**1. Introduction**

For years, Africa has rolled out efforts to assert its position within a globalized "village." In some cases, the continent has been presented as torn apart between having either to appropriate new systems and risk annihilation by western systems (and culture) or to recreate its systems enshrined in its culture (or indigenous knowledge systems) in order to regain its rightful place in a globalized world. Globalization, as Yankuzo [1] argues, is a critical tool for cultural homogeneity designed to end cultural diversity in the world. This means, diverse cultural values are replaced by global cultural values, and the varieties of social and cultural developments have been fuelling globalization over the years. Furthermore, Yankuzo [1] believes globalization as a phenomenon has "a multi-dimensional process, whereby cultural, economic and political relations increasingly take a global basis" (p. 2). Against this view, what it means is that Africa continues to negotiate for space in this globalized space. Africa's traditions, practices, and discourses reflect that the continent has not been annihilated by globalization. Instead, Africa continues to mark its unique space in varying ways.

 In Africa, the "rural landscape" has been characterized in the discourses as the source of African sensibilities. The African village is a granary of that which is African [2], with the urban landscape providing contrasting images tied to westernization, urbanization and all forces of modernity. African indigenous knowledge systems have extensively shown how the rural landscape has been the sanctuary of African culture, traditions and values. Urbanization, in contrast, has been projected as a threat to these values. One reason behind the continued smoking of the *ncelwa*<sup>1</sup> and practices attached to the *buntibe*<sup>2</sup> by the BaTonga people of Zimbabwe has been that the BaTonga were "neglected" for years [3]. Ironically, this "neglect" may be read as part of the many reasons why, a great deal of their culture remains "uncontaminated" or less contaminated by "modernity."

 Even African literature, reflects aspects of cultural erosion. For instance, Lucifer in *Waiting for the Rain* [4] proclaims that his birth in Africa was against his will and ultimately becoming an African was to him a biological error. Lakunle in *The Lion and the Jewel* [5] detests, like Lucifer, African values as barbaric, primitive and excommunicated practices. The degree of cultural erosion and westernized is so vivid that writers call for efforts in "returning" to the source of cultural values and practices especially because contemporary African urban dwellers have rural backgrounds [6] or have the village as their place(s) of origin. Most Africans moved to the urban landscape for economic reasons.

This chapter, therefore, architecturally explores selected outdoor spaces in Zimbabwe. The chapter argues that the new places symbolize and represent African culture in terms of homage, food, hospitality and cultural security. Furthermore, it is argued that while this triggers nostalgia to Africans, the spaces offer an eyrie of cultural values as housed in the architecture as well as names of the spaces in order to communicate African sensibilities about the African aura of the traditional village at the same time sustainably conserving the architecture authored by African heritage. One of the conclusions made is that the urban landscape can store and communicate African heritage, interestingly, requisite architecture can be used in this endeavor.

The chapter also argues that the naming and architectural systems also reflect modernization as well as a sense of economization of the African village since those behind the naming and constructions are taking advantage of the economic opportunities presented by the twenty-first century land reform program. It is further shown that African culture has thus survived or is given a lifeline by being repackaged, modernized and appropriated in the new terrain; a terrain where modernity forces and processes have in some way sort over the years to delete ultimately, African sensibilities.

 Data for the study were gathered qualitatively. Interviews with owners (and consumers) of selected lodges and restaurants were conducted during visits undertaken to such spaces by the researcher. Participant observations were also done as the researcher participated in various activities organized at such spaces such as weddings, workshops, parties, and various other social activities. Furthermore, extensive desktop research was conducted to enrich the study. In order to lay the foundation for my discussion and reporting, first, an aside on the twenty-first century Land Reform Program in Zimbabwe is done to put the discussion into context.

 1 BaTonga women smoking pipe

<sup>2</sup> BaTonga drum(s) and cultural dance
