**5. Findings**

#### **5.1 Risk perceptions**

Risk perception themes were related to both wildfire and wildfire prevention with a focus on (1) wildfire concern and (2) smoke. Aside from Jefferson County, where communities along a main highway were surrounded by irrigated crops, residents from rural communities in the study area demonstrated awareness about wildfire. In highly wildfire-prone areas, long-term residents mentioned wildfire as a routine aspect of life, especially during "wildfire" season. For example, a Minnesota respondent remarked, "We were raised with that awareness. We know to be careful as individuals" (St. Louis County). As discussed further below, this attitude may be waning in communities characterized by in-migration of residents seeking recreation and retirement opportunities. In such cases, perceptions tended to be mixed, ranging from heightened concern to indifference.

Of the four study areas, wildfire was mentioned as a prominent risk worthy of immediate concern only in Deschutes County (although CWPPs existed in each site1 ). In the other sites, wildfire became a priority when residents perceived a near and eminent danger. A respondent in Lowndes County noted, "Fires in Colorado: we see and hear about [them] but that's just another news story until you smell and see the smoke in your neighborhood and communities." By contrast, previous experience with wildfire was mentioned as a source for influencing risk perceptions only when the disaster event was recent (within the last 10 years) and catastrophic.

As the Georgia participant noted, smoke increased concerns about a wildfire even if personal safety and property were not under immediate threat. In particular, rural

**77**

*Public Perceptions of Values Associated with Wildfire Protection at the Wildland-Urban…*

residents were likely to mention the negative health effects from smoke linked to prescribed fuel reduction fires or controlled fires employed in agriculture field preparation. Some informants said official and unofficial communication about smoke effects had wider socioeconomic impacts, especially in areas reliant on outdoor recreation. For example, a rural Minnesota resident stated, "The Pagami Creek Fire did not put smoke into Ely. The headlines outside of the community were that the town was on fire. These headlines killed business for the season" (St. Louis County). In urban areas and communities frequented by seasonal residents and vacationers, smoke was perceived as a risk if it disrupted community events, personal recreation activities, and travel. Although natural resource and emergency managers acknowledged wildfire risk specifically, the broader population was often more concerned about smoke.

The predominant themes from the biophysical context were (1) water availability; (2) proximity to fuels; and (3) fire as part of a natural system. Water was overwhelmingly mentioned as an issue in the Western states. For example, several New Mexico informants connected noticeable decreases in water availability with climate change and mountain pine beetle (MPB; *Dendroctonus ponderosae*). Wildfire was seen as a corollary to these hazards. In the quote below, an informant noted a decrease in precipitation with less snow hitting the forest floor due to a thick canopy.

*The snow pack is no good - it does not hit the ground because the trees are too thick. We are not getting runoff like before, so it's too dry. MPB is threatening stands in NM…There is too much fuel loading and fire suppression. (Rio Arriba County)*

This description suggests that high tree density increases wildfire risk because

Findings related to the biophysical context overlapped with the other dimensions of wildfire. For instance, Western residents connected water issues with sociodemographic themes such as population growth. Water problems were perceived as worsening with the growing WUI, but policy had not kept pace with water use. In some cases, study participants made a connection between management of local watersheds and wildfire. More importantly, WUI growth was a common

By comparison, proximity to wildfire fuels emerged most prominently in Oregon and Minnesota. These places also exhibited the greatest degree of knowledge about fire's role in forest ecosystems. Minnesota informants noted that wildfire hazard increased proximal to a designated wilderness area. There, a catastrophic storm toppled extensive timber volume in the late 1990s. Through the media, word of mouth, and recreation activities, residents were frequently reminded of the well-known blowdown: "Fire is simply not thought about very often [in Carlton County]. However, the

Similarly, in Oregon, Jefferson County informants noted forests were not near their agricultural communities. However, Deschutes County residents were in closer contact with the forest and concerns increased with knowledge of forest conditions. Informant responses highlighted how wildfire risk perceptions varied across minor

Perceptions of fire as part of an ecological system differed within and across study sites. Although such attitudes can reflect biophysical conditions, they were often intertwined with sociocultural values. Some, as in rural Georgia, considered idle land the antithesis of nature. Plantation forests were as natural as nonplantation forests, and human intervention, including prescribed burning, in the forest

Boundary Waters incident makes people think about what could happen."

geographic areas in relation to biophysical characteristics.

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.82171*

**5.2 Biophysical context**

snow caught in the canopy sublimates.

denominator for both water use and wildfire.

<sup>1</sup> Although CWPP requires resident input (HFRA 2003), most of our informants were unaware of local CWPPs. Because CWPP is a necessary condition for receiving financial aid for mitigation under the Healthy Forests Restoration Act (2003), the critical elements of participation may have been neglected during the CWPP process in order to receive funding.

*Public Perceptions of Values Associated with Wildfire Protection at the Wildland-Urban… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.82171*

residents were likely to mention the negative health effects from smoke linked to prescribed fuel reduction fires or controlled fires employed in agriculture field preparation. Some informants said official and unofficial communication about smoke effects had wider socioeconomic impacts, especially in areas reliant on outdoor recreation. For example, a rural Minnesota resident stated, "The Pagami Creek Fire did not put smoke into Ely. The headlines outside of the community were that the town was on fire. These headlines killed business for the season" (St. Louis County). In urban areas and communities frequented by seasonal residents and vacationers, smoke was perceived as a risk if it disrupted community events, personal recreation activities, and travel. Although natural resource and emergency managers acknowledged wildfire risk specifically, the broader population was often more concerned about smoke.

#### **5.2 Biophysical context**

*Landscape Reclamation - Rising From What's Left*

marginalized segment of local society [52].

ranging from heightened concern to indifference.

during the CWPP process in order to receive funding.

improve reliability.

**5.1 Risk perceptions**

**5. Findings**

comparability across urban and rural counties of each state, informants representing each of the following perspectives were interviewed in each community: (1) federal and state land manager; (2) extension agent; (3) local planner and/or natural resource manager; (4) emergency services professional; (5) elected official; (6) business leader; (7) landowner; (8) religious leader; (9) journalist; (10) consultant or industrial forester; (11) environmental activist; and (12) citizen activist. Additional informants were identified using snowball sampling with purposive selection to encourage diverse perspectives, including an underrepresented or

Each interview covered (1) awareness of past and proposed fuel treatments in the area; (2) range of values associated with the WUI; (3) perceptions of wildfire risk; (4) public response to wildfire risk and occurrence; and (5) constraints on implementing wildfire reduction treatments. Open-ended questions encouraged informants to volunteer information, rather than simply responded to queries. Their rich and spontaneous replies provided a reality view of a place, including broad relationship patterns among actions and actors with the local environment [53].

Interviewers' notes were analyzed for emergent themes using a two-step coding process involving reading the notes and then coding into thematic categories [54]. Themes were compared within and across cases in each state and then over the four states. Each author reviewed the data and added additional interpretation to

Risk perception themes were related to both wildfire and wildfire prevention with a focus on (1) wildfire concern and (2) smoke. Aside from Jefferson County, where communities along a main highway were surrounded by irrigated crops, residents from rural communities in the study area demonstrated awareness about wildfire. In highly wildfire-prone areas, long-term residents mentioned wildfire as a routine aspect of life, especially during "wildfire" season. For example, a Minnesota respondent remarked, "We were raised with that awareness. We know to be careful as individuals" (St. Louis County). As discussed further below, this attitude may be waning in communities characterized by in-migration of residents seeking recreation and retirement opportunities. In such cases, perceptions tended to be mixed,

Of the four study areas, wildfire was mentioned as a prominent risk worthy of immediate concern only in Deschutes County (although CWPPs existed in each

). In the other sites, wildfire became a priority when residents perceived a near and eminent danger. A respondent in Lowndes County noted, "Fires in Colorado: we see and hear about [them] but that's just another news story until you smell and see the smoke in your neighborhood and communities." By contrast, previous experience with wildfire was mentioned as a source for influencing risk perceptions only when the disaster event was recent (within the last 10 years) and catastrophic. As the Georgia participant noted, smoke increased concerns about a wildfire even if personal safety and property were not under immediate threat. In particular, rural

<sup>1</sup> Although CWPP requires resident input (HFRA 2003), most of our informants were unaware of local CWPPs. Because CWPP is a necessary condition for receiving financial aid for mitigation under the Healthy Forests Restoration Act (2003), the critical elements of participation may have been neglected

**76**

site1

The predominant themes from the biophysical context were (1) water availability; (2) proximity to fuels; and (3) fire as part of a natural system. Water was overwhelmingly mentioned as an issue in the Western states. For example, several New Mexico informants connected noticeable decreases in water availability with climate change and mountain pine beetle (MPB; *Dendroctonus ponderosae*). Wildfire was seen as a corollary to these hazards. In the quote below, an informant noted a decrease in precipitation with less snow hitting the forest floor due to a thick canopy.

*The snow pack is no good - it does not hit the ground because the trees are too thick. We are not getting runoff like before, so it's too dry. MPB is threatening stands in NM…There is too much fuel loading and fire suppression. (Rio Arriba County)*

This description suggests that high tree density increases wildfire risk because snow caught in the canopy sublimates.

Findings related to the biophysical context overlapped with the other dimensions of wildfire. For instance, Western residents connected water issues with sociodemographic themes such as population growth. Water problems were perceived as worsening with the growing WUI, but policy had not kept pace with water use. In some cases, study participants made a connection between management of local watersheds and wildfire. More importantly, WUI growth was a common denominator for both water use and wildfire.

By comparison, proximity to wildfire fuels emerged most prominently in Oregon and Minnesota. These places also exhibited the greatest degree of knowledge about fire's role in forest ecosystems. Minnesota informants noted that wildfire hazard increased proximal to a designated wilderness area. There, a catastrophic storm toppled extensive timber volume in the late 1990s. Through the media, word of mouth, and recreation activities, residents were frequently reminded of the well-known blowdown: "Fire is simply not thought about very often [in Carlton County]. However, the Boundary Waters incident makes people think about what could happen."

Similarly, in Oregon, Jefferson County informants noted forests were not near their agricultural communities. However, Deschutes County residents were in closer contact with the forest and concerns increased with knowledge of forest conditions. Informant responses highlighted how wildfire risk perceptions varied across minor geographic areas in relation to biophysical characteristics.

Perceptions of fire as part of an ecological system differed within and across study sites. Although such attitudes can reflect biophysical conditions, they were often intertwined with sociocultural values. Some, as in rural Georgia, considered idle land the antithesis of nature. Plantation forests were as natural as nonplantation forests, and human intervention, including prescribed burning, in the forest

was natural. "(The) difference between a planted forest and natural is not much… Controlled burning is insurance against wildfire – fire is our best friend" (Clinch County). By contrast, rural Minnesota informants often thought that because their forests were "overmanaged," they were not natural and prescribed burning was an artificial event (although not necessarily an unwanted practice). Rural Oregon informants said contemporary forests were not natural, but prescribed fire simulated a natural event to improve forest health.

### **5.3 Sociodemographic context**

There were two predominant themes in the sociodemographic context: (1) population change and (2) economic shifts. In all states, residents discussed population change. Depending on the site, change was linked to WUI encroachment into fuel zones, increased diversity, and loss of community identity. In Georgia, New Mexico, and Oregon (Jefferson County), racial conflict emerged as an aspect of population change. Oregon and New Mexico were experiencing increasing immigrant populations, while the Georgia sites were characterized by race-based residence patterns. As a result, the sociodemographic context tested local social relationships and capacities to agree on values associated with fire and fuels management. For example, new and seasonal residents were said to be less concerned with community wildfire hazard impacts, but very concerned with smoke. Permanent residents, by contrast, either expressed concern or were not concerned about both aspects of fire.

Overall, Oregon communities sharply contrasted with the other sites in terms of dealing with different population groups. Despite responses such as "The term local … is a misnomer because of the vast growth that this area has experienced" and "It is hard to do things when people are not the same," the communities were described as proactive regarding wildfire preparedness. A local NGO specifically dealing with coordinating wildfire efforts was largely credited with leading community-wide efforts.

*We were on the forefront of developing fuel management programs…Even the large landowners have gone on to do mitigation work without any assistance because it is the right thing to do. The program has grown in an organic way – it has not been forced.*

In New Mexico and Oregon, diversified and progressive economies of the metropolitan areas contrasted with the comparison rural agricultural counties. Economic strength was linked with perceived high levels of human capital, which in turn translated to successful wildfire preparedness strategies, among other collective concerns. Santa Fe County leaders (private and public) engaged in fuel reduction to protect its watershed. Deschutes County leadership, led by the NGO mentioned above, engaged residents in defensible space, collaborated with the U.S. Forest Service, organized homeowner fuel removal and disposal events, and constructed a FireFree demonstration home, among other activities.

In all sites, informants expressed concerns about rural poverty and the decline of traditional agricultural economies and population. This quote from St. Louis County illustrates emergent conflict as communities struggled to reconcile extraction-oriented and recreation-oriented values. Long-time, permanent residents saw the recent influx of seasonal residents and tourists as "ideologues … [newcomers] like the appearance of the town, and then they are shocked there is support for mining. It is not that [permanent residents] support [mining], but that they want to see it be done to support the economy and their livelihoods." Notably, rural residents were more accepting of timber management; however, they were just as unlikely as their urban counterparts to discuss involvement in wildfire mitigation activities.

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*Public Perceptions of Values Associated with Wildfire Protection at the Wildland-Urban…*

The sociodemographic context helped frame sociocultural values associated with

The main themes from the sociocultural context revolved around (1) natural resource values; (2) trust in government; and (3) community participation. Urban informants often discussed how residents valued forests for recreational pursuits (the main exception was rural St. Louis County where both urban and rural residents discussed recreation). In all sites, rural residents focused on cultural values associated with agriculture. Major conflicts over natural resource values often converged on motorized versus nonmotorized recreation (e.g., Minnesota), resource utilization versus ecocentrism (e.g., New Mexico), and progrowth versus restrained growth into wildlands (e.g., Georgia). Such conflicts often overshadowed collective definitions of risk and acceptable mitigation strategies. For example, in New Mexico and Oregon, environmental activist groups from urban areas were seen as opposed to management actions that included thinning, prescribed fire, and postwildfire salvage logging. This quote illustrates nuances in disagreements over management philosophies:

*There are some environmentalists that say just leave it alone [and not to allow fuel reduction treatments]. But no one here wants to just clearcut the forest, they want* 

Trusting the government to fight wildfires, conducting prevention treatments, and working with communities differed among and within study sites and related to past interactions and experiences with government agencies. Although interviewees indicated a degree of trust in the ability of state and municipal governments to fight wildfires, they expressed less confidence in the federal government to implement wildfire prevention treatments and programs. All of our study sites, except Georgia, had reportedly experienced escaped prescribed fires, leading to skepticism regarding treatment needs and agencies' ability to implement prescriptions. This quote from Oregon exemplifies the difficulty of balancing public accep-

*If we do a prescribed fire and unexpected weather conditions crop up do we [local government] and forest service know what we are doing? This is a concern and is problematic. The pendulum that swings back and forth all the time – too aggressive logging the forests and now too aggressive burning them down – still sorting out how* 

All study sites reported positive community response and increased volunteerism when faced with natural disasters, including wildfires. A high degree of participation in daily activities was described; informants said residents were proud of their communities and enjoyed contributing to improved local well-being in various ways. Like many communities, they also experienced major divisions along racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic lines. Participation was often linked to group membership. For example, a New Mexico informant described wildfire preparedness activities, including fuel reduction demonstrations; however, the Hispanic population was not involved and there was little expectation they would participate. One informant noted a constant question among residents was "Whose town is it anyway?" Informants from Minnesota, New Mexico, and Oregon described contradictory values and resources among social groups, which exponentially impacted conflict regarding other local life issues as well as disparate effectiveness of wildfire preparedness messaging between groups.

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.82171*

wildfire preparedness and fuel reduction.

*responsible management. (Santa Fe County)*

tance of fuel reduction treatments.

*to balance this out. (Deschutes County)*

**5.4 Sociocultural context**

The sociodemographic context helped frame sociocultural values associated with wildfire preparedness and fuel reduction.
