**5.4 Sociocultural context**

*Landscape Reclamation - Rising From What's Left*

lated a natural event to improve forest health.

**5.3 Sociodemographic context**

*forced.*

was natural. "(The) difference between a planted forest and natural is not much… Controlled burning is insurance against wildfire – fire is our best friend" (Clinch County). By contrast, rural Minnesota informants often thought that because their forests were "overmanaged," they were not natural and prescribed burning was an artificial event (although not necessarily an unwanted practice). Rural Oregon informants said contemporary forests were not natural, but prescribed fire simu-

There were two predominant themes in the sociodemographic context: (1) population change and (2) economic shifts. In all states, residents discussed population change. Depending on the site, change was linked to WUI encroachment into fuel zones, increased diversity, and loss of community identity. In Georgia, New Mexico, and Oregon (Jefferson County), racial conflict emerged as an aspect of population change. Oregon and New Mexico were experiencing increasing immigrant populations, while the Georgia sites were characterized by race-based residence patterns. As a result, the sociodemographic context tested local social relationships and capacities to agree on values associated with fire and fuels management. For example, new and seasonal residents were said to be less concerned with community wildfire hazard impacts, but very concerned with smoke. Permanent residents, by contrast, either expressed concern or were not concerned about both aspects of fire. Overall, Oregon communities sharply contrasted with the other sites in terms of dealing with different population groups. Despite responses such as "The term local … is a misnomer because of the vast growth that this area has experienced" and "It is hard to do things when people are not the same," the communities were described as proactive regarding wildfire preparedness. A local NGO specifically dealing with coordinat-

ing wildfire efforts was largely credited with leading community-wide efforts.

FireFree demonstration home, among other activities.

*We were on the forefront of developing fuel management programs…Even the large landowners have gone on to do mitigation work without any assistance because it is the right thing to do. The program has grown in an organic way – it has not been* 

In New Mexico and Oregon, diversified and progressive economies of the metropolitan areas contrasted with the comparison rural agricultural counties. Economic strength was linked with perceived high levels of human capital, which in turn translated to successful wildfire preparedness strategies, among other collective concerns. Santa Fe County leaders (private and public) engaged in fuel reduction to protect its watershed. Deschutes County leadership, led by the NGO mentioned above, engaged residents in defensible space, collaborated with the U.S. Forest Service, organized homeowner fuel removal and disposal events, and constructed a

In all sites, informants expressed concerns about rural poverty and the decline of traditional agricultural economies and population. This quote from St. Louis County illustrates emergent conflict as communities struggled to reconcile extraction-oriented and recreation-oriented values. Long-time, permanent residents saw the recent influx of seasonal residents and tourists as "ideologues … [newcomers] like the appearance of the town, and then they are shocked there is support for mining. It is not that [permanent residents] support [mining], but that they want to see it be done to support the economy and their livelihoods." Notably, rural residents were more accepting of timber management; however, they were just as unlikely as their urban counterparts to discuss involvement in wildfire mitigation activities.

**78**

The main themes from the sociocultural context revolved around (1) natural resource values; (2) trust in government; and (3) community participation. Urban informants often discussed how residents valued forests for recreational pursuits (the main exception was rural St. Louis County where both urban and rural residents discussed recreation). In all sites, rural residents focused on cultural values associated with agriculture. Major conflicts over natural resource values often converged on motorized versus nonmotorized recreation (e.g., Minnesota), resource utilization versus ecocentrism (e.g., New Mexico), and progrowth versus restrained growth into wildlands (e.g., Georgia). Such conflicts often overshadowed collective definitions of risk and acceptable mitigation strategies. For example, in New Mexico and Oregon, environmental activist groups from urban areas were seen as opposed to management actions that included thinning, prescribed fire, and postwildfire salvage logging. This quote illustrates nuances in disagreements over management philosophies:

*There are some environmentalists that say just leave it alone [and not to allow fuel reduction treatments]. But no one here wants to just clearcut the forest, they want responsible management. (Santa Fe County)*

Trusting the government to fight wildfires, conducting prevention treatments, and working with communities differed among and within study sites and related to past interactions and experiences with government agencies. Although interviewees indicated a degree of trust in the ability of state and municipal governments to fight wildfires, they expressed less confidence in the federal government to implement wildfire prevention treatments and programs. All of our study sites, except Georgia, had reportedly experienced escaped prescribed fires, leading to skepticism regarding treatment needs and agencies' ability to implement prescriptions. This quote from Oregon exemplifies the difficulty of balancing public acceptance of fuel reduction treatments.

*If we do a prescribed fire and unexpected weather conditions crop up do we [local government] and forest service know what we are doing? This is a concern and is problematic. The pendulum that swings back and forth all the time – too aggressive logging the forests and now too aggressive burning them down – still sorting out how to balance this out. (Deschutes County)*

All study sites reported positive community response and increased volunteerism when faced with natural disasters, including wildfires. A high degree of participation in daily activities was described; informants said residents were proud of their communities and enjoyed contributing to improved local well-being in various ways. Like many communities, they also experienced major divisions along racial, ethnic, and socioeconomic lines. Participation was often linked to group membership. For example, a New Mexico informant described wildfire preparedness activities, including fuel reduction demonstrations; however, the Hispanic population was not involved and there was little expectation they would participate. One informant noted a constant question among residents was "Whose town is it anyway?" Informants from Minnesota, New Mexico, and Oregon described contradictory values and resources among social groups, which exponentially impacted conflict regarding other local life issues as well as disparate effectiveness of wildfire preparedness messaging between groups.
