheres*.

The original Egyptologist on site was Reisner that, unfortunately, had to leave Giza exactly when G7000X was uncovered. But that was not the worst part for him. When he arrived and started cataloguing everything, he noticed that there was something peculiar. There were fragments that did not match anything they had found. And from that day till his death he initiated a reconstruction project trying to find what it was. He never did, although he had a very close idea. After his death, his project went on and in 2017 finally the project was ended, a second superb chair made out of intense archaeological survey, deduction and multidisciplinary participation returned to life, in a form of a reproduction. Reisner dream did become truth [8].

The second chair of queen *Hetepheres* is of unprecedented beauty for that dynasty. The arms, in the form of flying falcons, carved in wood and embellish with inlayed faience and the details of the back are breathtaking. This is, however, not the chosen chair for this article, but is extremely related to it, in form and technique.

The one showed here in **Figure 2** is in exposition at the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston. The reconstructed resides in the Museum of Egyptian Antiquities, in Cairo, which makes this pair a special case, for one immediately thinks about the notion of the reception of an object of antiquity in our contemporaneity.

**37**

**Figure 2.**

*depth, 0.660 m [9]. \**

*The Immutability of the Core Construction of a Chair: The Building Techniques from Ancient…*

The chair of the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston is clearly a reproduction. All the suite of Queen *Hetepheres* in that Museum is such a case. It was executed in 1938 by Joseph Gerte, reproduced based on the one present in Cairo, for a private owner in Boston, that, in time, donated it to the museum, allowing it to be viewed by countless visitors, transporting them to a scenery of the Dynasty IV of Ancient Egypt. This is, of course, the epitome of trying to bring to another time something not quite belonging to it. Using eyes that understand most of the technique but not all the details. In fairness, Joseph Gerte did make an interesting job, trying to repro-

 *units): height, 0.795 m; width, 0.707 m;* 

*The Chair of Queen Hetepheres (reproduction). Photograph© [date of publication] Museum of Fine Arts, Boston.* 

The reproduction is quite well executed, at first glance not that different from the reconstruction, lacking, however, the elegance and sophistication of the ones produced during Dynasty XVIII, and even by Dynasty IV, when techniques seemed to be far improved for finer cutting of wood and manipulation into that same material to more delicate patterns that present delicate details. Interestingly enough, as one will present in the following point, technical details like joints or wood carving seem to be very well underway by this time, but something seems to be missing,

**Figure 2** shows a 45° angle of the Chair of Queen *Hetepheres* MFA 38.957 from the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, therefore, the reproduction made in 1938 by Joseph Gerte, almost identical to the Chair of *Hetepheres JE 53263 currently in the* 

The shaft Tomb G7000X was sensibly 27 m underground, and was sealed during the reign of *Khwfw*, so it seems to attest the dedicatory on the carrying chair "The mother of *Khwfy.*" It allowed for 4600 years of controlled decomposition in very favorable conditions, permitting only part of the funerary paraphernalia to survive

*Museum of Egyptian Antiquities in Cairo*, which will be also referred to.

duce the original techniques and final appearance.

*Physical characteristics: The chair has the following measurements (in SI\**

*International system of units.*

*2.2.1 Analyzing the Chair of Hetepheres MFA 38.957*

when compared to the original.

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85388*

*The Immutability of the Core Construction of a Chair: The Building Techniques from Ancient… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85388*

#### **Figure 2.**

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

maintain the central brace was not being enough [17].

inside, in the shaft tomb now numbered G7000X, in Giza [22].

to life, in a form of a reproduction. Reisner dream did become truth [8].

chair for this article, but is extremely related to it, in form and technique.

the reception of an object of antiquity in our contemporaneity.

with such a usually marvelous wood [16].

pletely homogeneous.

a repair of the backrest.

**2.2 The Second Chair**

years to find the Tomb of *Hetepheres*.

by papyrus strips glued to the wood and colored by the same resin used in the seat to acquire the color of ebony. If nothing else, it is an extremely decorative step to make

Could the explanation be associated with the need to give a strange texture to the chair? Or to demonstrate an extravagant behavior? Maybe it is not what one would consider Egyptian, but upon the analyses of this chair, this is indeed a strange fact. Perhaps the reason is simply related to the quality of the wood, it was not com-

The extra concern for the use of four gold reinforcements, two between the seat and the arms and two between the seat and the stiles seems to indicate that the chair might have had, at some point, the need of repairs, which could explain the need for

The use of golden nails on the upper side of the backrest also seems to indicate the same. Maybe the use of such a delicate chair by a young pharaoh could have been more than the chair was prepared to handle. They do not seem to be structural at all but can very possibly have been placed to reinforce the connection between the backrest and the structure behind it, in case the elbow brace originally placed to

On a final note regarding structural reinforcement, usually between joints it was used some kind of natural glue to increase the resistance of the piece. Ancient Egyptians used commonly gesso and either a natural adhesive or resin, usually Acacia gum, as found in the joints of the furniture of KV 62 and in this chair here presented [21].

Approximately 4600 years ago (c. 2600 BCE), the sarcophagus of *Hetepheres*, wife of *Snefrw* (the first pharaoh of this dynasty), mother of *Khwfw*, the builder of the great pyramid, was descended and finally placed in "eternal" rest, with no body

Several items compose the funerary paraphernalia including the oldest preserved pieces of furniture in the World: a canopy, a bed, two chairs, a carrying chair and a curtain box [1]. The originals are now in the Museum of Egyptian Antiquities in Cairo. The team that was excavating the place and eventually unearthed the tomb was working for the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston. Per contract, if they ever discovered a sealed tomb, all the contents would remain in Egypt. It took them 23

The original Egyptologist on site was Reisner that, unfortunately, had to leave Giza exactly when G7000X was uncovered. But that was not the worst part for him. When he arrived and started cataloguing everything, he noticed that there was something peculiar. There were fragments that did not match anything they had found. And from that day till his death he initiated a reconstruction project trying to find what it was. He never did, although he had a very close idea. After his death, his project went on and in 2017 finally the project was ended, a second superb chair made out of intense archaeological survey, deduction and multidisciplinary participation returned

The second chair of queen *Hetepheres* is of unprecedented beauty for that dynasty. The arms, in the form of flying falcons, carved in wood and embellish with inlayed faience and the details of the back are breathtaking. This is, however, not the chosen

The one showed here in **Figure 2** is in exposition at the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston. The reconstructed resides in the Museum of Egyptian Antiquities, in Cairo, which makes this pair a special case, for one immediately thinks about the notion of

**36**

*The Chair of Queen Hetepheres (reproduction). Photograph© [date of publication] Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Physical characteristics: The chair has the following measurements (in SI\* units): height, 0.795 m; width, 0.707 m; depth, 0.660 m [9]. \* International system of units.*

The chair of the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston is clearly a reproduction. All the suite of Queen *Hetepheres* in that Museum is such a case. It was executed in 1938 by Joseph Gerte, reproduced based on the one present in Cairo, for a private owner in Boston, that, in time, donated it to the museum, allowing it to be viewed by countless visitors, transporting them to a scenery of the Dynasty IV of Ancient Egypt. This is, of course, the epitome of trying to bring to another time something not quite belonging to it. Using eyes that understand most of the technique but not all the details. In fairness, Joseph Gerte did make an interesting job, trying to reproduce the original techniques and final appearance.

The reproduction is quite well executed, at first glance not that different from the reconstruction, lacking, however, the elegance and sophistication of the ones produced during Dynasty XVIII, and even by Dynasty IV, when techniques seemed to be far improved for finer cutting of wood and manipulation into that same material to more delicate patterns that present delicate details. Interestingly enough, as one will present in the following point, technical details like joints or wood carving seem to be very well underway by this time, but something seems to be missing, when compared to the original.

### *2.2.1 Analyzing the Chair of Hetepheres MFA 38.957*

**Figure 2** shows a 45° angle of the Chair of Queen *Hetepheres* MFA 38.957 from the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, therefore, the reproduction made in 1938 by Joseph Gerte, almost identical to the Chair of *Hetepheres JE 53263 currently in the Museum of Egyptian Antiquities in Cairo*, which will be also referred to.

The shaft Tomb G7000X was sensibly 27 m underground, and was sealed during the reign of *Khwfw*, so it seems to attest the dedicatory on the carrying chair "The mother of *Khwfy.*" It allowed for 4600 years of controlled decomposition in very favorable conditions, permitting only part of the funerary paraphernalia to survive

to present days. When opened, part of the furniture was only maintained by the gold sheets, for the wooden part had rotten away. The gold, however, allowed the reconstruction of the furniture in an extremely long restoration process, but not of the above-mentioned second chair, that took almost a century to be completed [8].

This chair has an innate beauty and significance associated to it. Its iconography already represents so many of the founding beliefs and values of what ancient Egypt would be based for more them two and a half millennia after this moment in time. One here is almost at the genesis of a civilization. The Old Kingdom had all but started a dynasty before and the potential was immense. Iconography, ideals and ideas are all being formed at this point. Unknowingly Dynasty IV was the beginning of something that would last for centuries upon centuries to come.

This chair, although it is a reproduction, and here and there show signs of it, when compared with the reconstruction that had parts from G7000X, one will point out infra, brings important iconographic elements to light that both obviously have. There are three extremely significative [23].

The first one is the form of the chair. It will be the same from the Old Kingdom to the beginning of the Dynasty XVIII, New Kingdom. When compared to the chair of *Hatnofer*, both have the same 90° angles between the seat and the backrest [17]. The difference in angle came during the later Dynasty XVIII, a fact that is extremely curious. One is talking about a rigid norm in furniture making that will know absolutely no evolution in form for more than 1200 years.

Secondly during Dynasty IV, it was already canon to see represented carved front and hind legs of a lion over drums, showing the back legs longer then the front ones. The bovine legs seemed to have concurrent with the appearance of the lion legs, and an evolution of the chair and stool legs clearly evolved in this context [9].

Lastly, Heraldic flowers were beginning to be incorporated, at least, in pharaonic furniture and belongings. This was not limited to this specific chair, but to all the funerary paraphernalia of *Hetepheres*, the carrying chair and the recently restored chair are important examples of that [8, 24]. It is well established that furniture was an important vessel for transmitting not only information but also messages for those who did not understand Egyptian language. It is perhaps here that the beginning of the understanding of cultural and collective memory really started. Which is a massive step regarding a civilizational evolution point, for it's the beginning of the use of the right images and messages to convey the right information to keep *maat* for as long as possible.

### *2.2.2 Building the Chair MFA 38.957 and introducing the Chair of Hetepheres JE 53263*

When this chair was commissioned, based on the one found in G7000X, the intent was to build it as faithful as possible. Despite that, the original chair was in a terrible state of conservation; and therefore, so much had to be improvised, which possible may account for some discrepancies [24].

Due to the recent studies on the second chair of *Hetepheres*, it is now possible to have access to the building techniques of the sister chair, the one in exposition for almost a century in Cairo and for around 70 years in Boston.

The chair in the Museum of Fine Arts, in Boston, is simpler in some parts of the design than the one in Cairo. Although one presents in **Figure 2** the one in Boston, the differences will be pointed out as a way to establish a counterpoint between construction concerns in different times.

The four legs are, as mentioned, carved wood legs in the form of front and hind lion legs, very detailed and sit upon drums covered with gilded copper.

As usual each leg has tenons with shoulders that will fit the mortices of the seat.

**39**

*The Immutability of the Core Construction of a Chair: The Building Techniques from Ancient…*

The seat will create a frame where the two side rectangular woods would have mortices that fit both the legs and the other two parts of the seat itself. Both chairs

According to the current hypothesis, it is not sufficiently accurate to hypothesize what made the backrest and the seat, although based on iconography, it is thought that this type of chair would have pillows. In any case, both the Cairo and the

The top armrest is made of semi-circular pieces of wood that connects to the backrest. The vertical parts of the arms of the chair are parallelepipedal, the reproduction presents the front part as quite uneventful and with almost no work at all, while the Cairo reconstruction shows them as a carved piece with vertical parallel carved work. In both versions, they are attached to the chair with a mortice and tenon with shoulder that will fit on the sit and on the armrest [6]. In the Cairo reconstruction, the joints of the front and back of the armrests are strengthened with leather strips that pass diagonally and are concealed with gold patches when appeared on the surface [25]. On the case of the Boston chair one can see the lines in the arm pieces, on the vertical and horizontal ones, where the strips actually pass. It

The backrest by itself is an curious piece of craftsmanship. The back frame seems to slide by lateral rails and then the top rail is pushed down and stays in place with a mitred cross-halving joint and rebated with a dovetail, there staying

The last part of the chair building is, of course, the carved wood panels in form of three papyrus flowers tied with six rows of wood and place inside the armchair's sections. The three stalks of the papyrus have tenons with shoulders that fit mortises on the seat of the chair. On the Cairo chair, the papyrus flower that touches the backseat seems to have the same mechanism to be fixated, although the other two flowers on each arm panel seem to be secure with leather, not visible because all the

To finalize this part, one notes the presence of some nails in the reproduction of the Museum of Fine Arts, in Boston, mainly in sections where joints could be experiencing some problems. It would remain a question if this was a specific problem of the reproduction or a problem of the original design. It is very curious to note that they seem to replicate the exact place of the reproduction of the one in

The design of this chair is extremely impressive, especially the details of the legs and the details of the papyrus flowers. The carving truly defends that on the third millennium BCE the level of perfection in complex areas was already at a very fine degree. The question now is, how high was it really, comparing to contemporaneity?

The question regarding reception is always a puzzle. Regarding Ancient Egypt, one is dealing with a civilization whose practices, codes of conduct and values, ways of life and belief have been massively extinct for almost two millennia. The ancient Egyptians did not disappear; they are still there, inhabiting the ancient land of *Kemet*. They simple follow different paths from those of their predecessors that stayed in the past for several reasons such as invasions, wars, a Planet in constant

Then there are the Egyptologists, always searching for the past. To try and understand a civilization long gone, but still here. And why here? For some reason, when one has the slightest contact with it, one immediately embraces it. The Great Temples

chair is covered with gold sheets after the carpentry process [9, 19].

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85388*

is an interesting appointment.

Cairo, according to photographs.

change and so many other reasons.

in place [9, 19].

**3. Final ideas**

had the lower section reinforced with golden nails.

Boston chairs ended up with a plain wood finish [8, 25].

### *The Immutability of the Core Construction of a Chair: The Building Techniques from Ancient… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85388*

The seat will create a frame where the two side rectangular woods would have mortices that fit both the legs and the other two parts of the seat itself. Both chairs had the lower section reinforced with golden nails.

According to the current hypothesis, it is not sufficiently accurate to hypothesize what made the backrest and the seat, although based on iconography, it is thought that this type of chair would have pillows. In any case, both the Cairo and the Boston chairs ended up with a plain wood finish [8, 25].

The top armrest is made of semi-circular pieces of wood that connects to the backrest. The vertical parts of the arms of the chair are parallelepipedal, the reproduction presents the front part as quite uneventful and with almost no work at all, while the Cairo reconstruction shows them as a carved piece with vertical parallel carved work. In both versions, they are attached to the chair with a mortice and tenon with shoulder that will fit on the sit and on the armrest [6]. In the Cairo reconstruction, the joints of the front and back of the armrests are strengthened with leather strips that pass diagonally and are concealed with gold patches when appeared on the surface [25]. On the case of the Boston chair one can see the lines in the arm pieces, on the vertical and horizontal ones, where the strips actually pass. It is an interesting appointment.

The backrest by itself is an curious piece of craftsmanship. The back frame seems to slide by lateral rails and then the top rail is pushed down and stays in place with a mitred cross-halving joint and rebated with a dovetail, there staying in place [9, 19].

The last part of the chair building is, of course, the carved wood panels in form of three papyrus flowers tied with six rows of wood and place inside the armchair's sections. The three stalks of the papyrus have tenons with shoulders that fit mortises on the seat of the chair. On the Cairo chair, the papyrus flower that touches the backseat seems to have the same mechanism to be fixated, although the other two flowers on each arm panel seem to be secure with leather, not visible because all the chair is covered with gold sheets after the carpentry process [9, 19].

To finalize this part, one notes the presence of some nails in the reproduction of the Museum of Fine Arts, in Boston, mainly in sections where joints could be experiencing some problems. It would remain a question if this was a specific problem of the reproduction or a problem of the original design. It is very curious to note that they seem to replicate the exact place of the reproduction of the one in Cairo, according to photographs.

The design of this chair is extremely impressive, especially the details of the legs and the details of the papyrus flowers. The carving truly defends that on the third millennium BCE the level of perfection in complex areas was already at a very fine degree. The question now is, how high was it really, comparing to contemporaneity?

### **3. Final ideas**

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

have. There are three extremely significative [23].

*maat* for as long as possible.

possible may account for some discrepancies [24].

construction concerns in different times.

almost a century in Cairo and for around 70 years in Boston.

*53263*

absolutely no evolution in form for more than 1200 years.

to present days. When opened, part of the furniture was only maintained by the gold sheets, for the wooden part had rotten away. The gold, however, allowed the reconstruction of the furniture in an extremely long restoration process, but not of the above-mentioned second chair, that took almost a century to be completed [8]. This chair has an innate beauty and significance associated to it. Its iconography already represents so many of the founding beliefs and values of what ancient Egypt would be based for more them two and a half millennia after this moment in time. One here is almost at the genesis of a civilization. The Old Kingdom had all but started a dynasty before and the potential was immense. Iconography, ideals and ideas are all being formed at this point. Unknowingly Dynasty IV was the beginning

This chair, although it is a reproduction, and here and there show signs of it, when compared with the reconstruction that had parts from G7000X, one will point out infra, brings important iconographic elements to light that both obviously

The first one is the form of the chair. It will be the same from the Old Kingdom to the beginning of the Dynasty XVIII, New Kingdom. When compared to the chair of *Hatnofer*, both have the same 90° angles between the seat and the backrest [17]. The difference in angle came during the later Dynasty XVIII, a fact that is extremely curious. One is talking about a rigid norm in furniture making that will know

Secondly during Dynasty IV, it was already canon to see represented carved front and hind legs of a lion over drums, showing the back legs longer then the front ones. The bovine legs seemed to have concurrent with the appearance of the lion legs, and an evolution of the chair and stool legs clearly evolved in this context [9]. Lastly, Heraldic flowers were beginning to be incorporated, at least, in pharaonic furniture and belongings. This was not limited to this specific chair, but to all the funerary paraphernalia of *Hetepheres*, the carrying chair and the recently restored chair are important examples of that [8, 24]. It is well established that furniture was an important vessel for transmitting not only information but also messages for those who did not understand Egyptian language. It is perhaps here that the beginning of the understanding of cultural and collective memory really started. Which is a massive step regarding a civilizational evolution point, for it's the beginning of the use of the right images and messages to convey the right information to keep

*2.2.2 Building the Chair MFA 38.957 and introducing the Chair of Hetepheres JE* 

When this chair was commissioned, based on the one found in G7000X, the intent was to build it as faithful as possible. Despite that, the original chair was in a terrible state of conservation; and therefore, so much had to be improvised, which

Due to the recent studies on the second chair of *Hetepheres*, it is now possible to have access to the building techniques of the sister chair, the one in exposition for

The chair in the Museum of Fine Arts, in Boston, is simpler in some parts of the design than the one in Cairo. Although one presents in **Figure 2** the one in Boston, the differences will be pointed out as a way to establish a counterpoint between

The four legs are, as mentioned, carved wood legs in the form of front and hind

As usual each leg has tenons with shoulders that will fit the mortices of the seat.

lion legs, very detailed and sit upon drums covered with gilded copper.

of something that would last for centuries upon centuries to come.

**38**

The question regarding reception is always a puzzle. Regarding Ancient Egypt, one is dealing with a civilization whose practices, codes of conduct and values, ways of life and belief have been massively extinct for almost two millennia. The ancient Egyptians did not disappear; they are still there, inhabiting the ancient land of *Kemet*. They simple follow different paths from those of their predecessors that stayed in the past for several reasons such as invasions, wars, a Planet in constant change and so many other reasons.

Then there are the Egyptologists, always searching for the past. To try and understand a civilization long gone, but still here. And why here? For some reason, when one has the slightest contact with it, one immediately embraces it. The Great Temples of Abu Simbel, the paintings of David Roberts, a mural by an anonymous painter that alludes to Egypt, a view of the Nile. And constantly one brings Egypt to life and with no conscience of the fact, this is where reception enters in our modern lives.

However, Egypt is not only this, that illusion of a grand civilization of prosperity and greatness, of peace, or war, and beauty. Egypt is so much more than this. Much of this is what one can call reception of an ancient civilization by a new one.

In this article one has decided to go for something quite simple but tremendously essential in our day-to-day life.

Each civilization has the notion that evolves more than any other that has come or that exists along us. That's a curious way of thinking, a dangerous state of mind to have. It leads to actions that would eventually have devastating consequences. So, what better than to look to the most primary and nevertheless complex day-to-day tool all of our society uses.

A few years ago, one ended a dissertation focused on Ancient Egyptian Furniture and noticed curious aspects between Egyptian and current furniture [26].

Although twentieth-century furniture, aesthetically has lost immensely to our counterparts of the Two Lands, what about the techniques. Are we better on building chairs, or stools?

The answer is no. If anything, our civilization can still produce an amazing quality item, that is a certainty, but those are still produced to the elites, not for the masses.

Nowadays one finds extremely professional carpentries shops, auction houses selling perfect furniture and incredible Schools of Arts that either produce or sell top of the quality items, but the cost is so high that only a fraction of the population will have the means to acquire it. It is almost like the Egyptian way of life is repeating itself.

What does this mean? As a civilization, we have evolved very little regarding this specific aspect. Although we have created alternatives, being the most significative, here, the mass production of low cost furniture. Now, it is not only the elite tha has access to furniture, but still the only to high quality furniture. We adapted to what is really necessary and what seems to be dispensable. Maybe to have a full life one doesn't need to have a chair with lion legs or ivory inlaid backrests, and this is our advantage as civilization. Maybe. Will the archaeologist of the future think the same about us? Will it matter?

On a last note, the belief systems that surrounded the ancient Egyptians are not as dominant as any of the major ones existing in our current society. Although superstition, magic, fear in many forms does still exist, there is not an extension to all the aspects of life in normal circumstances, therefore, much of the symbology carried in the superb Egyptian furniture would not be seen in these current days. This been clarified, one is prepared to present the conclusion and establish the bridges between antiquity and contemporaneity regarding the chair.

### **4. Conclusions**

The main question here would have to be focused not in the capability of our civilization to use tools of mass production of furniture that granted, it does possess; but how the basic techniques to unify and work different parts of wood are being used nowadays. And this is a really interesting question to consider. A civilization, or a determined group of people, tends to evolve and acquire the most advantageous ways to deal with a problem. After that problem has the most adaptable solution, there is no reason to keep searching for another solution to solve the same question, in theory. It is a waste of resources. Several years ago, there was an article focusing

**41**

century.

times it is an inoffensive one.

*The Immutability of the Core Construction of a Chair: The Building Techniques from Ancient…*

one of the most dignified School of Carpentry in Lisbon, Portugal, that produced furniture-using techniques from the eighteenth century, FRESS [27]. Their pieces are exquisite in every sense, they are flawless, extremely durable and have an undetermined period of durability, as far as one knows, they can last generations in

When doing a close analysis, today it is still used every ancient Egyptian technique in furniture production, from inlay to carving and varnishing. Even the use of glues to strengthen joints and, most fundamentally, the unions themselves find the exact same use today as they did in the so far long past. The most detectable are the mortice and tenon joints, dove tails, tenon with shoulders… basis for any contemporary furniture construction. A chair made by a carpenter today would have a mortice and tenon joint with shoulder perfectly visible in the back of the chair, on

And this is an extraordinary aspect of evolution. Our civilization as achieved

So, when asking, how similar could have been the construction techniques used then and now? The answer would have to be almost the same. They are, of course some differences. Industrialization as brought some major alterations regarding the way furniture has been built. Joint are invisible, nails are practically inexistent and mainly substituted by immense screws, but those "wood" cylinders one places

Answering "Are these two civilizations so different in woodworking techniques"? Absolutely not, we are extremely similar. Maybe our need to satisfy masses is making

That is why one so easily understands the process of construction of the Chair of *Tutankhamun* and that's why it was relatively easy to reproduce the suite of *Hetepheres*. But one note has to be made. There was a significant difference between the reproduction and the reconstruction in Cairo. Maybe it was the Cabinet maker, maybe it was the fact that he did not see anything except the designs, but the chair was noticably inferior to the original, although it was a good reproduction. The major fault was in the carving of the armrest. Maybe the detail was not that signifi-

the union of the seat with the backrest. The joint used is exactly the same.

us invent an alternative twist, but the base is the same, and it will always be.

This is, however, one of the main reasons why this chair was brought to this study together with its sister chair, to make a counterpoint between an example purely built during ancient Egypt, Dynasty XVIII The Ebony Chair of *Tutankhamun*, and two other, one reconstructed and one reproduced on the twentieth century The Reproduction Chair of *Hetepheres*. Original Egyptian, the original, and what can be called the result of reception of an Egyptian artifact in the past

This particular case of the Chairs of *Hetepheres* allows one to consider variables commonly associated with the fact that reception usually means recreation, and here one is simply referring to material culture. And this is true. Much of reception implies recreation that usually does not follow cannon, something that tends to change the overall process of what is scientific, what is real, what matters. It is one step from Egyptology to Egyptomania. Sometimes it is a dangerous step, many

Dangerous is only when the absence of knowledge tried to become science.

in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston was exactly "How similar are you to your much older sister?" The answer was immediate. "Almost nothing!" The general idea was there. The feeling was there. However, the history was completely different. It didn't weight millennia. It told a completely different story. A story of a woman,

When one started this paper, the first aspect, when studying the *Hetepheres* chair

When a reproduction tries to become a recreation. There are differences.

wonderous things, but this specific aspect, has come from the past.

inside IKEA holes are, in fact tenons. The principle is the same.

cative. These are, after all, only hypothesis.

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85388*

perfect conditions.

### *The Immutability of the Core Construction of a Chair: The Building Techniques from Ancient… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85388*

one of the most dignified School of Carpentry in Lisbon, Portugal, that produced furniture-using techniques from the eighteenth century, FRESS [27]. Their pieces are exquisite in every sense, they are flawless, extremely durable and have an undetermined period of durability, as far as one knows, they can last generations in perfect conditions.

When doing a close analysis, today it is still used every ancient Egyptian technique in furniture production, from inlay to carving and varnishing. Even the use of glues to strengthen joints and, most fundamentally, the unions themselves find the exact same use today as they did in the so far long past. The most detectable are the mortice and tenon joints, dove tails, tenon with shoulders… basis for any contemporary furniture construction. A chair made by a carpenter today would have a mortice and tenon joint with shoulder perfectly visible in the back of the chair, on the union of the seat with the backrest. The joint used is exactly the same.

And this is an extraordinary aspect of evolution. Our civilization as achieved wonderous things, but this specific aspect, has come from the past.

So, when asking, how similar could have been the construction techniques used then and now? The answer would have to be almost the same. They are, of course some differences. Industrialization as brought some major alterations regarding the way furniture has been built. Joint are invisible, nails are practically inexistent and mainly substituted by immense screws, but those "wood" cylinders one places inside IKEA holes are, in fact tenons. The principle is the same.

Answering "Are these two civilizations so different in woodworking techniques"? Absolutely not, we are extremely similar. Maybe our need to satisfy masses is making us invent an alternative twist, but the base is the same, and it will always be.

That is why one so easily understands the process of construction of the Chair of *Tutankhamun* and that's why it was relatively easy to reproduce the suite of *Hetepheres*. But one note has to be made. There was a significant difference between the reproduction and the reconstruction in Cairo. Maybe it was the Cabinet maker, maybe it was the fact that he did not see anything except the designs, but the chair was noticably inferior to the original, although it was a good reproduction. The major fault was in the carving of the armrest. Maybe the detail was not that significative. These are, after all, only hypothesis.

This is, however, one of the main reasons why this chair was brought to this study together with its sister chair, to make a counterpoint between an example purely built during ancient Egypt, Dynasty XVIII The Ebony Chair of *Tutankhamun*, and two other, one reconstructed and one reproduced on the twentieth century The Reproduction Chair of *Hetepheres*. Original Egyptian, the original, and what can be called the result of reception of an Egyptian artifact in the past century.

This particular case of the Chairs of *Hetepheres* allows one to consider variables commonly associated with the fact that reception usually means recreation, and here one is simply referring to material culture. And this is true. Much of reception implies recreation that usually does not follow cannon, something that tends to change the overall process of what is scientific, what is real, what matters. It is one step from Egyptology to Egyptomania. Sometimes it is a dangerous step, many times it is an inoffensive one.

Dangerous is only when the absence of knowledge tried to become science. When a reproduction tries to become a recreation. There are differences.

When one started this paper, the first aspect, when studying the *Hetepheres* chair in the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston was exactly "How similar are you to your much older sister?" The answer was immediate. "Almost nothing!" The general idea was there. The feeling was there. However, the history was completely different. It didn't weight millennia. It told a completely different story. A story of a woman,

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

essential in our day-to-day life.

tool all of our society uses.

ing chairs, or stools?

about us? Will it matter?

**4. Conclusions**

masses.

ing itself.

of Abu Simbel, the paintings of David Roberts, a mural by an anonymous painter that alludes to Egypt, a view of the Nile. And constantly one brings Egypt to life and with no conscience of the fact, this is where reception enters in our modern lives.

of this is what one can call reception of an ancient civilization by a new one.

and noticed curious aspects between Egyptian and current furniture [26].

However, Egypt is not only this, that illusion of a grand civilization of prosperity and greatness, of peace, or war, and beauty. Egypt is so much more than this. Much

In this article one has decided to go for something quite simple but tremendously

Each civilization has the notion that evolves more than any other that has come or that exists along us. That's a curious way of thinking, a dangerous state of mind to have. It leads to actions that would eventually have devastating consequences. So, what better than to look to the most primary and nevertheless complex day-to-day

A few years ago, one ended a dissertation focused on Ancient Egyptian Furniture

Although twentieth-century furniture, aesthetically has lost immensely to our counterparts of the Two Lands, what about the techniques. Are we better on build-

The answer is no. If anything, our civilization can still produce an amazing quality item, that is a certainty, but those are still produced to the elites, not for the

Nowadays one finds extremely professional carpentries shops, auction houses selling perfect furniture and incredible Schools of Arts that either produce or sell top of the quality items, but the cost is so high that only a fraction of the population will have the means to acquire it. It is almost like the Egyptian way of life is repeat-

What does this mean? As a civilization, we have evolved very little regarding this specific aspect. Although we have created alternatives, being the most significative, here, the mass production of low cost furniture. Now, it is not only the elite tha has access to furniture, but still the only to high quality furniture. We adapted to what is really necessary and what seems to be dispensable. Maybe to have a full life one doesn't need to have a chair with lion legs or ivory inlaid backrests, and this is our advantage as civilization. Maybe. Will the archaeologist of the future think the same

On a last note, the belief systems that surrounded the ancient Egyptians are not as dominant as any of the major ones existing in our current society. Although superstition, magic, fear in many forms does still exist, there is not an extension to all the aspects of life in normal circumstances, therefore, much of the symbology carried in the superb Egyptian furniture would not be seen in these current days. This been clarified, one is prepared to present the conclusion and establish the

The main question here would have to be focused not in the capability of our civilization to use tools of mass production of furniture that granted, it does possess; but how the basic techniques to unify and work different parts of wood are being used nowadays. And this is a really interesting question to consider. A civilization, or a determined group of people, tends to evolve and acquire the most advantageous ways to deal with a problem. After that problem has the most adaptable solution, there is no reason to keep searching for another solution to solve the same question, in theory. It is a waste of resources. Several years ago, there was an article focusing

bridges between antiquity and contemporaneity regarding the chair.

**40**

not a Queen, that was fascinated with the story of a faraway land, of a long dead monarch that had a suite she wanted for her-self. She asked someone to replicate it for her. As best as possible. This was a movement of reception of a contemporary of century XX AD to something from century XXVII BCE.

Everything has its time and definitely its place. After this, there are, of course, the way people perceive and receive what is Egyptian or what reminds them of Egypt. That's a completely different story. Here enters the Reception, which is a stupendous idea that must be fueled at all costs, for people do tend to have enthusiasm for what is absolutely amazing, and Egypt has been that for more than two centuries now. And has so much to offer.

This is the beauty of time and the fact that it flows in only one direction.

### **Author details**

### André Patrício1,2

1 Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa, Portugal

2 CHAM, FCSH, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa, Portugal

\*Address all correspondence to: andrehagpatricio@gmail.com

© 2019 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

**43**

South Africa; 2011

*The Immutability of the Core Construction of a Chair: The Building Techniques from Ancient…*

[11] Rashed MG. Life, Prosperity and Health for Tutankhamun—A Permanent Exhibition Refurbishment at the Egyptian Museum of Cairo [Internet]. 2014. Available from: http:// www.antikewelt.de/ankh-w-da-snb/

[Accessed: 19 february 2019]

Akhenaten and Tutankhamun: Revolution and Restoration.

Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology; 2006. 196 p

[13] Reeves N. The Complete

Universidad de Alicante; 2000

[15] Aldred C. Fine wood-work. In: Singer C, Holmyard EL, Hall AR, editors. A History of Technology. Oxford: Clarendon Press; 1954. 845 p

[16] Eaton-Krauss M. The Thrones, Chairs, Stools, and Footstools from the Tomb of Tutankhamun. Oxford: Griffith Institute; 2008. 224 p

[17] El Gabry D. Chairs, Stool, and Footstools in the New Kingdom. Production, Typology, and Social Analysis. Oxford: British Archaeological

[18] Hawass Z. King Tutankhamum. The Treasures of the Tomb. London: Thames

[19] Killen G. Egyptian Woodworking and Furniture. Buckinghamshire: Shire

Reports; 2014. p. 243

& Hudson. 2018. p. 296

Publications; 1994. p. 64

Hudson; 1995. 224 p

[12] Silverman DP, Wegner JD, Wegner JH.

Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia

Tutankhamun. The King, The Tomb, The Royal Treasure. London: Thames &

[14] Asensi V. La Madera en el Antiguo Egipto: Identificaciones, Usos Y Comercio. Reflexiones a partir de los Objectos de las Colecciones Egipcias de Marsella, Amiens Y Dijon [tesis (doct.)]. 2 Vols. San Vicente del Raspeig:

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85388*

[1] Der Manuelin P. Furniture in ancient Egypt. In: Sasson JM, editor. Civilizations of the Ancien near East. 2nd ed. Massachusetts: Hendrickson

[2] Donadoni S, editor. The Egyptian. Chicago: University of Chicago Press;

[3] Patricio A. Two new kingdom chairs: Their role in the world of Horus and in the realm of Osiris. Oriental Studies— Journal of Oriental and Ancient History.

[4] Davies TM. The Tomb of Ioiya and Touiyou with the Funeral Papyrus of Iouiya. Bath: Duckworth Publishers;

[5] Wilkinson RH. Symbol and Magic in Egyptian Art. London: Thames &

[6] Svart D. Egyptisk Møbelkunst Fra Faraotiden. Skårup: Skippershoved;

[7] Blanchette RA, Hight JE, Koestler RJ, Hatchfield PB, Arnold D. Assessment of deterioration in archaeological wood from ancient Egypt. Journal of the American Institute for Conservation.

[8] Der Manuelian P. The lost throne of Queen Hetepheres from Giza: An archaeological experiment in visualization and fabrication. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt. 2017;**53**:1-46

[9] Killen G. Ancient Egyptian

Furniture. Vol. I 4000-1300 BC. Surrey: WarminsterAris & Phillips; 1980. p. 149

[10] Harcombe M. Ancient Egyptian furniture in context: From ancient production, preservation to modernday reconstruction and conservation. [dissertation]. Pretoria: University of

Publishers; 2006. p. 2969

**References**

1997. 378 p

2012;**1**:59-85

2000. 120 p

Hudson; 1994

1998. 151 p

1994;**33**(1):55-70

*The Immutability of the Core Construction of a Chair: The Building Techniques from Ancient… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85388*

### **References**

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

century XX AD to something from century XXVII BCE.

now. And has so much to offer.

not a Queen, that was fascinated with the story of a faraway land, of a long dead monarch that had a suite she wanted for her-self. She asked someone to replicate it for her. As best as possible. This was a movement of reception of a contemporary of

This is the beauty of time and the fact that it flows in only one direction.

Everything has its time and definitely its place. After this, there are, of course, the way people perceive and receive what is Egyptian or what reminds them of Egypt. That's a completely different story. Here enters the Reception, which is a stupendous idea that must be fueled at all costs, for people do tend to have enthusiasm for what is absolutely amazing, and Egypt has been that for more than two centuries

**42**

**Author details**

André Patrício1,2

Portugal

provided the original work is properly cited.

© 2019 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium,

1 Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa,

2 CHAM, FCSH, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, Lisboa, Portugal

\*Address all correspondence to: andrehagpatricio@gmail.com

[1] Der Manuelin P. Furniture in ancient Egypt. In: Sasson JM, editor. Civilizations of the Ancien near East. 2nd ed. Massachusetts: Hendrickson Publishers; 2006. p. 2969

[2] Donadoni S, editor. The Egyptian. Chicago: University of Chicago Press; 1997. 378 p

[3] Patricio A. Two new kingdom chairs: Their role in the world of Horus and in the realm of Osiris. Oriental Studies— Journal of Oriental and Ancient History. 2012;**1**:59-85

[4] Davies TM. The Tomb of Ioiya and Touiyou with the Funeral Papyrus of Iouiya. Bath: Duckworth Publishers; 2000. 120 p

[5] Wilkinson RH. Symbol and Magic in Egyptian Art. London: Thames & Hudson; 1994

[6] Svart D. Egyptisk Møbelkunst Fra Faraotiden. Skårup: Skippershoved; 1998. 151 p

[7] Blanchette RA, Hight JE, Koestler RJ, Hatchfield PB, Arnold D. Assessment of deterioration in archaeological wood from ancient Egypt. Journal of the American Institute for Conservation. 1994;**33**(1):55-70

[8] Der Manuelian P. The lost throne of Queen Hetepheres from Giza: An archaeological experiment in visualization and fabrication. Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt. 2017;**53**:1-46

[9] Killen G. Ancient Egyptian Furniture. Vol. I 4000-1300 BC. Surrey: WarminsterAris & Phillips; 1980. p. 149

[10] Harcombe M. Ancient Egyptian furniture in context: From ancient production, preservation to modernday reconstruction and conservation. [dissertation]. Pretoria: University of South Africa; 2011

[11] Rashed MG. Life, Prosperity and Health for Tutankhamun—A Permanent Exhibition Refurbishment at the Egyptian Museum of Cairo [Internet]. 2014. Available from: http:// www.antikewelt.de/ankh-w-da-snb/ [Accessed: 19 february 2019]

[12] Silverman DP, Wegner JD, Wegner JH. Akhenaten and Tutankhamun: Revolution and Restoration. Philadelphia: University of Philadelphia Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology; 2006. 196 p

[13] Reeves N. The Complete Tutankhamun. The King, The Tomb, The Royal Treasure. London: Thames & Hudson; 1995. 224 p

[14] Asensi V. La Madera en el Antiguo Egipto: Identificaciones, Usos Y Comercio. Reflexiones a partir de los Objectos de las Colecciones Egipcias de Marsella, Amiens Y Dijon [tesis (doct.)]. 2 Vols. San Vicente del Raspeig: Universidad de Alicante; 2000

[15] Aldred C. Fine wood-work. In: Singer C, Holmyard EL, Hall AR, editors. A History of Technology. Oxford: Clarendon Press; 1954. 845 p

[16] Eaton-Krauss M. The Thrones, Chairs, Stools, and Footstools from the Tomb of Tutankhamun. Oxford: Griffith Institute; 2008. 224 p

[17] El Gabry D. Chairs, Stool, and Footstools in the New Kingdom. Production, Typology, and Social Analysis. Oxford: British Archaeological Reports; 2014. p. 243

[18] Hawass Z. King Tutankhamum. The Treasures of the Tomb. London: Thames & Hudson. 2018. p. 296

[19] Killen G. Egyptian Woodworking and Furniture. Buckinghamshire: Shire Publications; 1994. p. 64

[20] Gale W, Gasson P, Hepper N, Killen G. Wood. In: Nicholson PT, Shaw S, editors. Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology. New York: Cambridge University Press; 2000. 701 p

[21] Hepper FN. Pharaoh's Flowers. The Botanical Treasures of Tutankhamun. 2nd ed. Chicago: KWS Publishers; 2009. 87 p

[22] Reisner GA. The empty sarcophagus of the mother of Cheops. Bulletin of the Museum OF Fine Arts. 1928;**XXVI**(157):76-88

[23] Hawass Z. The mystery of Hetepheres. In: Hawass Z, editor. Treasures of the Pyramids. Vercelli: White Star Publishers; 2003. pp. 152-156

[24] Reisner G. The Tomb of Queen Hetep-Heres. Buletin of the Museum of Fine Arts. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts. Special Number, Supplement to Volume XXV. 1927. pp. 1-36

[25] Baker HS. Furniture in the Ancient World. London: The Connoisseur; 1966. p. 351

[26] Patrício A. O mobiliário no Antigo Egipto – Império Novo [thesis]. Lisboa: Universidade Nova de Lisboa; 2014

[27] Henriques R. A Técnica e o Objecto (Contraponto entre mobiliário egípcio e mobiliário português). Hathor— Estudos de Egiptologia. 2002;**2**:83-105

**45**

**Chapter 4**

*Mario Riberi*

ened themselves.

**Abstract**

Enlightenment and Neoclassicism

in *La Clemenza di Tito of Mozart*:

Opera seria had always chosen its settings and characters from classical antiquity

drawing on Greek mythology, the histories of Livy and Suetonius, the *Aeneid*, *Plutarch's Lives*, and Ovid's *Metamorphoses*. In the second half of the eighteenth century, however, this world was given a new lease of life, separated from contemporary matters by an ever-decreasing division, across which it seemed almost possible for modern ideas to join hand with antiquity. In this context, the virtue of clemency is often represented on many levels in Mozart's operas, and in particular in *La Clemenza di Tito* (1791). The main purpose of *La Clemenza di Tito* is the creation of an esthetic and neoclassical vision that introduces an enlightened interpretation of the virtue of clemency into the absolutistic context. Demonstrating the ability to forgive, and setting his own needs aside to accommodate his subjects, Tito is an enlightened ruler, who is both morally irreproachable and sensitive. By forgiving and preserving his subjects, the enlightened ruler allows them to become enlight-

**Keywords:** Mozart, Titus, clemency, enlightenment, neoclassicism

Vienna, 2 years after Mozart's death on December 14, 1793 [2].

In 1791, the year of his death, Mozart received three important commissions, very different from each other but each in its own way significant in the boundless

The first proposal was made by Emanuel Schikaneder, former director of the *Theater auf der Wieden* in Vienna, who in May submitted to Mozart's attention the libretto on the *Magic Flute*, written by Schikaneder himself and based on those humanitarian and truth-seeking ideals of ancient masonry, of which Mozart

A few months later, precisely in July, he was the butler of a certain Count Franz von Walsegg who knocked on Mozart's door, offering him to compose a requiem mass for a fee set by the composer himself. Walsegg is now known as a wealthy and amateur musician who commissioned other scores of various kinds and then pretended to be the true composer. The requiem required by Mozart was conceived for his late wife, and Walsegg himself directed his execution in the Cistercian church in

The most demanding proposal of the three, however, was presented to Mozart in August: Leopold II of Habsburg-Lorraine would have been crowned king of

**1.** *La Clemenza di Tito***: an introduction**

catalog of the Salzburg genius.

himself was a believer [1].

An Historical-Legal Perspective

### **Chapter 4**

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

[20] Gale W, Gasson P, Hepper N, Killen G. Wood. In: Nicholson PT, Shaw S, editors. Ancient Egyptian Materials and Technology. New York: Cambridge

[21] Hepper FN. Pharaoh's Flowers. The Botanical Treasures of Tutankhamun. 2nd ed. Chicago: KWS Publishers; 2009. 87 p

[22] Reisner GA. The empty sarcophagus of the mother of Cheops. Bulletin of the Museum OF Fine Arts. 1928;**XXVI**(157):76-88

University Press; 2000. 701 p

[23] Hawass Z. The mystery of Hetepheres. In: Hawass Z, editor. Treasures of the Pyramids. Vercelli: White Star Publishers; 2003. pp. 152-156

[24] Reisner G. The Tomb of Queen Hetep-Heres. Buletin of the Museum of Fine Arts. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts. Special Number, Supplement to Volume

[25] Baker HS. Furniture in the Ancient World. London: The Connoisseur; 1966.

[26] Patrício A. O mobiliário no Antigo Egipto – Império Novo [thesis]. Lisboa: Universidade Nova de Lisboa; 2014

[27] Henriques R. A Técnica e o Objecto (Contraponto entre mobiliário egípcio e mobiliário português). Hathor— Estudos de Egiptologia. 2002;**2**:83-105

XXV. 1927. pp. 1-36

p. 351

**44**

## Enlightenment and Neoclassicism in *La Clemenza di Tito of Mozart*: An Historical-Legal Perspective

*Mario Riberi*

### **Abstract**

Opera seria had always chosen its settings and characters from classical antiquity drawing on Greek mythology, the histories of Livy and Suetonius, the *Aeneid*, *Plutarch's Lives*, and Ovid's *Metamorphoses*. In the second half of the eighteenth century, however, this world was given a new lease of life, separated from contemporary matters by an ever-decreasing division, across which it seemed almost possible for modern ideas to join hand with antiquity. In this context, the virtue of clemency is often represented on many levels in Mozart's operas, and in particular in *La Clemenza di Tito* (1791). The main purpose of *La Clemenza di Tito* is the creation of an esthetic and neoclassical vision that introduces an enlightened interpretation of the virtue of clemency into the absolutistic context. Demonstrating the ability to forgive, and setting his own needs aside to accommodate his subjects, Tito is an enlightened ruler, who is both morally irreproachable and sensitive. By forgiving and preserving his subjects, the enlightened ruler allows them to become enlightened themselves.

**Keywords:** Mozart, Titus, clemency, enlightenment, neoclassicism

### **1.** *La Clemenza di Tito***: an introduction**

In 1791, the year of his death, Mozart received three important commissions, very different from each other but each in its own way significant in the boundless catalog of the Salzburg genius.

The first proposal was made by Emanuel Schikaneder, former director of the *Theater auf der Wieden* in Vienna, who in May submitted to Mozart's attention the libretto on the *Magic Flute*, written by Schikaneder himself and based on those humanitarian and truth-seeking ideals of ancient masonry, of which Mozart himself was a believer [1].

A few months later, precisely in July, he was the butler of a certain Count Franz von Walsegg who knocked on Mozart's door, offering him to compose a requiem mass for a fee set by the composer himself. Walsegg is now known as a wealthy and amateur musician who commissioned other scores of various kinds and then pretended to be the true composer. The requiem required by Mozart was conceived for his late wife, and Walsegg himself directed his execution in the Cistercian church in Vienna, 2 years after Mozart's death on December 14, 1793 [2].

The most demanding proposal of the three, however, was presented to Mozart in August: Leopold II of Habsburg-Lorraine would have been crowned king of

Bohemia in Prague, on 6 September, shortly before the representatives of the Bohemian states had signed with the impresario Domenico Guardasoni a contract for a work celebrating the event, which would be staged on the day of the coronation. The choice of the libretto was almost obligatory and fell on a text written by Metastasio in 1734, *La Clemenza di Tito*, a solemn drama of Roman argument on the virtues of Titus, an enlightened sovereign who in the name of friendship renounces love and forgives conspiracy ordered by Sesto for the love of Vitellia. The work had indeed been commissioned to Salieri, at the time considered the greatest living composer in Austria, but he had refused it for unknown reasons. The time to complete the commission was very short, and Mozart worked hard at it, completing the score (if it is true what Niemetscheck says) in just 18 days. The composer immediately went to Prague with his wife Costanza; the pupil Süssmayr, who wrote some of the *recitativi secchi* of the opera then revised by the master; and the clarinetist Anton Stadler, who would have obtained an important part in the orchestra [3].

Mozart had accepted the work with enthusiasm, and he did not spare himself at all in his writing, taking notes even in the carriage and in the brief moments of rest; but it was not enough to satisfy the Prague public, who coldly welcomed the dry and classical linearity of *La Clemenza*. The chronicles of the evening tell of the regal but unrefined comment of Empress Maria Luisa, daughter of the King of Naples, who brandished the work as a "German-style trash in Italian style" [4]. Although *La Clemenza* was increasingly appreciated in the short term, the number of her representations has been gradually diminishing until it almost disappears; moreover, musicologists and conductors (like Riccardo Muti) have given new life to this work of excruciating beauty from the last century to today. If it is true, in fact, that in his expressive stylistic forms *clemency* casts a glance back at the old world of *opera seria*, it is also true that its fluid structures already presage the future solutions of Beethoven and Weber [5]. Compared to the sublime trilogy of Mozart-Da Ponte, which in addition to providing a faithful image of the time when it was written is characterized by the dynamism of stage action, *La Clemenza di Tito* is a more static work, which describes the facts around Tito, an illuminated motor of the whole history; this is at least the criticism that came from many parts. It would surprise many readers to know that almost 60 years after its birth, the libretto of Metastasio (originally written to celebrate Leopold II's grandfather, Charles VI) was not hired *sic et simpliciter*, but it was "reduced to a real work," and it is Mozart himself who wrote this in his personal catalog, from the court poet of the Elector of Saxony, Caterino Mazzolà. The glorious times of the *opera seria* had inevitably passed away, and a text like the Metastasian one, even if very precious, was, if we want to put it this way, "aged badly." As the most skilled of the tailors, Mazzolà adds something and cuts here and there; in particular it is the insertion of ensembles (duets, threesomes, concertati) the most innovative element: it's indeed a modernization of a scheme that since the time of Caldara was based on the rigid alternation of recitatives and solo arias. A restoration of the kind, of course, has a price. The famous recitative of Titus (III, 7), already praised by Voltaire, is now mutilated in several parts, and the air "Se mai senti spirarti sul volto," which had its importance in the version of Gluck of *La Clemenza*, is now transformed into a *terzetto*, certainly ensuring greater fluidity to the scene but also mitigating its dramatic potential [6].

*La Clemenza di Tito* is a story of friendship and forgiveness triumphing over jealousy and violence. The new emperor of Rome, Tito, is much loved by the Roman people, with the exception of Vitellia, the daughter of the previous emperor. When her attempts to return to her rightful place on the throne through marriage are unsuccessful, Vitellia plots Tito's assassination and enlists the help of her young admirer, Sesto. Sesto is close friends with Tito, but will do anything to gain the affections of Vitellia, so he agrees to her plans. He sets fire to the Capitol, intending

**47**

*Enlightenment and Neoclassicism in* La Clemenza di Tito of Mozart*: An Historical-Legal...*

to trap Tito inside and kill him. Meanwhile, Servilia (who is Sesto's sister) has refused Tito's marriage proposal because she is already engaged to Annio, Sesto's close friend. Tito instead sends Publio, his captain of the guard, to take a marriage proposal to Vitellia on his behalf, but Publio arrives too late, and the assassination plot is already in motion. Fortunately, Tito is not killed in the fire, but Sesto has gone missing. Annio finds his friend, who is torturing himself with the guilt of his crime, and tells him that Tito did not die in the fire and that Sesto should be honest with Tito and trust in his reputation for clemency. Sesto admits his guilt and faces trial and execution. Tito has explained several times in the opera how important clemency is to him and he now struggles with sentencing his friend. He questions Sesto privately, and Sesto begs him to remember their friendship. Alone and unaware of Tito's trouble, Vitellia realizes that Sesto's life is too high a price to pay for her place on the throne and finally admits to Tito that she is responsible and asks him to spare Sesto's live. Tito announces a pardon for all conspirators, to high praise

Alongside the style of the magniloquent and the gorgeous (which is also favored by a certain public), there is the less used *modus operandi* of sobriety and rigor. It is not coinciding with the absence of emotions but deals with the contemporary need of levity, which, like heaviness, has its honorable reasons. All this seems to us to be applied reasonably to *La Clemenza*, which is the result of the work of Mozart and Mazzolà. To try to understand more, it is appropriate to start from the difficulties encountered by the Venetian poet Mazzolà in writing the *libretto*, especially starting from the physical and dramaturgical barycenter of the work: the ending of the first act. The famous quintet with chorus "Deh, conservate o dei" is in fact the keystone of the new dress made by Mazzolà for the old eighteenth-century drama [7]. The *concertato* is constructed through the progressive entrance on stage of all the characters except Titus, whose assassination is announced at this point. The whole cast comments on the misdeed from his own personal point of view. Their lines are united with the feeble voice of the choir, which behind the scenes laments the death of the enlightened ruler; in the background, the Campidoglio burns. Mazzolà has reduced the three original acts to two and, at the end of the first act, has included the concertato composed of the quintet on stage and the chorus that comments the murder behind the scenes. In doing so, however, a dramaturgically crucial event lacks which could properly conclude the act I. Here then the genius of Mozart shines: at first he composed in a sublime manner the *concertato*, giving it a character of anticlimax (after the allegro the chorality of the voices emerges with the next andante, during which the news of the emperor's death arrives), which imprints a sudden braking at the dramatic rhythm, creating a flouting atmosphere that concludes the act in an aura of mystery; then he has the spectacular intuition of making visible a passage that in Metastasio is only narrated: the Campidoglio in flames. In the same theater that had baptized the final episode of Don Giovanni, with the protagonist thrown into hell by the stone guest (cf. Da Ponte: "foco da diverse parti" and "il foco cresce"), now the flames surrounds the Roman hill (cf. Metastasio: "Annio che fai?/ Roma tutta è in tumulto, il Campidoglio vasto incendio divora"); it's a powerful scenario for this human and musical journey, considered the dynamic (pianissimo) which are reduced orchestra and voices on the scene, at the fall of the curtain [8]. The second act opens with a *recitativo secco*, which reveals immediately to the audience that Tito has escaped the conspiracy and is still alive. It was a brilliant *coup de théâtre*, as well as a source of confusion for the protagonists and the public, who had concluded the previous act believing the dead of Titus. The melodic enchantment of Mozart settles, in this act, especially on the figure of Sesto, protagonist at first of the *terzetto* "Quello di Tito è il volto" with Publius and Tito himself, and immediately after with the aria-rondò "Deh, per questo istante solo," in which he caresses the thought

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85867*

from the Roman people.

*Enlightenment and Neoclassicism in* La Clemenza di Tito of Mozart*: An Historical-Legal... DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85867*

to trap Tito inside and kill him. Meanwhile, Servilia (who is Sesto's sister) has refused Tito's marriage proposal because she is already engaged to Annio, Sesto's close friend. Tito instead sends Publio, his captain of the guard, to take a marriage proposal to Vitellia on his behalf, but Publio arrives too late, and the assassination plot is already in motion. Fortunately, Tito is not killed in the fire, but Sesto has gone missing. Annio finds his friend, who is torturing himself with the guilt of his crime, and tells him that Tito did not die in the fire and that Sesto should be honest with Tito and trust in his reputation for clemency. Sesto admits his guilt and faces trial and execution. Tito has explained several times in the opera how important clemency is to him and he now struggles with sentencing his friend. He questions Sesto privately, and Sesto begs him to remember their friendship. Alone and unaware of Tito's trouble, Vitellia realizes that Sesto's life is too high a price to pay for her place on the throne and finally admits to Tito that she is responsible and asks him to spare Sesto's live. Tito announces a pardon for all conspirators, to high praise from the Roman people.

Alongside the style of the magniloquent and the gorgeous (which is also favored by a certain public), there is the less used *modus operandi* of sobriety and rigor. It is not coinciding with the absence of emotions but deals with the contemporary need of levity, which, like heaviness, has its honorable reasons. All this seems to us to be applied reasonably to *La Clemenza*, which is the result of the work of Mozart and Mazzolà. To try to understand more, it is appropriate to start from the difficulties encountered by the Venetian poet Mazzolà in writing the *libretto*, especially starting from the physical and dramaturgical barycenter of the work: the ending of the first act. The famous quintet with chorus "Deh, conservate o dei" is in fact the keystone of the new dress made by Mazzolà for the old eighteenth-century drama [7]. The *concertato* is constructed through the progressive entrance on stage of all the characters except Titus, whose assassination is announced at this point. The whole cast comments on the misdeed from his own personal point of view. Their lines are united with the feeble voice of the choir, which behind the scenes laments the death of the enlightened ruler; in the background, the Campidoglio burns. Mazzolà has reduced the three original acts to two and, at the end of the first act, has included the concertato composed of the quintet on stage and the chorus that comments the murder behind the scenes. In doing so, however, a dramaturgically crucial event lacks which could properly conclude the act I. Here then the genius of Mozart shines: at first he composed in a sublime manner the *concertato*, giving it a character of anticlimax (after the allegro the chorality of the voices emerges with the next andante, during which the news of the emperor's death arrives), which imprints a sudden braking at the dramatic rhythm, creating a flouting atmosphere that concludes the act in an aura of mystery; then he has the spectacular intuition of making visible a passage that in Metastasio is only narrated: the Campidoglio in flames. In the same theater that had baptized the final episode of Don Giovanni, with the protagonist thrown into hell by the stone guest (cf. Da Ponte: "foco da diverse parti" and "il foco cresce"), now the flames surrounds the Roman hill (cf. Metastasio: "Annio che fai?/ Roma tutta è in tumulto, il Campidoglio vasto incendio divora"); it's a powerful scenario for this human and musical journey, considered the dynamic (pianissimo) which are reduced orchestra and voices on the scene, at the fall of the curtain [8].

The second act opens with a *recitativo secco*, which reveals immediately to the audience that Tito has escaped the conspiracy and is still alive. It was a brilliant *coup de théâtre*, as well as a source of confusion for the protagonists and the public, who had concluded the previous act believing the dead of Titus. The melodic enchantment of Mozart settles, in this act, especially on the figure of Sesto, protagonist at first of the *terzetto* "Quello di Tito è il volto" with Publius and Tito himself, and immediately after with the aria-rondò "Deh, per questo istante solo," in which he caresses the thought

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

Bohemia in Prague, on 6 September, shortly before the representatives of the Bohemian states had signed with the impresario Domenico Guardasoni a contract for a work celebrating the event, which would be staged on the day of the coronation. The choice of the libretto was almost obligatory and fell on a text written by Metastasio in 1734, *La Clemenza di Tito*, a solemn drama of Roman argument on the virtues of Titus, an enlightened sovereign who in the name of friendship renounces love and forgives conspiracy ordered by Sesto for the love of Vitellia. The work had indeed been commissioned to Salieri, at the time considered the greatest living composer in Austria, but he had refused it for unknown reasons. The time to complete the commission was very short, and Mozart worked hard at it, completing the score (if it is true what Niemetscheck says) in just 18 days. The composer immediately went to Prague with his wife Costanza; the pupil Süssmayr, who wrote some of the *recitativi secchi* of the opera then revised by the master; and the clarinetist Anton

Stadler, who would have obtained an important part in the orchestra [3].

fluidity to the scene but also mitigating its dramatic potential [6].

*La Clemenza di Tito* is a story of friendship and forgiveness triumphing over jealousy and violence. The new emperor of Rome, Tito, is much loved by the Roman people, with the exception of Vitellia, the daughter of the previous emperor. When her attempts to return to her rightful place on the throne through marriage are unsuccessful, Vitellia plots Tito's assassination and enlists the help of her young admirer, Sesto. Sesto is close friends with Tito, but will do anything to gain the affections of Vitellia, so he agrees to her plans. He sets fire to the Capitol, intending

Mozart had accepted the work with enthusiasm, and he did not spare himself at all in his writing, taking notes even in the carriage and in the brief moments of rest; but it was not enough to satisfy the Prague public, who coldly welcomed the dry and classical linearity of *La Clemenza*. The chronicles of the evening tell of the regal but unrefined comment of Empress Maria Luisa, daughter of the King of Naples, who brandished the work as a "German-style trash in Italian style" [4]. Although *La Clemenza* was increasingly appreciated in the short term, the number of her representations has been gradually diminishing until it almost disappears; moreover, musicologists and conductors (like Riccardo Muti) have given new life to this work of excruciating beauty from the last century to today. If it is true, in fact, that in his expressive stylistic forms *clemency* casts a glance back at the old world of *opera seria*, it is also true that its fluid structures already presage the future solutions of Beethoven and Weber [5]. Compared to the sublime trilogy of Mozart-Da Ponte, which in addition to providing a faithful image of the time when it was written is characterized by the dynamism of stage action, *La Clemenza di Tito* is a more static work, which describes the facts around Tito, an illuminated motor of the whole history; this is at least the criticism that came from many parts. It would surprise many readers to know that almost 60 years after its birth, the libretto of Metastasio (originally written to celebrate Leopold II's grandfather, Charles VI) was not hired *sic et simpliciter*, but it was "reduced to a real work," and it is Mozart himself who wrote this in his personal catalog, from the court poet of the Elector of Saxony, Caterino Mazzolà. The glorious times of the *opera seria* had inevitably passed away, and a text like the Metastasian one, even if very precious, was, if we want to put it this way, "aged badly." As the most skilled of the tailors, Mazzolà adds something and cuts here and there; in particular it is the insertion of ensembles (duets, threesomes, concertati) the most innovative element: it's indeed a modernization of a scheme that since the time of Caldara was based on the rigid alternation of recitatives and solo arias. A restoration of the kind, of course, has a price. The famous recitative of Titus (III, 7), already praised by Voltaire, is now mutilated in several parts, and the air "Se mai senti spirarti sul volto," which had its importance in the version of Gluck of *La Clemenza*, is now transformed into a *terzetto*, certainly ensuring greater

**46**

of dying, in order to not suffer any further for the sorrows inflicted at his friend Tito. However, if the final verses of the trio ("Chi more/non può poiù penar") get the musical assent of the orchestra, not so can be said for those who conclude the rondo ("Tanto affanno soffre un core/Nè si more di dolor!"), which instead are presented in a musical guise contrary to their meaning. As Raffaele Mellace affirm:

*The rondo melody of Sesto makes its appearance from an 'elsewhere' of sidereal distance, like a voice of almost metaphysical gratuitousness, estranged from all pain, which seems resolved in a play of primitive innocence. A return to the origins very close to certain atmospheres of The Magic Flute and to other melodies of the last Mozart* [9].

It is worth dwelling on another significant number of the score and in particular on two significant timbre choices: one falls on the clarinet, the other on his "brother" with a deep sound, the basset horn (close relative of the alto clarinet but with a wider extension in the severe register). The first stands out, in act I, in the farewell of Sesto to Vitellia, the aria "Parto, ma tu ben mio," where with the velvety and persuasive timber it tells of the fateful domination of affections on the human will, in a magnificent *concertato*; the basset horn instead affirms itself in one of the best known points of the score, the aria "Non più di fiori," with which Vitellia renounces the imperial throne in order to save Sesto. After a first section with a liederistic flavor, we pass, in this aria of the final act, to a second part characterized by an intense vocal articulation, counterpointed by the dark line of the basset horn. As Giovanni Carli Ballola wrote [10], the basset horn bellows dark as the Minotaur of the labyrinth of Borges, echoing to the sound of the voice in the low register, where the melody resembles that of the air-rondo of Sesto: it's the return of the fixed idea of death as the ultimate goal and source of redemption of all sin.

The orchestra of Clemenza, compared to that of the other serious Mozart masterpiece (*Idomeneo re di Creta*, 1781), is characterized by its smaller dimensions, similar, paradoxically, to the comic operas written in collaboration with Da Ponte; removing the aforementioned basset horn, they are in fact practically the same. The timbric refinement, however, now plays the irreplaceable function of "humanizing" with extreme delicacy the rigid sacredness of the drama of Metastasio. The horns, in addition to the usual harmonious reinforcement in the central register, support the voice of Publius in the only solo air of the character ("Tardi s'avvede"), in which the bass recalls, according to Machiavelli's principles, that for a ruler, like Tito, it is more convenient to suspect than to have faith on his subjects. The trumpets are used in particular in scenes of collective joy, moments in which the authentic popular simplicity and the intense religious sentiment coincide.

*La Clemenza di Tito* is a work of many souls. No doubt it is a political text; above all because, in a difficult historical moment like the French Revolution, which would soon have blown up more than one head, it has the arduous task of exalting the ideal of magnanimity and wisdom, of clementia in substance, of a sovereign like Leopoldo II, who first adopted Cesare Beccaria's ideals in the world with the promulgation of the Leopoldian code (which abolished the crime of injured majesty, the confiscation of property, the torture, and the death penalty). But the dramatization of the virtues of the princeps is itself political school, and of the best: the Machiavellian lesson that the sovereign imparts to himself by observing his qualities reflected in a mirror. But *La Clemenza*, as the director Luca Ronconi reminds us, is an inner adventure rather than a plot of a conspiracy, and it is a story of love and friendship. The conspiracy of Vitellia and Sesto against Tito, which she loves without being reciprocated, has little of the act of terrorism. It's all in the reasons of the heart. The final quintet of the first act becomes the sung story of five friends; as if in a subtle play of invisible threads, the equilibriums

**49**

*Enlightenment and Neoclassicism in* La Clemenza di Tito of Mozart*: An Historical-Legal...*

shift, and the relations of force change, because one of them becomes emperor. It is paradoxical that in the work perhaps less loved among those of the maturity of Mozart, one finds such a living and powerful humanity. It is felt, for example, in the recitative accompanied by Titus, in which Caesar envies the poor *villanello* who perfectly knows the intentions of each other, without having to rush to demonstrate their truthfulness, "mentre noi"—Tito laments "fra tante ricchezze sempre incerti viviam." It is a difficult choice and always actual, choosing between the heart and the mind, and Publio effectively reminds in the trio with Sesto and Tito how between sense and sensibility "Mille diversi affetti guerra fanno." It seems appropriate then to conclude with the words of a great music critic like Paolo Isotta, who, comparing the *Idomeneo* and *La Clemenza* to

*Between the two works the fundamental difference is this, that in the first the dramatic element is much more pushed and, while in the second the light is uniformly and softly diffused as on a marble surface. The ambition of classical perfection and the neoclassical atmosphere are united. But the tragic element, in sublime style, is so present that we would give the whole Magic flute in exchange for the Final I of* 

And we would do it because, like the rest of the work, it has something impon-

*The eighteenth century was the age of Enlightenment, a period that we associate with social criticism, anticlericalism, and scientific discovery; and the classics often appear to have no place in this culture of reason and progress. But as demonstrated, virtually all of the important Enlightenment figures were deeply immersed in classical learning. (…) During the first half of the eighteenth century, neoclassicism* 

The clemency of Tito is a good example of the union between Enlightenment

The Emperor Peter Leopold himself is an example of Enlightened ruler. The second son of Maria Theresa, during his government as Grand Duke of Tuscany from 1765 to 1790, made great relevant reforms. Intelligent and energetic, he made reforms in both economic and humanitarian affairs. He attacked monopoles and encouraged free trade, built roads and bridges, made taxes both lower and fairer, and reduced the public debt; he also made a valiant attempt to drain the Maremma's marshes. In consultation with the Milanese jurist Cesare Beccaria, he drew up a penal code that made Tuscany the first state in Europe to abolish the death penalty and burn the gallows, a measure so audacious and encouraging to the cause of enlightenment that a Spanish reformer implores his own to turn his eyes to Tuscany to reflect upon the mildness of the death penalties upon the small number of crimes committed there and to read over and over again the penal code of its prince. Among his other merits, Peter Leopold was conscientious and loyal to a state that had no connection to either of his parents' families before 1734. Although from 1770 he was heir to the imperial throne in Vienna, the Grand Duke kept his father's promise to defend the rights and maintain the autonomy of his duchy. In 1790 he became the penultimate Holy Roman Emperor after the death of his brother,

*actually constituted the basic esthetic theory of the Enlightenment* [12].

**2.** *La Clemenza di Tito***: enlightenment and neoclassicism**

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85867*

each other, wrote:

*Clemency [...]* [11].

As Thomas Kaminski affirm:

derable, moving, human.

and neoclassicism.

*Enlightenment and Neoclassicism in* La Clemenza di Tito of Mozart*: An Historical-Legal... DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85867*

shift, and the relations of force change, because one of them becomes emperor. It is paradoxical that in the work perhaps less loved among those of the maturity of Mozart, one finds such a living and powerful humanity. It is felt, for example, in the recitative accompanied by Titus, in which Caesar envies the poor *villanello* who perfectly knows the intentions of each other, without having to rush to demonstrate their truthfulness, "mentre noi"—Tito laments "fra tante ricchezze sempre incerti viviam." It is a difficult choice and always actual, choosing between the heart and the mind, and Publio effectively reminds in the trio with Sesto and Tito how between sense and sensibility "Mille diversi affetti guerra fanno." It seems appropriate then to conclude with the words of a great music critic like Paolo Isotta, who, comparing the *Idomeneo* and *La Clemenza* to each other, wrote:

*Between the two works the fundamental difference is this, that in the first the dramatic element is much more pushed and, while in the second the light is uniformly and softly diffused as on a marble surface. The ambition of classical perfection and the neoclassical atmosphere are united. But the tragic element, in sublime style, is so present that we would give the whole Magic flute in exchange for the Final I of Clemency [...]* [11].

And we would do it because, like the rest of the work, it has something imponderable, moving, human.

### **2.** *La Clemenza di Tito***: enlightenment and neoclassicism**

### As Thomas Kaminski affirm:

*The eighteenth century was the age of Enlightenment, a period that we associate with social criticism, anticlericalism, and scientific discovery; and the classics often appear to have no place in this culture of reason and progress. But as demonstrated, virtually all of the important Enlightenment figures were deeply immersed in classical learning. (…) During the first half of the eighteenth century, neoclassicism actually constituted the basic esthetic theory of the Enlightenment* [12].

The clemency of Tito is a good example of the union between Enlightenment and neoclassicism.

The Emperor Peter Leopold himself is an example of Enlightened ruler. The second son of Maria Theresa, during his government as Grand Duke of Tuscany from 1765 to 1790, made great relevant reforms. Intelligent and energetic, he made reforms in both economic and humanitarian affairs. He attacked monopoles and encouraged free trade, built roads and bridges, made taxes both lower and fairer, and reduced the public debt; he also made a valiant attempt to drain the Maremma's marshes. In consultation with the Milanese jurist Cesare Beccaria, he drew up a penal code that made Tuscany the first state in Europe to abolish the death penalty and burn the gallows, a measure so audacious and encouraging to the cause of enlightenment that a Spanish reformer implores his own to turn his eyes to Tuscany to reflect upon the mildness of the death penalties upon the small number of crimes committed there and to read over and over again the penal code of its prince. Among his other merits, Peter Leopold was conscientious and loyal to a state that had no connection to either of his parents' families before 1734. Although from 1770 he was heir to the imperial throne in Vienna, the Grand Duke kept his father's promise to defend the rights and maintain the autonomy of his duchy. In 1790 he became the penultimate Holy Roman Emperor after the death of his brother,

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

simplicity and the intense religious sentiment coincide.

*La Clemenza di Tito* is a work of many souls. No doubt it is a political text; above all because, in a difficult historical moment like the French Revolution, which would soon have blown up more than one head, it has the arduous task of exalting the ideal of magnanimity and wisdom, of clementia in substance, of a sovereign like Leopoldo II, who first adopted Cesare Beccaria's ideals in the world with the promulgation of the Leopoldian code (which abolished the crime of injured majesty, the confiscation of property, the torture, and the death penalty). But the dramatization of the virtues of the princeps is itself political school, and of the best: the Machiavellian lesson that the sovereign imparts to himself by observing his qualities reflected in a mirror. But *La Clemenza*, as the director Luca Ronconi reminds us, is an inner adventure rather than a plot of a conspiracy, and it is a story of love and friendship. The conspiracy of Vitellia and Sesto against Tito, which she loves without being reciprocated, has little of the act of terrorism. It's all in the reasons of the heart. The final quintet of the first act becomes the sung story of five friends; as if in a subtle play of invisible threads, the equilibriums

*last Mozart* [9].

of dying, in order to not suffer any further for the sorrows inflicted at his friend Tito. However, if the final verses of the trio ("Chi more/non può poiù penar") get the musical assent of the orchestra, not so can be said for those who conclude the rondo ("Tanto affanno soffre un core/Nè si more di dolor!"), which instead are presented in

*The rondo melody of Sesto makes its appearance from an 'elsewhere' of sidereal distance, like a voice of almost metaphysical gratuitousness, estranged from all pain, which seems resolved in a play of primitive innocence. A return to the origins very close to certain atmospheres of The Magic Flute and to other melodies of the* 

It is worth dwelling on another significant number of the score and in particular on two significant timbre choices: one falls on the clarinet, the other on his "brother" with a deep sound, the basset horn (close relative of the alto clarinet but with a wider extension in the severe register). The first stands out, in act I, in the farewell of Sesto to Vitellia, the aria "Parto, ma tu ben mio," where with the velvety and persuasive timber it tells of the fateful domination of affections on the human will, in a magnificent *concertato*; the basset horn instead affirms itself in one of the best known points of the score, the aria "Non più di fiori," with which Vitellia renounces the imperial throne in order to save Sesto. After a first section with a liederistic flavor, we pass, in this aria of the final act, to a second part characterized by an intense vocal articulation, counterpointed by the dark line of the basset horn. As Giovanni Carli Ballola wrote [10], the basset horn bellows dark as the Minotaur of the labyrinth of Borges, echoing to the sound of the voice in the low register, where the melody resembles that of the air-rondo of Sesto: it's the return of the fixed idea of death as the ultimate goal and source of redemption of all sin. The orchestra of Clemenza, compared to that of the other serious Mozart masterpiece (*Idomeneo re di Creta*, 1781), is characterized by its smaller dimensions, similar, paradoxically, to the comic operas written in collaboration with Da Ponte; removing the aforementioned basset horn, they are in fact practically the same. The timbric refinement, however, now plays the irreplaceable function of "humanizing" with extreme delicacy the rigid sacredness of the drama of Metastasio. The horns, in addition to the usual harmonious reinforcement in the central register, support the voice of Publius in the only solo air of the character ("Tardi s'avvede"), in which the bass recalls, according to Machiavelli's principles, that for a ruler, like Tito, it is more convenient to suspect than to have faith on his subjects. The trumpets are used in particular in scenes of collective joy, moments in which the authentic popular

a musical guise contrary to their meaning. As Raffaele Mellace affirm:

**48**

Joseph II, who was the greatest and most innovative of all enlightened monarchs, an emancipator of serfs as well as Jews [13].

During his brief reign in Vienna, Leopold II (as Peter Leopold became) retained his reforming zeal, abolishing various punishments and ordering the police to be kind to prisoners; he even gave his subjects something of the principle of habeas corpus.

The clemency represents a dramatization of the *speculum principis*. The sovereign (like Leopold II) possesses superior qualities, and their celebration confirms the virtues of the princeps, shown to him as in a mirror ("Scribere de clementia, Nero Cæsar, institui, ut quodam modo speculi vice fungerer et te tibi ostenderem perventurum ad voluptatem maximam omnium," incipit of the *De Clementia* of Seneca) [14]. Clemency, natural and necessary virtue for the prince, saves the sovereign from the danger of anger, guaranteeing him the love of his subjects. The Titus is an uplifting work also because it is not simply an *opera seria*, genre "symbol of the culture of the ancien régime," but of the staging of a historical fact, of a dramatization of history, and therefore of "*veritas* on stage," a real example drawn from history and therefore more effective, because it is objective, absolutely true, and therefore very authoritative, based on *De Vitae Cæsarum* of Suetonius, not without a noble dramatic derivation from the *Cinna ou La Clémence d'Auguste* of Corneille [14–16]. In the transfiguring perspective of the libretto, perfectly aligned with the ideal of the good enlightened lord-father, the sovereign, perfect prince is an irreplaceable hero, whose regal glory resides in the incredible, superhuman exercise of virtue: justice, self-control, philanthropy, and clemency. For him the institutional experience is all-encompassing, and it sacrifices every individual need to it. Obedience to the *raison d'état*, though tiring, is binding: the eventual insubordination of the monarch, moved by private interests, would entail his decline from the supreme position that the supreme rank requires and, automatically, the ignominious slippage in tyranny. In the *Trionfo di Clelia* of Metastasio, not surprisingly, the *raison d'état* appears in the eyes of the passionate Tarquinio "barbaric," because it brakes and limits its political and erotic appetites. Tarquinio is the opposite of Tito, knows no rational domain of affections, cannot curb impulses, and is not a good ruler but just a tyrant, an amoral sovereign, who abuses power for his own benefit.

*Di stato, o cara, la barbara ragione, il genitore m'ha nella figlia a lusingar forzato; ma la ragion di stato sugli affetti non regna*

In Titus, on the contrary, the undisputed priority of the public dimension, and therefore of the imperial function, dominates and wins, with supreme control of passions, of every temptation of the heart, and determines the solution of every inner conflict between obligation and desire always in favor of the first, which benefits his fellows and his subjects [17, 18].

### **3. Conclusions**

The neoclassicism of the mid-eighteenth to mid-nineteenth centuries is one that valued ancient Greek, Roman, and Etruscan artistic ideals. These ideals, including

**51**

As well noticed:

*Enlightenment and Neoclassicism in* La Clemenza di Tito of Mozart*: An Historical-Legal...*

order, symmetry, and balance, were considered by many European generations to be the highest point of artistic excellence. Although many movements in European art were largely devoid of classical characteristics, they were always looked to as sources of inspiration and were revived as significant movements at least three times throughout European history, in the twelfth century, during the Renaissance, and during the age of the present topic, the enlightenment, with its development of

There are several events and movements within the Enlightenment that contributed to the rise of neoclassicism. The expansion, evolution, and redefinition of the European standard classical education were one of the greatest causes, as well as the recent archeological discoveries of Pompeii and Herculaneum. The rise in commissioned art and architecture and the refinement of art scholarship also gave rise to this movement. Finally, the general reaction to the exorbitant styles of Baroque and Rococo necessitated a return to the more orderly ideals of

Opera seria had always chosen its settings and characters from classical antiquity

drawing on Greek mythology, the histories of Livy and Suetonius, the *Aeneid*, *Plutarch's Lives*, and Ovid's *Metamorphoses*. In the second half of the eighteenth century, however, this world was given a new lease of life, separated from contemporary matters by an ever-decreasing division, across which it seemed almost possible for modern ideas to join hand with antiquity. In this context, the virtue of clemency is often represented on many levels in Mozart's operas and in particular in

The main purpose of La *Clemenza di Tito* is the creation of an esthetic and neoclassical vision that introduces an enlightened interpretation of the virtue of clemency into the absolutistic context. Demonstrating the ability to forgive, and setting his own needs aside to accommodate his subjects, Tito is an enlightened ruler, who is both morally irreproachable and sensitive. By forgiving and preserving his subjects, the enlightened ruler allows them to become enlightened

*Non ha conosciuto l'antichità né migliore né più amato principe di Tito Vespasiano. Le sue virtù lo resero a tutti sì caro, che fu chiamato "la delizia del genere umano". E pure due giovani patrizi, uno de' quali era suo favorito, cospirarono contro di lui. Scoperta però la congiura, furono dal Senato condannati a morire. Ma il clementissimo Cesare, contento d'averli paternamente ammoniti,* 

*Antiquity knew no prince who was better or more beloved than Tito Vespasiano. His virtue endeared him to all, and he was called the delight of humanity. But two young patricians, one of whom was his favorite, conspired against him, Once the plot was discovered, they were condemned to death by the Senate. But the most merciful Caesar, content to give them a paternal warning, granted them and their* 

As we notice, the libretto's *argomento* of *La Clemenza* of Metastasio emphasizes

the drama of character to the virtual exclusion of the revolutionary aspects of the story. The drama in Metastasio and in Mozart/Mazzolà is centered not on the actions of the conspirators, Sesto and Vitellia and their followers, but rather on Tito's virtue and forgiveness. Clemency is not merely a chief attribute of a title

character but as the main subject of the drama and the goal of its plot.

*concesse loro ed. a' loro complici un generoso perdono.*

*accomplices a generous pardon* [20].

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85867*

neoclassicism.

antiquity.

themselves:

*La Clemenza di Tito* (1791) [19].

### *Enlightenment and Neoclassicism in* La Clemenza di Tito of Mozart*: An Historical-Legal... DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85867*

order, symmetry, and balance, were considered by many European generations to be the highest point of artistic excellence. Although many movements in European art were largely devoid of classical characteristics, they were always looked to as sources of inspiration and were revived as significant movements at least three times throughout European history, in the twelfth century, during the Renaissance, and during the age of the present topic, the enlightenment, with its development of neoclassicism.

There are several events and movements within the Enlightenment that contributed to the rise of neoclassicism. The expansion, evolution, and redefinition of the European standard classical education were one of the greatest causes, as well as the recent archeological discoveries of Pompeii and Herculaneum. The rise in commissioned art and architecture and the refinement of art scholarship also gave rise to this movement. Finally, the general reaction to the exorbitant styles of Baroque and Rococo necessitated a return to the more orderly ideals of antiquity.

Opera seria had always chosen its settings and characters from classical antiquity drawing on Greek mythology, the histories of Livy and Suetonius, the *Aeneid*, *Plutarch's Lives*, and Ovid's *Metamorphoses*. In the second half of the eighteenth century, however, this world was given a new lease of life, separated from contemporary matters by an ever-decreasing division, across which it seemed almost possible for modern ideas to join hand with antiquity. In this context, the virtue of clemency is often represented on many levels in Mozart's operas and in particular in *La Clemenza di Tito* (1791) [19].

The main purpose of La *Clemenza di Tito* is the creation of an esthetic and neoclassical vision that introduces an enlightened interpretation of the virtue of clemency into the absolutistic context. Demonstrating the ability to forgive, and setting his own needs aside to accommodate his subjects, Tito is an enlightened ruler, who is both morally irreproachable and sensitive. By forgiving and preserving his subjects, the enlightened ruler allows them to become enlightened themselves:

*Non ha conosciuto l'antichità né migliore né più amato principe di Tito Vespasiano. Le sue virtù lo resero a tutti sì caro, che fu chiamato "la delizia del genere umano". E pure due giovani patrizi, uno de' quali era suo favorito, cospirarono contro di lui. Scoperta però la congiura, furono dal Senato condannati a morire. Ma il clementissimo Cesare, contento d'averli paternamente ammoniti, concesse loro ed. a' loro complici un generoso perdono.*

*Antiquity knew no prince who was better or more beloved than Tito Vespasiano. His virtue endeared him to all, and he was called the delight of humanity. But two young patricians, one of whom was his favorite, conspired against him, Once the plot was discovered, they were condemned to death by the Senate. But the most merciful Caesar, content to give them a paternal warning, granted them and their accomplices a generous pardon* [20].

As we notice, the libretto's *argomento* of *La Clemenza* of Metastasio emphasizes the drama of character to the virtual exclusion of the revolutionary aspects of the story. The drama in Metastasio and in Mozart/Mazzolà is centered not on the actions of the conspirators, Sesto and Vitellia and their followers, but rather on Tito's virtue and forgiveness. Clemency is not merely a chief attribute of a title character but as the main subject of the drama and the goal of its plot.

As well noticed:

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

emancipator of serfs as well as Jews [13].

*Di stato, o cara,*

*ma la ragion di stato*

*sugli affetti non regna*

*la barbara ragione, il genitore*

*m'ha nella figlia a lusingar forzato;*

benefits his fellows and his subjects [17, 18].

Joseph II, who was the greatest and most innovative of all enlightened monarchs, an

During his brief reign in Vienna, Leopold II (as Peter Leopold became) retained his reforming zeal, abolishing various punishments and ordering the police to be kind to prisoners; he even gave his subjects something of the principle of habeas corpus. The clemency represents a dramatization of the *speculum principis*. The sovereign (like Leopold II) possesses superior qualities, and their celebration confirms the virtues of the princeps, shown to him as in a mirror ("Scribere de clementia, Nero Cæsar, institui, ut quodam modo speculi vice fungerer et te tibi ostenderem perventurum ad voluptatem maximam omnium," incipit of the *De Clementia* of Seneca) [14]. Clemency, natural and necessary virtue for the prince, saves the sovereign from the danger of anger, guaranteeing him the love of his subjects. The Titus is an uplifting work also because it is not simply an *opera seria*, genre "symbol of the culture of the ancien régime," but of the staging of a historical fact, of a dramatization of history, and therefore of "*veritas* on stage," a real example drawn from history and therefore more effective, because it is objective, absolutely true, and therefore very authoritative, based on *De Vitae Cæsarum* of Suetonius, not without a noble dramatic derivation from the *Cinna ou La Clémence d'Auguste* of Corneille [14–16]. In the transfiguring perspective of the libretto, perfectly aligned with the ideal of the good enlightened lord-father, the sovereign, perfect prince is an irreplaceable hero, whose regal glory resides in the incredible, superhuman exercise of virtue: justice, self-control, philanthropy, and clemency. For him the institutional experience is all-encompassing, and it sacrifices every individual need to it. Obedience to the *raison d'état*, though tiring, is binding: the eventual insubordination of the monarch, moved by private interests, would entail his decline from the supreme position that the supreme rank requires and, automatically, the ignominious slippage in tyranny. In the *Trionfo di Clelia* of Metastasio, not surprisingly, the *raison d'état* appears in the eyes of the passionate Tarquinio "barbaric," because it brakes and limits its political and erotic appetites. Tarquinio is the opposite of Tito, knows no rational domain of affections, cannot curb impulses, and is not a good ruler but just a tyrant, an amoral sovereign, who abuses power for his own benefit.

In Titus, on the contrary, the undisputed priority of the public dimension, and therefore of the imperial function, dominates and wins, with supreme control of passions, of every temptation of the heart, and determines the solution of every inner conflict between obligation and desire always in favor of the first, which

The neoclassicism of the mid-eighteenth to mid-nineteenth centuries is one that valued ancient Greek, Roman, and Etruscan artistic ideals. These ideals, including

**50**

**3. Conclusions**

*The events of the opera emphasize the way clemency and the Enlightenment values it represents are threatened by dark tendencies in human nature: like the Queen of the Night and the attack of Sarastro's realm, Vitellia and the rebellion she incites are fundamentally opposed to enlightened order. But the solution in the Italian opera is not the vanquishing of the power of darkness; it is rather the unconditional pardon of Vitellia, Sesto, Lentulo and the other conspirators. (…) The Queen of night will or cannot recognize the values of Sarastro's enlightened realm: she is irrevocably opposed to his governance. Vitellia and Sesto, however, prove themselves deserving of the pardon Tito grants them: they are, in the end, fully reconciled with the world they had wronged. The crux of the plot here is the emperor's experience of and the response of betrayal; the definitive recognition is the moment at which he reclaims his policy of clemency and recovers his identity as an enlightened ruler* [21].

The reception of classical antiquity is used by Metastasio/Mozart/Mazzolà, at least, to recover and celebrate the enlightenment's values [22].

One year later the representation of Mozart's *La Clemenza*, Leopold II died suddenly in Vienna, in March 1792. Meanwhile Louis XVI, King of France, was officially arrested on August 13, 1792 and sent to the Temple, an ancient fortress in Paris that was used as a prison. On September 21, the National Assembly declared France to be a Republic and abolished the monarchy. Louis was stripped of all of his titles and honors and from this date was known as Citoyen Louis Capet. On Monday, January 21, 1793, Louis XVI, at age 38, was beheaded by guillotine on the Place de la Révolution.

A new era begins.

### **Author details**

Mario Riberi Department of Law, University of Turin, Italy

\*Address all correspondence to: mario.riberi@unito.it

© 2020 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

**53**

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85867*

[1] Branscombe P. Die Zauberflote. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 1991. 261 p. ISBN-13:

[2] Wolff C. Mozart's Requiem: Historical and Analytical Studies, Documents, Score. Berkeley: University of California Press; 1998. 261 p. ISBN-

[3] Rice JA. W A Mozart: La clemenza di Tito. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 1991. 196 p. ISBN-13:

[4] Rice JA. Mozart on the Stage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 2009. 296 p. ISBN-13:

[5] Lühning H. La clemenza di Tito (KV621). Mozarts Rückkehr zur Opera seria. In: Borchmeyer D, Gruber G, editors. Mozarts Opern (Das Mozart Handbuch). Vol. 3/1. Laaber: Laaber; 2007. pp. 240-259. ISBN-13:

[6] Durante S. Die Opera seria zu Mozarts Zeit. In: Borchmeyer D, Gruber G, editors. Mozarts Opern (Das Mozart Handbuch). Vol. 3/1. Laaber: Laaber; 2007. pp. 163-177. ISBN-13:

[7] Durante S. Musicological Introduction to W. A. Mozart "La clemenza di Tito" K. 621. Facsimile of the Autograph Score. Kassel ecc.: Bärenreiter; 2008. pp. 17-34. ISBN:

[8] Kreutzer HJ. Mozart's Opera of the Future "La Clemenza di Tito". In: W. A. Mozart "La clemenza di Tito" K. 621. Facsimile of the Autograph Score. Kassel ecc.: Bärenreiter; 2008. pp. 1-15. ISBN:

[9] Mellace R. La clemenza di Tito. In: Gelli P, editor. Dizionario dell'Opera

**References**

978-0521319164

13: 978-0520213890

978-0521369497

978-0521016612

978-3890074634

978-3890074634

9783761818862

9783761818862

*Enlightenment and Neoclassicism in* La Clemenza di Tito of Mozart*: An Historical-Legal...*

2008. Firenze: Baldini Castoldi Dalai editore; 2008. Available from: https:// www.flaminioonline.it/Guide/Mozart/

[10] Carli Ballola G, Parenti R. Mozart. Mialno: Rusconi; 1990. 907 p. ISBN-13:

[11] Isotta P. Altri canti di Marte: Udire in Voce Mista al Dolce Suono. Venezia: Marsilio; 2015. 463 p. ISBN-13:

[12] Kaminski T. Neoclassicism. In: Kallendorf C W A, editor. A Companion to the Classical Tradition. Malden: Blackwell Companions to the Ancient World (Book 18); 2010. pp. 57-71. ISBN-

[13] Gilmour D. The Pursuit of Italy: A History of a Land, its Regions and their Peoples. London: Penguin; 2012. 480 p.

[14] d'Angelo E. "Mille diversi affetti|in Tito guerra fanno". Metastasio, Mozart e l'apoteosi del sovrano infelice. In: La Fenice prima dell'Opera 2013-2014 2. La Clemenza di Tito. Venezia: Teatro la Fenice; 2014. pp. 29-46. Available from: http://www.teatrolafenice.it/ media/8aayg1390389712.pdf

Mozart-Tito.html

978-8818701425

978-8831721813

13: 978-1405122948

ISBN-13: 978-0141043418

[15] Meyer R. Trattamento e adattamento dei testi delle opere metastasiane nel '700: sull'esempio de "La clemenza di Tito". In: Sala Di Felice E, Caira Lumetti R, editors. Il melodramma di Pietro Metastasio. La poesia, la musica, la messa in scena e l'opera italiana nel Settecento. Roma: Aracne; 2001. pp. 423-439. ISBN:

978-88-7999-285-5

978-2503505695

[16] Senici E. "La clemenza di Tito" di Mozart. I primi trent'anni (1791-1821). Turnhout: Brepols; 1997. 105 p. ISBN-13: *DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.85867 Enlightenment and Neoclassicism in* La Clemenza di Tito of Mozart*: An Historical-Legal...*

### **References**

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

*The events of the opera emphasize the way clemency and the Enlightenment values it represents are threatened by dark tendencies in human nature: like the Queen of the Night and the attack of Sarastro's realm, Vitellia and the rebellion she incites are fundamentally opposed to enlightened order. But the solution in the Italian opera is not the vanquishing of the power of darkness; it is rather the unconditional pardon of Vitellia, Sesto, Lentulo and the other conspirators. (…) The Queen of night will or cannot recognize the values of Sarastro's enlightened realm: she is irrevocably opposed to his governance. Vitellia and Sesto, however, prove themselves deserving of the pardon Tito grants them: they are, in the end, fully reconciled with the world they had wronged. The crux of the plot here is the emperor's experience of and the response of betrayal; the definitive recognition is the moment at which he reclaims his policy of clemency and recovers his identity as an enlightened ruler* [21].

The reception of classical antiquity is used by Metastasio/Mozart/Mazzolà, at

One year later the representation of Mozart's *La Clemenza*, Leopold II died suddenly in Vienna, in March 1792. Meanwhile Louis XVI, King of France, was officially arrested on August 13, 1792 and sent to the Temple, an ancient fortress in Paris that was used as a prison. On September 21, the National Assembly declared France to be a Republic and abolished the monarchy. Louis was stripped of all of his titles and honors and from this date was known as Citoyen Louis Capet. On Monday, January 21, 1793, Louis XVI, at age 38, was beheaded by guillotine on the

least, to recover and celebrate the enlightenment's values [22].

**52**

**Author details**

Place de la Révolution. A new era begins.

Department of Law, University of Turin, Italy

provided the original work is properly cited.

\*Address all correspondence to: mario.riberi@unito.it

© 2020 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium,

Mario Riberi

[1] Branscombe P. Die Zauberflote. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 1991. 261 p. ISBN-13: 978-0521319164

[2] Wolff C. Mozart's Requiem: Historical and Analytical Studies, Documents, Score. Berkeley: University of California Press; 1998. 261 p. ISBN-13: 978-0520213890

[3] Rice JA. W A Mozart: La clemenza di Tito. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 1991. 196 p. ISBN-13: 978-0521369497

[4] Rice JA. Mozart on the Stage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 2009. 296 p. ISBN-13: 978-0521016612

[5] Lühning H. La clemenza di Tito (KV621). Mozarts Rückkehr zur Opera seria. In: Borchmeyer D, Gruber G, editors. Mozarts Opern (Das Mozart Handbuch). Vol. 3/1. Laaber: Laaber; 2007. pp. 240-259. ISBN-13: 978-3890074634

[6] Durante S. Die Opera seria zu Mozarts Zeit. In: Borchmeyer D, Gruber G, editors. Mozarts Opern (Das Mozart Handbuch). Vol. 3/1. Laaber: Laaber; 2007. pp. 163-177. ISBN-13: 978-3890074634

[7] Durante S. Musicological Introduction to W. A. Mozart "La clemenza di Tito" K. 621. Facsimile of the Autograph Score. Kassel ecc.: Bärenreiter; 2008. pp. 17-34. ISBN: 9783761818862

[8] Kreutzer HJ. Mozart's Opera of the Future "La Clemenza di Tito". In: W. A. Mozart "La clemenza di Tito" K. 621. Facsimile of the Autograph Score. Kassel ecc.: Bärenreiter; 2008. pp. 1-15. ISBN: 9783761818862

[9] Mellace R. La clemenza di Tito. In: Gelli P, editor. Dizionario dell'Opera

2008. Firenze: Baldini Castoldi Dalai editore; 2008. Available from: https:// www.flaminioonline.it/Guide/Mozart/ Mozart-Tito.html

[10] Carli Ballola G, Parenti R. Mozart. Mialno: Rusconi; 1990. 907 p. ISBN-13: 978-8818701425

[11] Isotta P. Altri canti di Marte: Udire in Voce Mista al Dolce Suono. Venezia: Marsilio; 2015. 463 p. ISBN-13: 978-8831721813

[12] Kaminski T. Neoclassicism. In: Kallendorf C W A, editor. A Companion to the Classical Tradition. Malden: Blackwell Companions to the Ancient World (Book 18); 2010. pp. 57-71. ISBN-13: 978-1405122948

[13] Gilmour D. The Pursuit of Italy: A History of a Land, its Regions and their Peoples. London: Penguin; 2012. 480 p. ISBN-13: 978-0141043418

[14] d'Angelo E. "Mille diversi affetti|in Tito guerra fanno". Metastasio, Mozart e l'apoteosi del sovrano infelice. In: La Fenice prima dell'Opera 2013-2014 2. La Clemenza di Tito. Venezia: Teatro la Fenice; 2014. pp. 29-46. Available from: http://www.teatrolafenice.it/ media/8aayg1390389712.pdf

[15] Meyer R. Trattamento e adattamento dei testi delle opere metastasiane nel '700: sull'esempio de "La clemenza di Tito". In: Sala Di Felice E, Caira Lumetti R, editors. Il melodramma di Pietro Metastasio. La poesia, la musica, la messa in scena e l'opera italiana nel Settecento. Roma: Aracne; 2001. pp. 423-439. ISBN: 978-88-7999-285-5

[16] Senici E. "La clemenza di Tito" di Mozart. I primi trent'anni (1791-1821). Turnhout: Brepols; 1997. 105 p. ISBN-13: 978-2503505695

[17] Schmid MH. Mozarts Opern. Ein musikalischer Werkführer. Munich: C.H. Beck; 2009. 128 p. ISBN-13: 978-3406582615

[18] Kunze S. Mozarts Opern. Stuggart: Reclam Philipp Jun.; 1984. 685 p. ISBN-13: 978-3150104163

[19] Pestelli G. The Age of Mozart and Beethoven. London: Cambridge University Press; 1984. 336 p. ISBN-13: 978-0521241496

[20] Metastasio P. La clemenza di Tito. Torino: Letteratura italiana Einaudi; 1953. 74 p. Available from: http://www. letteraturaitaliana.net/pdf/Volume\_7/ t191.pdf

[21] Waldoff J. Recognition in Mozart's Operas. Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2011. 532 p. DOI: 10.1093/acprof: oso/9780195151978.001.0001

[22] Wolff C. Mozart at the Gateway to his Fortune. Serving the Emperor, 1788- 1791. London: W. W. Norton & Co Inc.; 2012. 244 p. ISBN-13: 978-0393050707

**55**

**Chapter 5**

**Abstract**

**1. Introduction**

*Rosa Maria Giusto*

Reuse and Re-conversion of the

Monumental Heritage in Naples

The paper deals with the theme of the re-use of the public architectural heritage

in reference to three monumental buildings of the city of Naples different by type, of which the conversion is under-way for collective and social purposes. In particular, the cases of the Royal Hospice for the poor (Reale Albergo dei Poveri) intimately connected with the monumental complex of San Michele a Ripa Grande in Rome—of Palazzo Fondi and of the church of the Saints Cosma e Damiano are examined. These interventions can constitute reference models in terms of reusing public buildings returned to their renewed social and educational function, able to

**Keywords:** reconversion of historic buildings, urban regeneration, reusing, Reale Albergo dei Poveri, church of Saints Cosma and Damiano, Palazzo Fondi, Naples

*"There is an antiquity that is stratified in ourselves and that must be considered as a premise and condition of all our becoming. Now, we can say that our psychological stratification finds its testimony, [...], or its reflection in that of the ancient center. Thus the true and most intimate reason for our love for the testimonies of the past arises precisely from this identification and not from an extrinsic satisfaction towards unrepeatable images. Therefore [...] the city needs to preserve the memory* 

"The continuity between the old and the new and the capacity of the historic city to go through time to recur with its mutations in the critical present [2]" make it the field of application and privileged verification of the project of integrated conservation and enhancement of cultural heritage, both material and immaterial. The principles of active preservation and participatory management of historic cities that emerged after the Valletta meetings held by the Scientific Committee on Cities and Historic Villages (CIVVIH) of ICOMOS and adopted in the charter (ICOMOS) of November 2011, contain the fundamental guidelines on the development and active conservation of cities and historical areas. The objective is to guarantee the respect of the material and immaterial values of the urban cultural heritage starting from the knowledge of the places and the specificities of the single assets to promote enhancement and revitalization processes that allow their con-

actively promote urban regeneration of the surrounding area.

*of itself as the individual man needs it" [1].*

**1.1 Historical knowledge and future of the city**

scious re-entry into the incessant flow of the contemporary city.

### **Chapter 5**

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

[17] Schmid MH. Mozarts Opern. Ein musikalischer Werkführer. Munich: C.H. Beck; 2009. 128 p. ISBN-13:

[18] Kunze S. Mozarts Opern. Stuggart: Reclam Philipp Jun.; 1984. 685 p. ISBN-

[19] Pestelli G. The Age of Mozart and Beethoven. London: Cambridge University Press; 1984. 336 p. ISBN-13:

[20] Metastasio P. La clemenza di Tito. Torino: Letteratura italiana Einaudi; 1953. 74 p. Available from: http://www. letteraturaitaliana.net/pdf/Volume\_7/

[21] Waldoff J. Recognition in Mozart's Operas. Oxford: Oxford University Press; 2011. 532 p. DOI: 10.1093/acprof:

[22] Wolff C. Mozart at the Gateway to his Fortune. Serving the Emperor, 1788- 1791. London: W. W. Norton & Co Inc.; 2012. 244 p. ISBN-13: 978-0393050707

oso/9780195151978.001.0001

978-3406582615

13: 978-3150104163

978-0521241496

t191.pdf

**54**

## Reuse and Re-conversion of the Monumental Heritage in Naples

*Rosa Maria Giusto*

### **Abstract**

The paper deals with the theme of the re-use of the public architectural heritage in reference to three monumental buildings of the city of Naples different by type, of which the conversion is under-way for collective and social purposes. In particular, the cases of the Royal Hospice for the poor (Reale Albergo dei Poveri) intimately connected with the monumental complex of San Michele a Ripa Grande in Rome—of Palazzo Fondi and of the church of the Saints Cosma e Damiano are examined. These interventions can constitute reference models in terms of reusing public buildings returned to their renewed social and educational function, able to actively promote urban regeneration of the surrounding area.

**Keywords:** reconversion of historic buildings, urban regeneration, reusing, Reale Albergo dei Poveri, church of Saints Cosma and Damiano, Palazzo Fondi, Naples

*"There is an antiquity that is stratified in ourselves and that must be considered as a premise and condition of all our becoming. Now, we can say that our psychological stratification finds its testimony, [...], or its reflection in that of the ancient center. Thus the true and most intimate reason for our love for the testimonies of the past arises precisely from this identification and not from an extrinsic satisfaction towards unrepeatable images. Therefore [...] the city needs to preserve the memory of itself as the individual man needs it" [1].*

### **1. Introduction**

### **1.1 Historical knowledge and future of the city**

"The continuity between the old and the new and the capacity of the historic city to go through time to recur with its mutations in the critical present [2]" make it the field of application and privileged verification of the project of integrated conservation and enhancement of cultural heritage, both material and immaterial.

The principles of active preservation and participatory management of historic cities that emerged after the Valletta meetings held by the Scientific Committee on Cities and Historic Villages (CIVVIH) of ICOMOS and adopted in the charter (ICOMOS) of November 2011, contain the fundamental guidelines on the development and active conservation of cities and historical areas. The objective is to guarantee the respect of the material and immaterial values of the urban cultural heritage starting from the knowledge of the places and the specificities of the single assets to promote enhancement and revitalization processes that allow their conscious re-entry into the incessant flow of the contemporary city.

In the absence of clear planning and without a long-term systemic design any redevelopment project is destined to fail. In this sense, "valorisation is proposed as a necessary correlative of conservation, as a search for appropriate functions expressing the social need in an active involvement of the subjects in charge of protection" [3]. This involvement must take into account the specificities of the individual asset, promoting "the knowledge, the compatible use proposal, the intervention project" [3].

It is within the design themes that a balanced relationship can be found between preservation and transformation of cities, territory for integrated and coherent interventions aimed at sustainability and regeneration, since each project of re-use and re-functionalisation to be effective it must necessarily be placed in a historical perspective.

*"The speed and acceleration of the changes that modernity brings with it threaten to erase the traces of the past and weaken, until it becomes insignificant, the link between past, present and future. Memory and design are elements that imply each other. Memory without project is an operation of pure museum conservation, the project without memory is the pursuit of a goal without knowing the meaning" [4].*

From this point of view, the role of the historian or, to put it in the words of Henri-Irénée Marrou, of historical knowledge in the processes of valorisation of the urban, material and immaterial cultural heritage, becomes crucial because it contributes to "unravelling the tangle of stratifications, of meanings, of the design drawings of the past. From this clarification the city is made comprehensible, articulated, available also to non-destructive interventions at different scales. […] History is fundamental for understanding the existing city, for knowing things from the past but above all for being able to correctly read what still survives. Every theory—and therefore also a theory of reuse—must [...] be based on the knowledge of the object before proposing interventions" [5].

The necessary rethinking of the cultural heritage of historical centres and their conversion of values passes through the reactivation of the primary functions of the spaces of commerce, socialization, culture and art; a reconversion that cannot happen correctly without an adequate historical investigation that rediscovers and makes identity and vocations re-emerge, past functions and future potentials. It becomes imperative, in this framework, the need to start regenerative processes of systemic cultural innovation that reaffirm the identity of places and their collective memory through innovative models aimed at implementing new technologies and systems able to connect "territories, heritage and people in a logic of smart heritage" [6].

To really be able to preserve and promote over time a value development of the asset and of the territory connected to it, the re-use project must intercept and generate new connections, reinvigorating the social fabric around it and stimulating participatory processes aimed at the implementation of innovative and flexible solutions, open and inclusive, able to face the multiple challenges of the globalized society. Managing the complexity of the present, to be understood as a resource rather than a constraint, means encouraging collaboration between transversal, multidisciplinary and cross-media skills, promoting contacts and contaminations to trigger interconnectivity and pluralism.

The recent multiplication of urban laboratories and calls for ideas and projects aimed at creating places for innovation and social inclusion is an indication of the need, felt by many, to envisage development processes focused on the redevelopment of "hybrid spaces to cultural and creative vocation in which [...] it is possible to work, produce, distribute, aggregate" [7]. The ability of those assets to acquire new values is a function of their availability to intercept and welcome active

**57**

policies.

*Reuse and Re-conversion of the Monumental Heritage in Naples*

express through organized and stable actions" [7].

*immaterial resources present in the territory" [8].*

restoration techniques and the search for appropriate functions."

relational networks becoming "containers of planning that civil society is able to

*"The production and enjoyment of beauty, in the broader sense of sensible experience of cognitive paths that relate the subject to the world," represents "a central tool in the re-articulation of subsidiary welfare practices, capable of overcoming the social and economic differences present in our contemporary cities. In this sense, culture presents itself as a transversal theme to other social policies, intersecting the themes of health, mobility, living, education and in general access to material and* 

Already in the Amsterdam Declaration of 1975 the "extensive" nature of conservation no longer confined to the sole protection of buildings of particular architectural and environmental value but aimed at safeguarding historic cities in the more general objective of "reshaping the contemporary city to improve the quality of life" by introducing the definition of active integrated conservation as a "joint action of

The need to envisage interventions aimed, on the one hand, at the recovery of the asset subjected to safeguarding activities, from another, to its functional reuse, leads us to look at the problem of reuse from several points of view; the experiences of urban regeneration can represent in this sense "a genuine lever for the enhancement of the assets of the public heritage" [9] as well as opportunities for the development of cultural sites of degraded cities or left on the margins of redevelopment

The ever-increasing number of disused buildings that time and obsolescence have put into the register of works impossible to recover is such that they have led to tracing real geographies of abandonment where the numerous unused, abandoned or never really used buildings, scattered throughout the national territory, are carefully listed. Poised between memory and obsolescence, these buildings ask to be recovered by giving them back, at least in part, the function they had originally been called upon to satisfy. The intervention methodologies for the correct re-entry of these building complexes in the vital fabric of the cities go in the direction of returning to them a renewed function, as more flexible and homogeneous in terms of type and purpose, providing solutions open to future modifications and evolutions, the only viable way to start active safeguard policies of the historical-artistic heritage. In this perspective, forgotten historic buildings and places return to assume a strategic role within an urban ecosystem increasingly aimed at stimulating contamination between the various sectors of the economy and the urban social

Starting from the meaning of integrated conservation meant not as a "passive" defence, but as a dynamic protection activity "including the specific profiles of knowledge, restoration, use and enhancement of the same assets" [10] and against an idea of protection meant as a museum of architecture and the city, the building events that have affected the historical-artistic heritage over the centuries testify to the themes of functional and technological innovation, of the expansion and transformation of historical typologies as a necessary consequence of "adaptation" to the needs of society and as a first, "empirical," response to conservation issues. But what reorganization of existing structures should we imagine in relation to their size, historical typology and location in the territory, also considering the experimentation of new techniques and the pressing demands of inclusiveness and

The paper deals with the theme of the reuse of architectural heritage in Naples in reference to three buildings in the historic centre, different in type and original

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.86301*

sphere and generating new connections.

overcoming of architectural barriers?

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

of the object before proposing interventions" [5].

trigger interconnectivity and pluralism.

project" [3].

perspective.

In the absence of clear planning and without a long-term systemic design any redevelopment project is destined to fail. In this sense, "valorisation is proposed as a necessary correlative of conservation, as a search for appropriate functions expressing the social need in an active involvement of the subjects in charge of protection" [3]. This involvement must take into account the specificities of the individual asset, promoting "the knowledge, the compatible use proposal, the intervention

It is within the design themes that a balanced relationship can be found between preservation and transformation of cities, territory for integrated and coherent interventions aimed at sustainability and regeneration, since each project of re-use and re-functionalisation to be effective it must necessarily be placed in a historical

*"The speed and acceleration of the changes that modernity brings with it threaten to erase the traces of the past and weaken, until it becomes insignificant, the link between past, present and future. Memory and design are elements that imply each other. Memory without project is an operation of pure museum conservation, the project without memory is the pursuit of a goal without knowing the meaning" [4].*

From this point of view, the role of the historian or, to put it in the words of Henri-Irénée Marrou, of historical knowledge in the processes of valorisation of the urban, material and immaterial cultural heritage, becomes crucial because it contributes to "unravelling the tangle of stratifications, of meanings, of the design drawings of the past. From this clarification the city is made comprehensible, articulated, available also to non-destructive interventions at different scales. […] History is fundamental for understanding the existing city, for knowing things from the past but above all for being able to correctly read what still survives. Every theory—and therefore also a theory of reuse—must [...] be based on the knowledge

The necessary rethinking of the cultural heritage of historical centres and their conversion of values passes through the reactivation of the primary functions of the spaces of commerce, socialization, culture and art; a reconversion that cannot happen correctly without an adequate historical investigation that rediscovers and makes identity and vocations re-emerge, past functions and future potentials. It becomes imperative, in this framework, the need to start regenerative processes of systemic cultural innovation that reaffirm the identity of places and their collective memory through innovative models aimed at implementing new technologies and systems able to connect "territories, heritage and people in a logic of smart heritage" [6]. To really be able to preserve and promote over time a value development of the asset and of the territory connected to it, the re-use project must intercept and generate new connections, reinvigorating the social fabric around it and stimulating participatory processes aimed at the implementation of innovative and flexible solutions, open and inclusive, able to face the multiple challenges of the globalized society. Managing the complexity of the present, to be understood as a resource rather than a constraint, means encouraging collaboration between transversal, multidisciplinary and cross-media skills, promoting contacts and contaminations to

The recent multiplication of urban laboratories and calls for ideas and projects aimed at creating places for innovation and social inclusion is an indication of the need, felt by many, to envisage development processes focused on the redevelopment of "hybrid spaces to cultural and creative vocation in which [...] it is possible to work, produce, distribute, aggregate" [7]. The ability of those assets to acquire new values is a function of their availability to intercept and welcome active

**56**

relational networks becoming "containers of planning that civil society is able to express through organized and stable actions" [7].

*"The production and enjoyment of beauty, in the broader sense of sensible experience of cognitive paths that relate the subject to the world," represents "a central tool in the re-articulation of subsidiary welfare practices, capable of overcoming the social and economic differences present in our contemporary cities. In this sense, culture presents itself as a transversal theme to other social policies, intersecting the themes of health, mobility, living, education and in general access to material and immaterial resources present in the territory" [8].*

Already in the Amsterdam Declaration of 1975 the "extensive" nature of conservation no longer confined to the sole protection of buildings of particular architectural and environmental value but aimed at safeguarding historic cities in the more general objective of "reshaping the contemporary city to improve the quality of life" by introducing the definition of active integrated conservation as a "joint action of restoration techniques and the search for appropriate functions."

The need to envisage interventions aimed, on the one hand, at the recovery of the asset subjected to safeguarding activities, from another, to its functional reuse, leads us to look at the problem of reuse from several points of view; the experiences of urban regeneration can represent in this sense "a genuine lever for the enhancement of the assets of the public heritage" [9] as well as opportunities for the development of cultural sites of degraded cities or left on the margins of redevelopment policies.

The ever-increasing number of disused buildings that time and obsolescence have put into the register of works impossible to recover is such that they have led to tracing real geographies of abandonment where the numerous unused, abandoned or never really used buildings, scattered throughout the national territory, are carefully listed. Poised between memory and obsolescence, these buildings ask to be recovered by giving them back, at least in part, the function they had originally been called upon to satisfy. The intervention methodologies for the correct re-entry of these building complexes in the vital fabric of the cities go in the direction of returning to them a renewed function, as more flexible and homogeneous in terms of type and purpose, providing solutions open to future modifications and evolutions, the only viable way to start active safeguard policies of the historical-artistic heritage. In this perspective, forgotten historic buildings and places return to assume a strategic role within an urban ecosystem increasingly aimed at stimulating contamination between the various sectors of the economy and the urban social sphere and generating new connections.

Starting from the meaning of integrated conservation meant not as a "passive" defence, but as a dynamic protection activity "including the specific profiles of knowledge, restoration, use and enhancement of the same assets" [10] and against an idea of protection meant as a museum of architecture and the city, the building events that have affected the historical-artistic heritage over the centuries testify to the themes of functional and technological innovation, of the expansion and transformation of historical typologies as a necessary consequence of "adaptation" to the needs of society and as a first, "empirical," response to conservation issues. But what reorganization of existing structures should we imagine in relation to their size, historical typology and location in the territory, also considering the experimentation of new techniques and the pressing demands of inclusiveness and overcoming of architectural barriers?

The paper deals with the theme of the reuse of architectural heritage in Naples in reference to three buildings in the historic centre, different in type and original functions, but united by conversion projects under-way aimed at cultural and collective re-use: the seventeenth-century church of the Saints Cosma e Damiano, in the ancient heart of the city, part of the Great Project Historic Centre of Naples enhancement of the Unesco site; the Royal Hotel of the poor, from the mideighteenth century, used as the seat of the *Young's City* and the Palazzo Fondi on Via Medina, a private building of renaissance origin, the result of various additions and accretions attributable mainly to the eighteenth century, to be used for offices and recreational activities. These interventions can be considered reference models in terms of reusing historical buildings returned to their renewed social and educational function, able to actively promote the regeneration of the surrounding urban area.

### **2. Reuse and re-conversion of the monumental heritage in Naples**

### **2.1 The great project "historical centre of Naples enhancement of the UNESCO site"**

In 1995 part of the historic centre of Naples was declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Its road layouts, the importance and richness of its historic buildings, its squares and its architecture, were recognized as universal values capable of projecting its own ray of influence *over much of Europe and beyond the borders of it*.

The opportunity offered by this important designation has made it possible to orient the planning of the areas of the historic centre towards initiatives aimed at safeguarding and protecting cultural heritage with particular attention to their enhancement in relation to the environment and active citizenship. The regeneration project of the historic centre, inserted in the broader context of the Integrated Urban Program of Naples, provides for systemic and participatory interventions able to promote the protection and enjoyment of the cultural resources of the historic centre and its ancient productive vocations by renewing the memory of the places in a contemporary key, enhancing the tourist offer and developing the establishment of a truly extended chain of cultural assets played around the themes of reception and inclusiveness. Through territorial policies aimed at encouraging public and private entrepreneurial initiatives, Naples, city of art and culture, is preparing to address the issue of a cultural economy based on production and on the value innovation of the tangible and intangible assets of its historic centre [11].

*"While on the one hand it is necessary to protect historical centers as delicate realities within the cultural landscape in which they are inserted, on the other it is finally possible to rethink them in an intelligent way, identifying new possibilities for integrated socio-economic revival and sustainable regeneration" [12].*

*"The phenomenon of cultural production and innovation has for some years [...] been deeply rooted and inserted in the urban space, so much so that it is often indicated as a key element for the re-urbanization of some parts of the city and the re-functionalisation of abandoned buildings. The spaces of cultural production open, shared, accessible—represent new areas of relationship with the city and also urban politics identifies the practices associated with them as possible new drivers of local development" [13].*

Consistent with what has been outlined so far, the Project for Naples identifies two privileged areas of intervention for the regeneration of the historic city consisting in the reuse of the abandoned building heritage and in the transformation of

**59**

*Reuse and Re-conversion of the Monumental Heritage in Naples*

the common areas on the ground floor of the recovered buildings to be transformed into "poles of cultural and social animation (also through the inclusion of tertiary activities with a high artistic, cultural or social level) [14]." The aim is to start a redevelopment that, while aiming to protect and enhance the historical-artistic heritage, is not limited to "single-purpose" interventions but acts as a pivot of attractiveness and as a stimulus for the economic and social development of the

The introduction of new functions compatible with the nature of the buildings subjected to protection activities and the inclusion of re-creative, exhibition and educational activities on the ground floor of the recovered buildings aims at transferring an "urban value" within a private space belonging to the city. Between the street, the vestibule, the courtyard and the ground floor rooms, the urban system and the building system hybridize, merging into a relationship of reciprocal dynamic relationship to determine the extension of the axis of the road inside the

The church of Santi Cosma e Damiano on the Largo dei Banchi Nuovi, rises in an area originally close to the Greek walls, in the stretch that delimited the ancient centre of the city towards the sea, in a western direction, along the axis of Via dei Banchi Nuovi has become over time one of the main directions of development of the coastal fabric enriched during the Middle Ages with the growth of villages and neighbourhoods linked to the economy of the Porto Piccolo. A commercial vocation confirmed and consolidated even in the Angevin and then modern times when the area became the privileged site of laboratories and merchant houses, welcoming a large number of lodges for commercial activities. Rua Catalana, Via Scalesia, Rua dei Fiorentini, Via Loggia di Genova, Via Loggia dei Pisani, are just some of the paths that still today meet near the port, testifying to the cosmopolitan and mercan-

The general layout of Piazza dei Banchi Nuovi dates back to the period between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Due to riots in the city, in fact, around the middle of the sixteenth century the ancient Banco dei mercanti, located in piazza dell'Olmo, was destroyed; in the same period Alfonso Sánchez de Luna, marquis of Grottole, engaged in the construction of his own residence at Largo San Giovanni Maggiore, started the opening of the Largo dei Banchi Nuovi behind the building of which he would have marked the south-eastern margin. The opening of the square was the occasion to start the construction of the Loggia dei Banchi Nuovi on its southern edge, replacing the structures that had previously been destroyed; the construction of Palazzo Orsini, then of the Dukes of Casamassima, located on the south-eastern side of the square, whose renaissance forms—still legible—were transformed by Ferdinando Sanfelice in the eighteenth century. The completion of the Largo occurred during the first half of the seventeenth century with the construction, on the northern side, of Palazzo Vernazza (or Vernasse), transformed

The "vertical" connections between the Largo dei Banchi Nuovi and the lower city were ensured by a network of paths and lanes that still today branch off into the valley, filling the gap between the ancient city centre and the orthogonal plant checker-board, and the maze of alleys and lanes that cross the area near the harbour. The Banchi Nuovi square is in this sense the junction or, even better, the welding point between the centre of Neapolis and the lower city, marked by the convergence of the Via di S. Chiara and by the rise, starting from the early modern age along the extension of its upper limit, of a series of noteworthy buildings: from the renaissance

into Sanfelice's forms in the first decades of the following century.

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.86301*

territory [14].

courtyard of the building.

tile character of the places.

**2.2 The church of Saints Cosmas and Damian**

### *Reuse and Re-conversion of the Monumental Heritage in Naples DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.86301*

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

urban area.

**site"**

functions, but united by conversion projects under-way aimed at cultural and collective re-use: the seventeenth-century church of the Saints Cosma e Damiano, in the ancient heart of the city, part of the Great Project Historic Centre of Naples enhancement of the Unesco site; the Royal Hotel of the poor, from the mideighteenth century, used as the seat of the *Young's City* and the Palazzo Fondi on Via Medina, a private building of renaissance origin, the result of various additions and accretions attributable mainly to the eighteenth century, to be used for offices and recreational activities. These interventions can be considered reference models in terms of reusing historical buildings returned to their renewed social and educational function, able to actively promote the regeneration of the surrounding

**2. Reuse and re-conversion of the monumental heritage in Naples**

**2.1 The great project "historical centre of Naples enhancement of the UNESCO** 

In 1995 part of the historic centre of Naples was declared a UNESCO World Heritage Site. Its road layouts, the importance and richness of its historic buildings, its squares and its architecture, were recognized as universal values capable of projecting its own ray of influence *over much of Europe and beyond the borders of it*. The opportunity offered by this important designation has made it possible to orient the planning of the areas of the historic centre towards initiatives aimed at safeguarding and protecting cultural heritage with particular attention to their enhancement in relation to the environment and active citizenship. The regeneration project of the historic centre, inserted in the broader context of the Integrated Urban Program of Naples, provides for systemic and participatory interventions able to promote the protection and enjoyment of the cultural resources of the historic centre and its ancient productive vocations by renewing the memory of the places in a contemporary key, enhancing the tourist offer and developing the establishment of a truly extended chain of cultural assets played around the themes of reception and inclusiveness. Through territorial policies aimed at encouraging public and private entrepreneurial initiatives, Naples, city of art and culture, is preparing to address the issue of a cultural economy based on production and on the value innovation of the tangible and intangible assets of its historic centre [11].

*"While on the one hand it is necessary to protect historical centers as delicate realities within the cultural landscape in which they are inserted, on the other it is finally possible to rethink them in an intelligent way, identifying new possibilities* 

*"The phenomenon of cultural production and innovation has for some years [...] been deeply rooted and inserted in the urban space, so much so that it is often indicated as a key element for the re-urbanization of some parts of the city and the re-functionalisation of abandoned buildings. The spaces of cultural production open, shared, accessible—represent new areas of relationship with the city and also urban politics identifies the practices associated with them as possible new drivers* 

Consistent with what has been outlined so far, the Project for Naples identifies two privileged areas of intervention for the regeneration of the historic city consisting in the reuse of the abandoned building heritage and in the transformation of

*for integrated socio-economic revival and sustainable regeneration" [12].*

**58**

*of local development" [13].*

the common areas on the ground floor of the recovered buildings to be transformed into "poles of cultural and social animation (also through the inclusion of tertiary activities with a high artistic, cultural or social level) [14]." The aim is to start a redevelopment that, while aiming to protect and enhance the historical-artistic heritage, is not limited to "single-purpose" interventions but acts as a pivot of attractiveness and as a stimulus for the economic and social development of the territory [14].

The introduction of new functions compatible with the nature of the buildings subjected to protection activities and the inclusion of re-creative, exhibition and educational activities on the ground floor of the recovered buildings aims at transferring an "urban value" within a private space belonging to the city. Between the street, the vestibule, the courtyard and the ground floor rooms, the urban system and the building system hybridize, merging into a relationship of reciprocal dynamic relationship to determine the extension of the axis of the road inside the courtyard of the building.

### **2.2 The church of Saints Cosmas and Damian**

The church of Santi Cosma e Damiano on the Largo dei Banchi Nuovi, rises in an area originally close to the Greek walls, in the stretch that delimited the ancient centre of the city towards the sea, in a western direction, along the axis of Via dei Banchi Nuovi has become over time one of the main directions of development of the coastal fabric enriched during the Middle Ages with the growth of villages and neighbourhoods linked to the economy of the Porto Piccolo. A commercial vocation confirmed and consolidated even in the Angevin and then modern times when the area became the privileged site of laboratories and merchant houses, welcoming a large number of lodges for commercial activities. Rua Catalana, Via Scalesia, Rua dei Fiorentini, Via Loggia di Genova, Via Loggia dei Pisani, are just some of the paths that still today meet near the port, testifying to the cosmopolitan and mercantile character of the places.

The general layout of Piazza dei Banchi Nuovi dates back to the period between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Due to riots in the city, in fact, around the middle of the sixteenth century the ancient Banco dei mercanti, located in piazza dell'Olmo, was destroyed; in the same period Alfonso Sánchez de Luna, marquis of Grottole, engaged in the construction of his own residence at Largo San Giovanni Maggiore, started the opening of the Largo dei Banchi Nuovi behind the building of which he would have marked the south-eastern margin. The opening of the square was the occasion to start the construction of the Loggia dei Banchi Nuovi on its southern edge, replacing the structures that had previously been destroyed; the construction of Palazzo Orsini, then of the Dukes of Casamassima, located on the south-eastern side of the square, whose renaissance forms—still legible—were transformed by Ferdinando Sanfelice in the eighteenth century. The completion of the Largo occurred during the first half of the seventeenth century with the construction, on the northern side, of Palazzo Vernazza (or Vernasse), transformed into Sanfelice's forms in the first decades of the following century.

The "vertical" connections between the Largo dei Banchi Nuovi and the lower city were ensured by a network of paths and lanes that still today branch off into the valley, filling the gap between the ancient city centre and the orthogonal plant checker-board, and the maze of alleys and lanes that cross the area near the harbour. The Banchi Nuovi square is in this sense the junction or, even better, the welding point between the centre of Neapolis and the lower city, marked by the convergence of the Via di S. Chiara and by the rise, starting from the early modern age along the extension of its upper limit, of a series of noteworthy buildings: from the renaissance complex of Santa Maria la Nova (fifteenth to sixteenth century), to the church of Santa Maria dell'Aiuto (seventeenth century), from the Penne palace (fifteenth century), to the new church of Santi Demetrio e Bonifacio (early eighteenth century).

At the beginning of the seventeenth century, with the abolition of the new lodge decreed for reasons of public order, the area underwent further transformations. The building of the Banchi Nuovi was first purchased by Sánchez and then resold, in 1616, to the Barbieri Congregation which transformed it into a chapel for its own congregation to replace the ancient seat along the Via dei Tribunali, which was sold to allow the construction of the complex of the Gerolamini. In October 1617 the new church was finished in its general form, although work continued inside it.

The church, dedicated to the Saints Cosmas and Damian, fits into the squareshaped structure of the sixteenth-century Loggia composed of nine square spans covered by cross vaults supported by 16 trachyte pillars. The planimetric solution (**Figure 1**) adopted is that of a latin cross-shaped with a single nave, corresponding to the first two central spans of the Loggia, completed by two chapels on each side obtained by inserting walls in about half of the original side bays of the existing structure and ended by a high transept coinciding with the three terminal spans of the sixteenth-century Loggia [15]. "The interruption of the spatial continuity of the cross vaults" visible in the lateral rooms "was cleverly disguised [...] by means of pseudo-arched arches supported by sails" [16]; next to the main body of the church, in the "residual" spaces of the Loggia, the sacristy was obtained, on the left hand, and the room intended for the congregation on the opposite side.

Both on the main façade and on the lateral side of the church, along the Calata of Santi Cosma e Damiano, the triple round arches on trachyte pillars that conformed the once-open arcades of the Loggia dei Banchi Nuovi are still visible. The main façade of the church, concluded at the top by the cornice and the small bell tower surmounted by the cross, presents, above the seventeenth-century trachyte portal, a large late-Baroque window decorated with rocaille stuccoes (**Figure 2**). On the other hand, the oval openings in façade facing the upper rooms that flank the nave, date back to nineteenth century.

**Figure 1.** *Naples, church of Saints Cosmas and Damian on the largo Dei Banchi Nuovi, ground floor plan [15].*

**61**

**Figure 2.**

*Reuse and Re-conversion of the Monumental Heritage in Naples*

The church, abandoned since the eighties of the twentieth century and subject to continuous theft and vandalism, is the object of the interventions of recovery and functional enhancement conducted by the Municipality also because of the crucial role played by Largo dei Barchi Nuovi compared to the surrounding territory (**Figure 3**). Precious open space in a maze of streets and buildings mainly for residential use, it is in fact a strategic gathering and meeting place for young people,

*Naples, church of Saints Cosmas and Damian, relief drawing of the main and lateral façade [15].*

Specifically, the intervention in progress concerns the redevelopment and re-functionalisation of the church of Saints Cosma and Damiano, whose re-use is aimed at creating multi-purpose and flexible spaces to be used for cultural activities, with particular reference to exhibition purposes, music, conferences and training. The building, in fact, rises in the centre of a nucleus that condenses strong identity values around itself: from the music pole, which has a privileged reference point in the nearby Conservatory of San Pietro a Majella and in the adjacent street of musical instruments; at the pole of culture and knowledge constituted by L'Orientale

as well as being used for multiple vocations.

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.86301*

*Reuse and Re-conversion of the Monumental Heritage in Naples DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.86301*

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

complex of Santa Maria la Nova (fifteenth to sixteenth century), to the church of Santa Maria dell'Aiuto (seventeenth century), from the Penne palace (fifteenth century), to the new church of Santi Demetrio e Bonifacio (early eighteenth century). At the beginning of the seventeenth century, with the abolition of the new lodge decreed for reasons of public order, the area underwent further transformations. The building of the Banchi Nuovi was first purchased by Sánchez and then resold, in 1616, to the Barbieri Congregation which transformed it into a chapel for its own congregation to replace the ancient seat along the Via dei Tribunali, which was sold to allow the construction of the complex of the Gerolamini. In October 1617 the new

church was finished in its general form, although work continued inside it.

and the room intended for the congregation on the opposite side.

date back to nineteenth century.

The church, dedicated to the Saints Cosmas and Damian, fits into the squareshaped structure of the sixteenth-century Loggia composed of nine square spans covered by cross vaults supported by 16 trachyte pillars. The planimetric solution (**Figure 1**) adopted is that of a latin cross-shaped with a single nave, corresponding to the first two central spans of the Loggia, completed by two chapels on each side obtained by inserting walls in about half of the original side bays of the existing structure and ended by a high transept coinciding with the three terminal spans of the sixteenth-century Loggia [15]. "The interruption of the spatial continuity of the cross vaults" visible in the lateral rooms "was cleverly disguised [...] by means of pseudo-arched arches supported by sails" [16]; next to the main body of the church, in the "residual" spaces of the Loggia, the sacristy was obtained, on the left hand,

Both on the main façade and on the lateral side of the church, along the Calata of Santi Cosma e Damiano, the triple round arches on trachyte pillars that conformed the once-open arcades of the Loggia dei Banchi Nuovi are still visible. The main façade of the church, concluded at the top by the cornice and the small bell tower surmounted by the cross, presents, above the seventeenth-century trachyte portal, a large late-Baroque window decorated with rocaille stuccoes (**Figure 2**). On the other hand, the oval openings in façade facing the upper rooms that flank the nave,

*Naples, church of Saints Cosmas and Damian on the largo Dei Banchi Nuovi, ground floor plan [15].*

**60**

**Figure 1.**

**Figure 2.** *Naples, church of Saints Cosmas and Damian, relief drawing of the main and lateral façade [15].*

The church, abandoned since the eighties of the twentieth century and subject to continuous theft and vandalism, is the object of the interventions of recovery and functional enhancement conducted by the Municipality also because of the crucial role played by Largo dei Barchi Nuovi compared to the surrounding territory (**Figure 3**). Precious open space in a maze of streets and buildings mainly for residential use, it is in fact a strategic gathering and meeting place for young people, as well as being used for multiple vocations.

Specifically, the intervention in progress concerns the redevelopment and re-functionalisation of the church of Saints Cosma and Damiano, whose re-use is aimed at creating multi-purpose and flexible spaces to be used for cultural activities, with particular reference to exhibition purposes, music, conferences and training. The building, in fact, rises in the centre of a nucleus that condenses strong identity values around itself: from the music pole, which has a privileged reference point in the nearby Conservatory of San Pietro a Majella and in the adjacent street of musical instruments; at the pole of culture and knowledge constituted by L'Orientale

**Figure 3.** *Naples, church of Saints Cosmas and Damian and the largo Dei Banchi Nuovi.*

University of Napoles, from the twentieth century owner of the ancient Sánchez palace, and from the Federico II University, whose headquarters is located along the Via di Mezzocannone on which the extension of Via dei Banchi Nuovi converges.

The presence of important tourist flows due to the proximity to the art itineraries of the ancient centre has determined the demand for spaces and services for culture, leisure and hospitality. The current project includes, among its main objectives, the enhancement of the local artistic and artisan fabric; improving services to citizens with the consequent increase in safety and legality; the promotion of initiatives aimed at rediscovering craft and creative vocations through an integrated approach that affects the environmental, social and economic degradation of the neighbourhood by activating participatory processes of systemic cultural enhancement and development and modernization policies.

### **3. The project of urban regeneration and temporary reuse of Palazzo Fondi**

The Sangro di Fondi palace rises on the eastern side of Via Medina in an area characterized by imposing architectural works dating back to the Angevin and Aragonese periods when, the identification of Castel Nuovo as the residence and political and administrative centre of the city, determined the coagulation of houses and aristocratic residences linked to the presence of the palace. The original structure of the palace can be traced back to the first half of the sixteenth century when Michele Giovanni Gomez, president of the Royal Chamber of the Sommaria, bought a series of neighbouring houses to build his own family palace [17]. Beginning in the seventeenth century, the first changes were registered in the planimetric distribution of the building, organized around a main rectangular block along the Via Medina and with three other smaller volumes behind which the rectangular courtyard will take shape. The main body of the nucleus along Via Medina has a base plan marked by a trabeated portal that leads into the large internal vaulted atrium, and from the entablature on which the windows of the noble floor are set, followed by the mezzanine floor concluded at the top by the cornice and the double-pitched roof. In 1698 the palace was sold by Gomez to the Marquis of Genzano, Stefano de Marinis, who entrusted the transformation work to Giovan

**63**

**Figure 4.**

*ooppcampaniamolise.it/uffici\_dirigenziali.php.*

*Reuse and Re-conversion of the Monumental Heritage in Naples*

Battista Manni, active in the construction site in the years between 1704 and 1714. The intervention carried out mainly concerned the construction of the portico on the counter-façade with the arrangement of the large courtyard and the apartments on the noble floor. In 1709 the monumental staircase to the right of the entrance hall was redone and the following year the serliana (**Figure 4**) was built on the bottom of the courtyard—concluded by a terrace delimited by a loggia composed of three arches at full centre on columns with trachyte bases—which symmetrically incorporates the analogous solution present in the counter-façade (**Figure 5**). In 1712 the entrance portal was modified, enriching it with two powerful marble columns and the overlying central balcony, corresponding to the ballroom on the main floor, decorated with frescoes by Giacomo del Po'. The first arrangement of the main facade dates back to this period, with the regularization of the openings and the realization of the elegant facade stuccoes documented in the engraving by Carlo Petrini of 1718. Between 1720 and 1760 the works continued under the direction of Gaetano Di Tommaso who completed the decorations on the first floor, transforming the party room and the private chapel. The very presence of the engineer Di Tommaso, a collaborator of Luigi Vanvitelli in the works of Palazzo Berio on Via Toledo and in the properties of the Casacalenda family, led to the attribution of the building—not supported by documents—to Vanvitelli, as reported by Francesco Milizia and as reported also by Chiarini in his edition of Celano, where we read: "the

*Naples, Fondi palace on Via Medina, ground floor plan. Available from: http://www.provveditorato-*

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.86301*

*Reuse and Re-conversion of the Monumental Heritage in Naples DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.86301*

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

ment and development and modernization policies.

University of Napoles, from the twentieth century owner of the ancient Sánchez palace, and from the Federico II University, whose headquarters is located along the Via di Mezzocannone on which the extension of Via dei Banchi Nuovi converges. The presence of important tourist flows due to the proximity to the art itineraries of the ancient centre has determined the demand for spaces and services for culture, leisure and hospitality. The current project includes, among its main objectives, the enhancement of the local artistic and artisan fabric; improving services to citizens with the consequent increase in safety and legality; the promotion of initiatives aimed at rediscovering craft and creative vocations through an integrated approach that affects the environmental, social and economic degradation of the neighbourhood by activating participatory processes of systemic cultural enhance-

*Naples, church of Saints Cosmas and Damian and the largo Dei Banchi Nuovi.*

**3. The project of urban regeneration and temporary reuse of Palazzo** 

The Sangro di Fondi palace rises on the eastern side of Via Medina in an area characterized by imposing architectural works dating back to the Angevin and Aragonese periods when, the identification of Castel Nuovo as the residence and political and administrative centre of the city, determined the coagulation of houses and aristocratic residences linked to the presence of the palace. The original structure of the palace can be traced back to the first half of the sixteenth century when Michele Giovanni Gomez, president of the Royal Chamber of the Sommaria, bought a series of neighbouring houses to build his own family palace [17]. Beginning in the seventeenth century, the first changes were registered in the planimetric distribution of the building, organized around a main rectangular block along the Via Medina and with three other smaller volumes behind which the rectangular courtyard will take shape. The main body of the nucleus along Via Medina has a base plan marked by a trabeated portal that leads into the large internal vaulted atrium, and from the entablature on which the windows of the noble floor are set, followed by the mezzanine floor concluded at the top by the cornice and the double-pitched roof. In 1698 the palace was sold by Gomez to the Marquis of Genzano, Stefano de Marinis, who entrusted the transformation work to Giovan

**62**

**Fondi**

**Figure 3.**

Battista Manni, active in the construction site in the years between 1704 and 1714. The intervention carried out mainly concerned the construction of the portico on the counter-façade with the arrangement of the large courtyard and the apartments on the noble floor. In 1709 the monumental staircase to the right of the entrance hall was redone and the following year the serliana (**Figure 4**) was built on the bottom of the courtyard—concluded by a terrace delimited by a loggia composed of three arches at full centre on columns with trachyte bases—which symmetrically incorporates the analogous solution present in the counter-façade (**Figure 5**). In 1712 the entrance portal was modified, enriching it with two powerful marble columns and the overlying central balcony, corresponding to the ballroom on the main floor, decorated with frescoes by Giacomo del Po'. The first arrangement of the main facade dates back to this period, with the regularization of the openings and the realization of the elegant facade stuccoes documented in the engraving by Carlo Petrini of 1718. Between 1720 and 1760 the works continued under the direction of Gaetano Di Tommaso who completed the decorations on the first floor, transforming the party room and the private chapel. The very presence of the engineer Di Tommaso, a collaborator of Luigi Vanvitelli in the works of Palazzo Berio on Via Toledo and in the properties of the Casacalenda family, led to the attribution of the building—not supported by documents—to Vanvitelli, as reported by Francesco Milizia and as reported also by Chiarini in his edition of Celano, where we read: "the

**Figure 4.**

*Naples, Fondi palace on Via Medina, ground floor plan. Available from: http://www.provveditoratoooppcampaniamolise.it/uffici\_dirigenziali.php.*

building [...] belonged to the old Marquis of Genzano, but afterwards by hereditary right [...] it passed into the domain of the Prince of Fondi. The building was built after the middle of the last century with a drawing by Cav. Luigi Vanvitelli. The door is all in marble, decorated with two columns of Ionic order, and the windows of the noble floor are formed in tabernacles with pillars of the same order. The details do not have the merit of the others operated by the distinguished architect; but the set of architectural lines is grandiose, the distribution of the space is regular, the appearance is imposing. The discovered court is beautifully decorated; and a superimposition of delightful terraces very elegantly designed, adds to it beauty and nobility. The scale treated in the upper landings is also of great value with the convenience and grandeur that Vanvitelli was able to find in all his works" [18].

From the mid-eighteenth century there were further transformations and growths due to the purchase of adjacent real estate units until, in 1798, the main façade was rebuilt, with the complete elimination of the stucco decorations documented by Petrini, and the elevation of a second noble floor (**Figure 6**).

The configuration reached at the end of the nineteenth century does not present significant transformations until the early twentieth century when the building, which became the seat of the Fascist provincial federation and Casa del Fascio, underwent massive transformations that changed its appearance. The transformation of the roof into the terrace dates back to this period—it was accessed from a new floor created above the second noble floor and set back from it—and the addition of a central turret eliminated after the second World War when the building was the seat of the Communist Federation.

**65**

civil society [19].

**Figure 6.**

*of the author).*

*than elsewhere" [13].*

*Reuse and Re-conversion of the Monumental Heritage in Naples*

The redevelopment project started in 2014 by the State Property Agency, owner of the property, and coordinated and developed by Ninetynine Urban Value with the collaboration of the Municipality of Naples and various institutions such as the Federico II University and the Fine Arts Academy of Naples, aims to restore a historic building to the city for some time unused through a diversified and temporary conversion program of the building that favours its enhancement also in terms of knowledge and functional innovation, minimizing the risks deriving from its prolonged inactivity and encouraging the availability of creative incubators to be allocated to students and young entrepreneurs. The building with a total surface area of 4432 square meters—hosts multi-functional spaces for art, culture, experimentation, events, places of comparison and coagulation, itinerant exhibitions and conferences open to the city and the network of public and private stakeholders interested in collaborating with institutions to initiate participatory processes for the enhancement and integrated use of the tangible and intangible cultural assets of the historic city (**Figure 7**). The objective is to create a contemporary place where art, culture, experimentation and multidisci-

*Naples, Fondi palace on Via Medina, detail of the other Serliana on the counter-façade in the courtyard (photo* 

plinarity can give rise to new initiatives, promoting collaboration and

contact between companies, the world of education and culture, institutions and

*"They are physical places, very often inserted in urban contexts that need public dimension and sharing, which try to have an impact on the city through the continuous offer of diversified services. Places that hybridize functions related to leisure, recreational and cultural consumption with issues related to the social and political dimension and which, in this sense, confer different values and meanings to innovation itself. This last aspect, more than others, finds its humus in the city, because institutions, people and initiatives are concentrated in the urban context, knowledge and cultures are spread, social and cultural capital is developed, more* 

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.86301*

### **Figure 6.**

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

building [...] belonged to the old Marquis of Genzano, but afterwards by hereditary right [...] it passed into the domain of the Prince of Fondi. The building was built after the middle of the last century with a drawing by Cav. Luigi Vanvitelli. The door is all in marble, decorated with two columns of Ionic order, and the windows of the noble floor are formed in tabernacles with pillars of the same order. The details do not have the merit of the others operated by the distinguished architect; but the set of architectural lines is grandiose, the distribution of the space is regular, the appearance is imposing. The discovered court is beautifully decorated; and a superimposition of delightful terraces very elegantly designed, adds to it beauty and nobility. The scale treated in the upper landings is also of great value with the convenience and grandeur that Vanvitelli was able to find in all his works" [18]. From the mid-eighteenth century there were further transformations and growths due to the purchase of adjacent real estate units until, in 1798, the main façade was rebuilt, with the complete elimination of the stucco decorations docu-

*Naples, Fondi palace on Via Medina, inner courtyard and particular of the Serliana (photo of the author).*

mented by Petrini, and the elevation of a second noble floor (**Figure 6**).

was the seat of the Communist Federation.

The configuration reached at the end of the nineteenth century does not present significant transformations until the early twentieth century when the building, which became the seat of the Fascist provincial federation and Casa del Fascio, underwent massive transformations that changed its appearance. The transformation of the roof into the terrace dates back to this period—it was accessed from a new floor created above the second noble floor and set back from it—and the addition of a central turret eliminated after the second World War when the building

**64**

**Figure 5.**

*Naples, Fondi palace on Via Medina, detail of the other Serliana on the counter-façade in the courtyard (photo of the author).*

The redevelopment project started in 2014 by the State Property Agency, owner of the property, and coordinated and developed by Ninetynine Urban Value with the collaboration of the Municipality of Naples and various institutions such as the Federico II University and the Fine Arts Academy of Naples, aims to restore a historic building to the city for some time unused through a diversified and temporary conversion program of the building that favours its enhancement also in terms of knowledge and functional innovation, minimizing the risks deriving from its prolonged inactivity and encouraging the availability of creative incubators to be allocated to students and young entrepreneurs. The building with a total surface area of 4432 square meters—hosts multi-functional spaces for art, culture, experimentation, events, places of comparison and coagulation, itinerant exhibitions and conferences open to the city and the network of public and private stakeholders interested in collaborating with institutions to initiate participatory processes for the enhancement and integrated use of the tangible and intangible cultural assets of the historic city (**Figure 7**). The objective is to create a contemporary place where art, culture, experimentation and multidisciplinarity can give rise to new initiatives, promoting collaboration and contact between companies, the world of education and culture, institutions and civil society [19].

*"They are physical places, very often inserted in urban contexts that need public dimension and sharing, which try to have an impact on the city through the continuous offer of diversified services. Places that hybridize functions related to leisure, recreational and cultural consumption with issues related to the social and political dimension and which, in this sense, confer different values and meanings to innovation itself. This last aspect, more than others, finds its humus in the city, because institutions, people and initiatives are concentrated in the urban context, knowledge and cultures are spread, social and cultural capital is developed, more than elsewhere" [13].*

#### **Figure 7.**

*Naples, facade of the palace de Marinis di Sangro, then Fondi, engraving by P. Petrini, 1718 (National Library of Naples).*

### **4. The real hospice for the poor and the recovery project**

It was to fulfil social stability problems that Charles III of Bourbon commissioned Ferdinand Fuga in 1749—returning from the Roman shipyards of San Michele in Ripa Grande and the extension of the Santo Spirito in Sassia Hospital (1742–44)—to build in Naples the largest Hospice in Europe, capable of accommodating eight thousand marginalized, providing them with adequate living and working conditions [20]. "It was destined for eight thousand poor, to be divided into four classes, that is, of men, women, boys, and girls, without any communication between them. Annexed to the aforementioned Hospice he designed a vast public church, to be visited separately by the four aforementioned classes. There were great conveniences such as laboratories, refectories, courtyards, arcades, workshops, and servants' and executives' quarters" [21].

Characterizing sign of such institutes it was precisely to place oneself as a poles of development and social cohesion with respect to the territory, creating the conditions so that artisan activities and trades could arise around them able to revive the urban economy in crisis, determining opportunities for work and development for an ever increasing number of inhabitants.

The theme of assistance to the poor was certainly not new in the mid-seventeenth century and was part of that program of raising awareness of the social recovery of entire groups of needy and abandoned people who, from France to the rest of Europe, would have spread rapidly, identifying in the Hospices and in the Internment Houses the solutions adopted to limit and correct the damages deriving from begging and poverty. Precisely the number of such institutions can be considered an effective parameter of evaluation to understand the importance assumed by a city centre compared to the others: the more they were productive and economically independent, the greater was the number of welfare structures built within them to stem the security and social problems. The awareness of the need to identify in the work a more effective rehabilitation function than mere isolation, led to

**67**

**Figure 8.**

*around five courtyards [24].*

*Reuse and Re-conversion of the Monumental Heritage in Naples*

the "ethical condemnation of idleness" [22]. It was no longer a question of "locking up the unemployed, but of giving work to those who had been locked up, making them participants in common prosperity" [22]. The significance of this operation was more economic than ethical and consisted in supplying low-cost labour during periods of full operation, and in forming and keeping prisoners engaged in times of

Precisely "the capacity of such structures [...] to adapt to the rapidly changing new socio-economic scenarios will mark their destiny: the decline, when their function will be reduced to an amorphous commitment to care, or an active role, when they succeed in integrate into the industrial processes already in place since the second half of the eighteenth century, and recover a more articulated relationship with civil society outside the walls" [23]. The idea of making the Hotel of the poor a town-building, conceived as a self-sufficient community body, reflected on the very nature of the proposed projects. Whether you look at the first project, based on a square plant internally divided into four courts, to be erected in the village of Loreto, in the eastern area of Naples; whether the definitive project is observed, organized on the succession of five majestic courtyards-squares, to be built in the village of Sant' Antonio Abate, in a crucial area for connections with Rome and city traffic, one cannot but consider the importance that the new factory was called to cover the intentions of the sovereign. Located at the foot of the Capodimonte hill, along the extension of the avenue that led to the sumptuous villa of Poggioreale (**Figure 8**) [24], one of the most elegant and celebrated dwellings of the early Neapolitan renaissance, the building, of which only the three central courtyards were built, competed for dimensions (600 m/140) and architectural language with the royal residence of Caserta, the last "anachronistic" example of capital-city of

The construction of the Hospice for the poor unfolds over a period of time ranging from the death of Ferdinando Fuga (1782), to Mario Gioffredo, to the

*Scenic view to the west of the city of Naples in the Campagna Felice, detail of the map of the Duke of Noja, Naples 1775 with in evidence of the Hotel of the poor (Albergo Dei Poveri) in the original project articulated* 

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.86301*

monarchical absolutism (**Figure 9**).

crisis [22].

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

**4. The real hospice for the poor and the recovery project**

workshops, and servants' and executives' quarters" [21].

an ever increasing number of inhabitants.

It was to fulfil social stability problems that Charles III of Bourbon commissioned Ferdinand Fuga in 1749—returning from the Roman shipyards of San Michele in Ripa Grande and the extension of the Santo Spirito in Sassia Hospital (1742–44)—to build in Naples the largest Hospice in Europe, capable of accommodating eight thousand marginalized, providing them with adequate living and working conditions [20]. "It was destined for eight thousand poor, to be divided into four classes, that is, of men, women, boys, and girls, without any communication between them. Annexed to the aforementioned Hospice he designed a vast public church, to be visited separately by the four aforementioned classes. There were great conveniences such as laboratories, refectories, courtyards, arcades,

*Naples, facade of the palace de Marinis di Sangro, then Fondi, engraving by P. Petrini, 1718 (National Library* 

Characterizing sign of such institutes it was precisely to place oneself as a poles of development and social cohesion with respect to the territory, creating the conditions so that artisan activities and trades could arise around them able to revive the urban economy in crisis, determining opportunities for work and development for

The theme of assistance to the poor was certainly not new in the mid-seventeenth century and was part of that program of raising awareness of the social recovery of entire groups of needy and abandoned people who, from France to the rest of Europe, would have spread rapidly, identifying in the Hospices and in the Internment Houses the solutions adopted to limit and correct the damages deriving from begging and poverty. Precisely the number of such institutions can be considered an effective parameter of evaluation to understand the importance assumed by a city centre compared to the others: the more they were productive and economically independent, the greater was the number of welfare structures built within them to stem the security and social problems. The awareness of the need to identify in the work a more effective rehabilitation function than mere isolation, led to

**66**

**Figure 7.**

*of Naples).*

the "ethical condemnation of idleness" [22]. It was no longer a question of "locking up the unemployed, but of giving work to those who had been locked up, making them participants in common prosperity" [22]. The significance of this operation was more economic than ethical and consisted in supplying low-cost labour during periods of full operation, and in forming and keeping prisoners engaged in times of crisis [22].

Precisely "the capacity of such structures [...] to adapt to the rapidly changing new socio-economic scenarios will mark their destiny: the decline, when their function will be reduced to an amorphous commitment to care, or an active role, when they succeed in integrate into the industrial processes already in place since the second half of the eighteenth century, and recover a more articulated relationship with civil society outside the walls" [23]. The idea of making the Hotel of the poor a town-building, conceived as a self-sufficient community body, reflected on the very nature of the proposed projects. Whether you look at the first project, based on a square plant internally divided into four courts, to be erected in the village of Loreto, in the eastern area of Naples; whether the definitive project is observed, organized on the succession of five majestic courtyards-squares, to be built in the village of Sant' Antonio Abate, in a crucial area for connections with Rome and city traffic, one cannot but consider the importance that the new factory was called to cover the intentions of the sovereign. Located at the foot of the Capodimonte hill, along the extension of the avenue that led to the sumptuous villa of Poggioreale (**Figure 8**) [24], one of the most elegant and celebrated dwellings of the early Neapolitan renaissance, the building, of which only the three central courtyards were built, competed for dimensions (600 m/140) and architectural language with the royal residence of Caserta, the last "anachronistic" example of capital-city of monarchical absolutism (**Figure 9**).

The construction of the Hospice for the poor unfolds over a period of time ranging from the death of Ferdinando Fuga (1782), to Mario Gioffredo, to the

### **Figure 8.**

*Scenic view to the west of the city of Naples in the Campagna Felice, detail of the map of the Duke of Noja, Naples 1775 with in evidence of the Hotel of the poor (Albergo Dei Poveri) in the original project articulated around five courtyards [24].*

### **Figure 9.**

*Late eighteenth-century engraving depicting the two large factories built by Ferdinando Fuga in Naples in the second half of the eighteenth century: The Hotel of the poor in the project actually built with only three central courtyards; and the massive block of the granary factory [24].*

intervention of Carlo Vanvitelli (1785–1799) and from these to Francesco Maresca (1802), author of the definitive reorganization of the Fuga's project.

The architectural language adopted by the florentine architect suggests a double interpretative key: on one side the late baroque vein, which can be found in the unfinished Panoptikon church located in the middle of the intermediate courtyard; from another the classicist vein with which the development of the whole building is solved, like the Granili (550 m) played on the poetics of the large dimension and on the landscape scale of the intervention. The plan of the church, in the first solution envisaged for the village of Loreto, presented a series of internal open galleries on the aisles according to an organization experimented by Fontana in the church of San Michele a Ripa, from which the subdivision by classes of the interior spaces was taken. In the transition to the final site, the church's design is also considerably complicated with the position of the dome that has been moved back compared to the more soaring and looming initial solution.

The dimensions of the building, as partially realized, have a width of façade equal to 360 m length for 140 m of width; with an area of 100,000 m<sup>2</sup> and a volume of 830,000 m3 .

With its 430 rooms and 20,000 m<sup>2</sup> of outdoor spaces, the colossal structure, far more imposing than the Roman factory, has always been considered a "false step" in the Bourbon government policies. "Who knows when it will end? And it is almost thirty years that this work is being done. With less expense, and in a shorter time, it would have removed all poverty from the abundant Kingdom of Naples. But this is not the business of the architect, but of good government" [25].

Yet, seen from the ring road, the Hospice for the poor clearly conveys the meaning of its construction. The proportion it establishes with the metropolis that grew up around it tells with unparalleled efficacy the significance of the strategic operation conducted at the time by the Bourbons: it was a city in the city that was intended to be built, the "city of services," placed at the entrance to the capital of the kingdom (**Figure 10**). More than the constructive aspects of the Hospice for the poor, it is interesting to underline the propelling role that it was called to play over the surrounding territory when, in the wake of the industrial revolution and the new modes of production, it became an "incubator" of companies and trades .

**69**

with the youth of the hotel.

*Naples, aerial view of the Hotel of the poor.*

**Figure 10.**

embedded in the ancient heart of the city.

*Reuse and Re-conversion of the Monumental Heritage in Naples*

Already Ferdinand IV of Bourbon had created the premises so that an industrialization process would be started up within it, aimed at identifying in the two poles of vocational training and education the cornerstones around which to rotate, for productive purposes, the functional reuse of the building. The advent of the French and the return of the Bourbons marked the years of greater productivity and "flexibility of use" of the Hospice for the poor. The building became the centre of a strategy aimed "at constituting an effective place of intersection between the programmatic function of public interest and [...] the executive role of private individuals" [26]. Not only was it the site of various production activities, but it became a production centre connected to other important institutions located throughout the territory thanks to a series of contracts and activities that regulated the relationships: a sort of clusters that worked in synergy with the head office. This is the case of the coral factory, started in Torre del Greco but established with its own independent workshop also in the Hospice for the poor, or of the nautical school which, started by the marquis Tanucci, saw its flowering in 1816 thanks to its collaboration

On the other hand it was during the Bourbon period that the idea of establishing a "widespread cultural chain" in the kingdom of Naples was affirming itself. From publishing, to local production systems, from silk factories to laboratories in the Hospice for the poor, a fine-tuning of a formidable production system spread over the territory, which identified the levers for future development and growth, is outlined. The silk factories of San Luecio, the farm of Carditello, the corals and ceramics factories, the tapestry makers, the factories for the production and spinning of wool, the printing press, the metal laboratories are another way to read in watermark the history of Neapolitan architectural culture at the turn of the nineteenth century, within which a fundamental role was played precisely by the Hospice for the poor, a true breeding ground for arts and crafts, a production center

The theme, nowadays very current, of the cultural industry as an element capable of introducing, in the wider economic system, a market of beauty and culture was started already by the Bourbons not only as an instrumentum regni, but as a project capable of triggering productive processes able to feed innovation, research and creativity within a "knowledge pole" supported by the policies of the kingdom. The rediscovery of Pompeii and Herculaneum and the resulting archaeological excavation campaign, with the consequent relief, design and publication of

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.86301*

*Reuse and Re-conversion of the Monumental Heritage in Naples DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.86301*

**Figure 10.** *Naples, aerial view of the Hotel of the poor.*

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

intervention of Carlo Vanvitelli (1785–1799) and from these to Francesco Maresca

*Late eighteenth-century engraving depicting the two large factories built by Ferdinando Fuga in Naples in the second half of the eighteenth century: The Hotel of the poor in the project actually built with only three central* 

interpretative key: on one side the late baroque vein, which can be found in the unfinished Panoptikon church located in the middle of the intermediate courtyard; from another the classicist vein with which the development of the whole building is solved, like the Granili (550 m) played on the poetics of the large dimension and on the landscape scale of the intervention. The plan of the church, in the first solution envisaged for the village of Loreto, presented a series of internal open galleries on the aisles according to an organization experimented by Fontana in the church of San Michele a Ripa, from which the subdivision by classes of the interior spaces was taken. In the transition to the final site, the church's design is also considerably complicated with the position of the dome that has been moved back compared to

The dimensions of the building, as partially realized, have a width of façade

more imposing than the Roman factory, has always been considered a "false step" in the Bourbon government policies. "Who knows when it will end? And it is almost thirty years that this work is being done. With less expense, and in a shorter time, it would have removed all poverty from the abundant Kingdom of Naples. But this is

Yet, seen from the ring road, the Hospice for the poor clearly conveys the meaning of its construction. The proportion it establishes with the metropolis that grew up around it tells with unparalleled efficacy the significance of the strategic operation conducted at the time by the Bourbons: it was a city in the city that was intended to be built, the "city of services," placed at the entrance to the capital of the kingdom (**Figure 10**). More than the constructive aspects of the Hospice for the poor, it is interesting to underline the propelling role that it was called to play over the surrounding territory when, in the wake of the industrial revolution and the new modes of production, it became an "incubator" of companies and trades .

and a volume

of outdoor spaces, the colossal structure, far

equal to 360 m length for 140 m of width; with an area of 100,000 m<sup>2</sup>

not the business of the architect, but of good government" [25].

The architectural language adopted by the florentine architect suggests a double

(1802), author of the definitive reorganization of the Fuga's project.

the more soaring and looming initial solution.

*courtyards; and the massive block of the granary factory [24].*

With its 430 rooms and 20,000 m<sup>2</sup>

**68**

of 830,000 m3

**Figure 9.**

.

Already Ferdinand IV of Bourbon had created the premises so that an industrialization process would be started up within it, aimed at identifying in the two poles of vocational training and education the cornerstones around which to rotate, for productive purposes, the functional reuse of the building. The advent of the French and the return of the Bourbons marked the years of greater productivity and "flexibility of use" of the Hospice for the poor. The building became the centre of a strategy aimed "at constituting an effective place of intersection between the programmatic function of public interest and [...] the executive role of private individuals" [26]. Not only was it the site of various production activities, but it became a production centre connected to other important institutions located throughout the territory thanks to a series of contracts and activities that regulated the relationships: a sort of clusters that worked in synergy with the head office. This is the case of the coral factory, started in Torre del Greco but established with its own independent workshop also in the Hospice for the poor, or of the nautical school which, started by the marquis Tanucci, saw its flowering in 1816 thanks to its collaboration with the youth of the hotel.

On the other hand it was during the Bourbon period that the idea of establishing a "widespread cultural chain" in the kingdom of Naples was affirming itself. From publishing, to local production systems, from silk factories to laboratories in the Hospice for the poor, a fine-tuning of a formidable production system spread over the territory, which identified the levers for future development and growth, is outlined. The silk factories of San Luecio, the farm of Carditello, the corals and ceramics factories, the tapestry makers, the factories for the production and spinning of wool, the printing press, the metal laboratories are another way to read in watermark the history of Neapolitan architectural culture at the turn of the nineteenth century, within which a fundamental role was played precisely by the Hospice for the poor, a true breeding ground for arts and crafts, a production center embedded in the ancient heart of the city.

The theme, nowadays very current, of the cultural industry as an element capable of introducing, in the wider economic system, a market of beauty and culture was started already by the Bourbons not only as an instrumentum regni, but as a project capable of triggering productive processes able to feed innovation, research and creativity within a "knowledge pole" supported by the policies of the kingdom. The rediscovery of Pompeii and Herculaneum and the resulting archaeological excavation campaign, with the consequent relief, design and publication of

the exhibited antiquities of Herculaneum, gave rise to studies and research in the most diverse fields of knowledge and artistic production, donating new life and inspiration to painters, sculptors, academies and to the textile sector itself whose reproduction of fabrics, prints and decorative motifs was inspired by that formidable repertoire of cultural forms and traditions that emerged from the excavations, giving impetus to the economy and to artisan production.

Called the Grand Emporium of the most varied Arts and Manufactures, the Hospice for the poor played an important role in the economic and commercial development of the capital. In the mid-nineteenth century, "it swarmed with activity: [...] from the large [...] spaces destined to the remittances for the train of the Royal artillery, to the spaces for [...] the foundry, the engraving, [...] the glass-works, [...] the dyeing of wools, [...] the hall of mergers, [...], the school of Fine Arts" [27], showing its multi-functional nature, a consequence of the modular structure of the building.

After various vicissitudes and various restorations, the last of which is still in progress, the Municipality of Naples—which acquired since 1981 the building in its own patrimony—has since 1999 prepared the "Real Hospice for the poor Recovery Project" coming to identify in the *Youth City* (2004–2006) the final goal of the project. Around large courts it will be possible to attend university study courses, make use of assistance services for study and work, promote collaboration between young people from different countries, favouring spaces that are as versatile and multi-purpose as possible.

The rationalization of internal routes, consisting of nine kilo-meters of corridors; the clear distribution of the environments; the articulation of the buildings around the three large courts; the "serial" repetition of the facade modules, allow a functional restructuring of the building that respects the construction characteristics, keeping the type unaltered.

Prison, laboratory, factory, school, the Hospice for the poor can guarantee a flexible and plural use of its interior spaces, combining some of the great themes around which revolves public buildings to be used as spaces for the community and taking into account of a new, "ancient" social emergency that the chronicles of our days dramatically tell: that of acceptance and inclusiveness.

### **5. Conclusions**

The projects of reuse and conversion of the three analysed Neapolitan buildings, characterized by different types, will allow to preserve their historical memory by activating regenerative urban processes aimed at the promotion and development of activities and services for the community. These interventions present aspects that may lead us to consider them as possible reference models in terms of reusing historic buildings that have been restored over time to their renewed collective function, able to actively promote the development of the surrounding urban area in a logic of smart heritage.

**71**

**Author details**

Rosa Maria Giusto1,2

1 University of Florence, Italy

Services for Development (IRISS), Napoli, Italy

provided the original work is properly cited.

2 National Research Council Italy (CNR), Institute for Research on Innovation and

\*Address all correspondence to: rosamaria.giusto@unifi.it and r.giusto@iriss.cnr.it

© 2019 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium,

*Reuse and Re-conversion of the Monumental Heritage in Naples*

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.86301*

*Reuse and Re-conversion of the Monumental Heritage in Naples DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.86301*

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

giving impetus to the economy and to artisan production.

structure of the building.

multi-purpose as possible.

**5. Conclusions**

in a logic of smart heritage.

tics, keeping the type unaltered.

the exhibited antiquities of Herculaneum, gave rise to studies and research in the most diverse fields of knowledge and artistic production, donating new life and inspiration to painters, sculptors, academies and to the textile sector itself whose reproduction of fabrics, prints and decorative motifs was inspired by that formidable repertoire of cultural forms and traditions that emerged from the excavations,

Called the Grand Emporium of the most varied Arts and Manufactures, the Hospice for the poor played an important role in the economic and commercial development of the capital. In the mid-nineteenth century, "it swarmed with activity: [...] from the large [...] spaces destined to the remittances for the train of the Royal artillery, to the spaces for [...] the foundry, the engraving, [...] the glass-works, [...] the dyeing of wools, [...] the hall of mergers, [...], the school of Fine Arts" [27], showing its multi-functional nature, a consequence of the modular

After various vicissitudes and various restorations, the last of which is still in progress, the Municipality of Naples—which acquired since 1981 the building in its own patrimony—has since 1999 prepared the "Real Hospice for the poor Recovery Project" coming to identify in the *Youth City* (2004–2006) the final goal of the project. Around large courts it will be possible to attend university study courses, make use of assistance services for study and work, promote collaboration between young people from different countries, favouring spaces that are as versatile and

The rationalization of internal routes, consisting of nine kilo-meters of corridors; the clear distribution of the environments; the articulation of the buildings around the three large courts; the "serial" repetition of the facade modules, allow a functional restructuring of the building that respects the construction characteris-

Prison, laboratory, factory, school, the Hospice for the poor can guarantee a flexible and plural use of its interior spaces, combining some of the great themes around which revolves public buildings to be used as spaces for the community and taking into account of a new, "ancient" social emergency that the chronicles of our

The projects of reuse and conversion of the three analysed Neapolitan buildings, characterized by different types, will allow to preserve their historical memory by activating regenerative urban processes aimed at the promotion and development of activities and services for the community. These interventions present aspects that may lead us to consider them as possible reference models in terms of reusing historic buildings that have been restored over time to their renewed collective function, able to actively promote the development of the surrounding urban area

days dramatically tell: that of acceptance and inclusiveness.

**70**

### **Author details**

Rosa Maria Giusto1,2

1 University of Florence, Italy

2 National Research Council Italy (CNR), Institute for Research on Innovation and Services for Development (IRISS), Napoli, Italy

\*Address all correspondence to: rosamaria.giusto@unifi.it and r.giusto@iriss.cnr.it

© 2019 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

### **References**

[1] Pane R. Attualità dell'ambiente antico. Firenze: La nuova Italia; 1967. p. 82

[2] De Vita M. L'antico e il nuovo di Roberto Pane: un insegnamento senza tempo peril progetto di Restauro. In: Casiello S, Pane A, Russo V, editors. Roberto Pane Tra Storia e Restauro. Architettura, città, Paesaggio. Venezia: Marsilio; 2010. p. 336. ISBN: 978-88-317-0633

[3] Colletta T. La conservazione integrata ed il suo ruolo nella pianificazione urbanistica delle città storiche. I concetti della conservazione integrata. La conservazione attiva. Available from: http://www.federica.unina.it/architettura/ storia-urbanistica-contemporanea/ conservazione-integrata/, slide n 6. On the integrated cultural heritage, see the website: http://www.icomos.org [Accessed: 10 March 2019]

[4] Rampazzi M, Tota AL, editors. Il Linguaggio del Passato. Memoria Collettiva, Mass Media e Discorso Pubblico. Roma: Carocci; 2005. p. 11. ISBN: 88-430-3614-9

[5] Terranova A, Storia, città, architettura. Intervista a Enrico Guidoni. Rassegna di Architettura e Urbanistica. 1984;**58**:16. ISSN 0392- 8608. Available from: http://www. rassegnadiarchitettura.it/mat/pdf58-3. pdf [Accessed: 21 March 2019]

[6] Lupo E. Percorsi e scenari dell'intangibile. Le filiere del progetto e il potenziale di innovazione del patrimonio immateriale come "open ended knowledge system". In: Irace F, editor. Design and Cultural Heritage. Vol. I. Milano: Electa; 2013. p. 79. ISBN: 978-88-370-9752-3

[7] Tamiozzo R. Evoluzione del concetto di bene culturale e suo rilievo costituzionale. [L'Enciclopedia Treccani online]. 2002. Available from: http:// www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/restauroe-conservazione-la-legislazione-e-latutela\_(Il-Mondo-dell'Archeologia) [Accessed: 08 February 2019]

[8] Mastroianni R, Appunti di Viaggio. Verso una definizione di welfare culturale. Il Giornale delle Fondazioni. 2016/12/14. Available from: http:// www.ilgiornaledellefondazioni.com/ content/appunti-di-viaggio-verso-unadefinizione-di-welfare-culturale-0 [Accessed: 21 March 2019]

[9] Bacchella U, Bollo A, Milella F. Riuso e trasformazioni degli spazi a vocazione culturale e creativa: un driver per lo sviluppo, ma a quali condizioni? Il Giornale delle Fondazioni. 15 luglio 2015. Available from: http:// www.ilgiornaledellefondazioni.com [Accessed: 21 March 2019]

[10] Tamiozzo R. Evoluzione del concetto di bene culturale e suo rilievo costituzionale, cit

[11] Giuliani I. La città culturale. Spazi, Lavoro e Cultura a Milano. Milano: Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli; 2018. p. 11. ISBN: 978-88-6835-289-9

[12] Cerasoli M. Historical Small Smart City: il recupero dei centri storici minori una opportunità concreta (tra "modulazione della tutela" e nuove tecnologie). 2017. p. 14. Available from: http://www.romatrepress.uniroma3.it/ ojs/index.php/rigenerazione/article/ download/1612/1603 [Accessed: 21 March 2019]

[13] Giuliani I. La città culturale…, cit., p. 16

[14] La rigenerazione del centro storico di Napoli Grande progetto. Centro storico di Napoli, valorizzazione del

**73**

*Reuse and Re-conversion of the Monumental Heritage in Naples*

[21] Milizia F. Memorie Degli Architetti

[22] Foucault M. Storia Della Follia in età Classica. Milano: BUR; 1996. p. 85

[23] Ziviello L. D'arbitrio N, Il Reale Albergo Dei Poveri di Napoli: Un edificio per le arti della città. In: Gambardella A, editor. Ferdinando Fuga 1699-1999 Roma Napoli Palermo. Napoli: E.S.I; 2001. p. 246. ISBN:

[24] de Seta C. Napoli. La città Nella Storia d'Italia. Napoli: Electa; 1981

[26] Ziviello L, D'arbitrio N. Il Reale Albergo dei Poveri di Napoli: un edificio per le arti della città. cit., 2001. p. 254

[27] D'arbitrio N, Ziviello L. Il Reale Albergo Dei Poveri di Napoli: Un Edificio per le Arti Della città. Dentro le Mura. Napoli: Edisa; 1999. p. 206

[25] Milizia F. Memorie Degli Architetti Antichi e Moderni, Cit. II ed. 1785.

Antichi e Moderni. 4th ed. Vol. II. Bassano: Stamperia Remondini di

Venezia; 1785. p. 290

88-495-0363-6

p. 290

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.86301*

sito UNESCO, Regione Campania. p. 18. Available from: http://www.forges. forumpa.it/assets/Speeches/6674/c39\_ taglialatela\_marcello\_bis.pdf [Accessed:

Luggo A. Il Patrimonio Architettonico

21 March 2019]

[15] Alabiso AC, Campi M, di

Ecclesiastico a Napoli. Napoli:

[16] Buccaro A. Trasformazioni urbane e architettoniche nella Napoli ducale: Dalla loggia Dei Banchi Nuovi alla chiesa della Congregazione Dei Barbieri. In: Amore R, Aveta C, Buccaro A, editors. La Chiesa Dei Santi Cosma e Damiano in Napoli: Ricerche e Studi per Il Restauro. Napoli: Artstudiopaparo; 2016. p. 56. ISBN:

[17] Abetti L. I palazzi nobiliari di via Medina a Napoli. In: Fagiolo M, editor. Il Sistema Delle Residenze Nobiliari. Italia Meridionale. Roma: De Luca; 2010. pp. 63-71. ISBN: 978-88-8016-689-4

[18] Celano C. In: Chiarini GB, editor. Notizie del Bello, dell'Antico e del Curioso Della Città di Napoli per i Signori Forastieri Date Dal Canonico Carlo Celano Napoletano, Divise in Dieci Giornate, Napoli: 1692. Vol. IV. Napoli: Stamperia di Nicola Mencia;

Artstudiopaparo; 2016

978-88-99130-39-8

1859. pp. 371-372

palazzofondi.it/

124. ISSN: 0211-8483

[19] Palazzo Fondi Medina art district. Available from: http://www.

[20] Giusto RM. Riconvertire gli edifici storici. Il Complesso di San Michele a Ripa Grande a Roma e il Reale Albergo dei Poveri a Napoli [Conversion of historic buildings. The complex of San Michele a Ripa Grande in Rome and the Reale Albergo dei Poveri in Naples]. Boletín de Arte Revista del Departamento de Historia del Arte Universidad de Malaga. 2018;**39**:113*Reuse and Re-conversion of the Monumental Heritage in Naples DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.86301*

sito UNESCO, Regione Campania. p. 18. Available from: http://www.forges. forumpa.it/assets/Speeches/6674/c39\_ taglialatela\_marcello\_bis.pdf [Accessed: 21 March 2019]

[15] Alabiso AC, Campi M, di Luggo A. Il Patrimonio Architettonico Ecclesiastico a Napoli. Napoli: Artstudiopaparo; 2016

[16] Buccaro A. Trasformazioni urbane e architettoniche nella Napoli ducale: Dalla loggia Dei Banchi Nuovi alla chiesa della Congregazione Dei Barbieri. In: Amore R, Aveta C, Buccaro A, editors. La Chiesa Dei Santi Cosma e Damiano in Napoli: Ricerche e Studi per Il Restauro. Napoli: Artstudiopaparo; 2016. p. 56. ISBN: 978-88-99130-39-8

[17] Abetti L. I palazzi nobiliari di via Medina a Napoli. In: Fagiolo M, editor. Il Sistema Delle Residenze Nobiliari. Italia Meridionale. Roma: De Luca; 2010. pp. 63-71. ISBN: 978-88-8016-689-4

[18] Celano C. In: Chiarini GB, editor. Notizie del Bello, dell'Antico e del Curioso Della Città di Napoli per i Signori Forastieri Date Dal Canonico Carlo Celano Napoletano, Divise in Dieci Giornate, Napoli: 1692. Vol. IV. Napoli: Stamperia di Nicola Mencia; 1859. pp. 371-372

[19] Palazzo Fondi Medina art district. Available from: http://www. palazzofondi.it/

[20] Giusto RM. Riconvertire gli edifici storici. Il Complesso di San Michele a Ripa Grande a Roma e il Reale Albergo dei Poveri a Napoli [Conversion of historic buildings. The complex of San Michele a Ripa Grande in Rome and the Reale Albergo dei Poveri in Naples]. Boletín de Arte Revista del Departamento de Historia del Arte Universidad de Malaga. 2018;**39**:113- 124. ISSN: 0211-8483

[21] Milizia F. Memorie Degli Architetti Antichi e Moderni. 4th ed. Vol. II. Bassano: Stamperia Remondini di Venezia; 1785. p. 290

[22] Foucault M. Storia Della Follia in età Classica. Milano: BUR; 1996. p. 85

[23] Ziviello L. D'arbitrio N, Il Reale Albergo Dei Poveri di Napoli: Un edificio per le arti della città. In: Gambardella A, editor. Ferdinando Fuga 1699-1999 Roma Napoli Palermo. Napoli: E.S.I; 2001. p. 246. ISBN: 88-495-0363-6

[24] de Seta C. Napoli. La città Nella Storia d'Italia. Napoli: Electa; 1981

[25] Milizia F. Memorie Degli Architetti Antichi e Moderni, Cit. II ed. 1785. p. 290

[26] Ziviello L, D'arbitrio N. Il Reale Albergo dei Poveri di Napoli: un edificio per le arti della città. cit., 2001. p. 254

[27] D'arbitrio N, Ziviello L. Il Reale Albergo Dei Poveri di Napoli: Un Edificio per le Arti Della città. Dentro le Mura. Napoli: Edisa; 1999. p. 206

**72**

*Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past*

costituzionale. [L'Enciclopedia Treccani online]. 2002. Available from: http:// www.treccani.it/enciclopedia/restauroe-conservazione-la-legislazione-e-latutela\_(Il-Mondo-dell'Archeologia) [Accessed: 08 February 2019]

[8] Mastroianni R, Appunti di Viaggio. Verso una definizione di welfare culturale. Il Giornale delle Fondazioni. 2016/12/14. Available from: http:// www.ilgiornaledellefondazioni.com/ content/appunti-di-viaggio-verso-unadefinizione-di-welfare-culturale-0

[9] Bacchella U, Bollo A, Milella F. Riuso e trasformazioni degli spazi a vocazione culturale e creativa: un driver per lo sviluppo, ma a quali condizioni? Il Giornale delle Fondazioni. 15 luglio 2015. Available from: http:// www.ilgiornaledellefondazioni.com

[Accessed: 21 March 2019]

[Accessed: 21 March 2019]

costituzionale, cit

March 2019]

p. 16

[10] Tamiozzo R. Evoluzione del concetto di bene culturale e suo rilievo

[11] Giuliani I. La città culturale. Spazi, Lavoro e Cultura a Milano. Milano: Fondazione Giangiacomo Feltrinelli; 2018. p. 11. ISBN: 978-88-6835-289-9

[12] Cerasoli M. Historical Small Smart City: il recupero dei centri storici minori una opportunità concreta (tra "modulazione della tutela" e nuove tecnologie). 2017. p. 14. Available from: http://www.romatrepress.uniroma3.it/ ojs/index.php/rigenerazione/article/ download/1612/1603 [Accessed: 21

[13] Giuliani I. La città culturale…, cit.,

[14] La rigenerazione del centro storico di Napoli Grande progetto. Centro storico di Napoli, valorizzazione del

[1] Pane R. Attualità dell'ambiente antico. Firenze: La nuova Italia; 1967.

[2] De Vita M. L'antico e il nuovo di Roberto Pane: un insegnamento senza tempo peril progetto di Restauro. In: Casiello S, Pane A, Russo V, editors. Roberto Pane Tra Storia e Restauro. Architettura, città, Paesaggio. Venezia: Marsilio; 2010. p. 336. ISBN:

[3] Colletta T. La conservazione integrata ed il suo ruolo nella pianificazione urbanistica delle città storiche. I concetti della conservazione integrata. La conservazione attiva. Available from: http://www.federica.unina.it/architettura/ storia-urbanistica-contemporanea/ conservazione-integrata/, slide n 6. On the integrated cultural heritage, see the website: http://www.icomos.org

p. 82

**References**

978-88-317-0633

[Accessed: 10 March 2019]

ISBN: 88-430-3614-9

[5] Terranova A, Storia, città, architettura. Intervista a Enrico Guidoni. Rassegna di Architettura e Urbanistica. 1984;**58**:16. ISSN 0392- 8608. Available from: http://www. rassegnadiarchitettura.it/mat/pdf58-3.

pdf [Accessed: 21 March 2019]

[6] Lupo E. Percorsi e scenari

[7] Tamiozzo R. Evoluzione del concetto di bene culturale e suo rilievo

978-88-370-9752-3

dell'intangibile. Le filiere del progetto e il potenziale di innovazione del patrimonio immateriale come "open ended knowledge system". In: Irace F, editor. Design and Cultural Heritage. Vol. I. Milano: Electa; 2013. p. 79. ISBN:

[4] Rampazzi M, Tota AL, editors. Il Linguaggio del Passato. Memoria Collettiva, Mass Media e Discorso Pubblico. Roma: Carocci; 2005. p. 11.

### *Edited by Helena Trindade Lopes, Isabel Gomes de Almeida and Maria de Fátima Rosa*

What do we talk about when we talk about antiquity? For the majority of the population, the term immediately transports us to the notion of an ancient age or ancient world (the Parthenon, Athens, and the Coliseum of Rome), which condenses in itself the Greco-Roman world. This reduces antiquity to antiquity that was structurally essential for the construction and emergence of the civilization called occidental. For others, because of their religious backgrounds, antiquity goes back in time and enlarges, in part, its space of action, allowing the emergence of Palestine as a primordial territory. But these two visions (old and supported by a scientific ignorance of the ancient geographies and chronologies) enclose the history in a limited time and space. As if there would never have been a world before that time. As if the civilization that we comfortably call ourselves as inheritors, the so-called "Occidental Civilization" was the first step in the history of man on earth.

Published in London, UK © 2020 IntechOpen © frentusha / iStock

Antiquity and Its Reception - Modern Expressions of the Past

Antiquity and Its Reception

Modern Expressions of the Past

*Edited by Helena Trindade Lopes,* 

*Isabel Gomes de Almeida and Maria de Fátima Rosa*