**3. Policies and regulations regarding migrant live-in worker**

The increasing number of migrant care worker in Taiwan has demonstrated how population changes affect the internal dynamics of family everyday life. In Taiwan, the term of "migrant care workers" usually refers to women from Southeast Asia providing care for the frail elderly or people with severe disabilities either in institutions or in private households. Currently, there are 190,000 live-in care workers from Indonesia, Vietnam, and the Philippines, constituting about 1% of the total population of Taiwan and representing 48 % of all migrant workers in Taiwan (see Figure 2).

Fig. 2. Migrant workers in Taiwan - Source: Council of Labor Affairs (2011.3)

not further analyze it. Even on those rare occasions when analysis is conducted, it tends to

Recently, discussion on sexual abuse against migrant women workers has been from ILO (2003) and Human Rights Watch (2005). According to Human Rights Watch (2005), sexual abuse is likely to be underreported owing to the isolation of live-in care workers in the workplace and the deep social stigma attached to sexual assault. Huang and Yeoh (2007) investigated maid abuse in Singapore by using data from court transcripts and press reports and noted that most cases of physical abuse are perpetrated by women while most cases of

Aihwa Ong (1991) argued that violence against live-in domestic workers in Asian families cannot ignore how the family and cultural norms shape family dynamics and relations in everyday life. In Taiwan, gender orders are deeply rooted in the traditional culture which is characterized by patriarchal family structure and the maintenance of traditional gender roles. This patriarchal culture encourages women to internalize values involving endurance and submission to maintain family harmony and moreover expects women to identify with family, by acting as self-sacrificing mothers, wives, and daughters. The influences of patriarchal gender orders on gender relations in everyday life maintain male dominance

In Taiwan, many studies of migrant women workers have identified the power disparities between migrant women workers and their employers. But the power between employers and migrant workers is not monolithic and static. In her study on the dynamics involved in the relationships between Filipina domestics and their Taiwanese female employers, Cheng (2004) observed that globalization has introduced different relations and power dynamics within the private sphere. Taiwanese female employers redefine their domestic roles as household managers but struggle with deep anxieties associated with their womanhood and motherhood. Lan (2000, 2003b) also supported this argument by indicating that both live-in care workers and their employers negotiate their boundaries in the domestic politics of food,

Although replacing female family roles through their work, live-in care workers did not enjoy the same power as true female family members. Under the logic of kinship, which emphasizes blood and marital relations, live-in care workers are excluded and even seen as strangers. This position renders them powerless within the household. For instance, migrant women workers must obey all members of the family, even including young children. No regulations specify what work live-in domestic workers should or should not perform, and thus they are forced to provide twenty-four-hour care and perform endless household duties. If the families of their employers are dissatisfied with their work, migrant women

The working conditions of live-in care workers can be exacerbated by family kinship relationships. Unlike the West, in Taiwan, 'the family' signifies not a household but rather a network of family relationships that can include multiple households. In Taiwan, close relatives typically maintain close relationships by living either together or in close proximity to one another. However, while the provision of mutual support has many benefits,

focus on general working conditions.

sexual abuse are perpetrated by men.

and female subordination within the family.

space, and privacy from one another on a daily basis.

workers are blamed or even beaten by their employers.

excessive emphasis on kinship ties can create problems for outsiders.

In 1989, Taiwan opened its gate to migrant workers. In 1992, foreign women can legally enter Taiwan as domestic workers and caregivers for the chronically ill, the elderly and the very young. Family could apply for live-in care workers based on the scores of the Activities of Daily Living (ADL) since then. Each year thousands of females from Southeast Asia enter Taiwan to work as care and domestic workers. Most migrant women workers work long hours up to 14-18 hours daily, without regular days off, for minimum wage (NT\$ 17,942, approximately US\$ 600). Migrant live-in workers are rarely allowed outside and are often prohibited from speaking with neighbors and outsiders. Even worse, this live-in working situation sometimes becomes a situation of abuse at the hands of their employers (Pan and Yang 2011).

Migrant women workers come to Taiwan to materially improve the lives of their families. However, to work in Taiwan these migrant women workers must ask the bank for a high interest loan. Repaying this money can cost over two-thirds of their salaries during their first year of work, and leave very little money to support their families. Most live-in care workers therefore hope to stay in the same household throughout their three-year working contract without being transferred to another employer. Immigration policy and labor law originally limited female migrant workers in Taiwan to a stay of just three years and this stay was extended to six years in 2007. This stay was extended to nine years in late 2008, and the requirement that they must work for the same employer throughout this period was removed.

According to Taiwan labor law, all migrant workers must be paid at least with the minimum wage. It is not uncommon to hear reports of live-in care workers being paid less than the minimum wage. Many live-in care workers find themselves working nearly around the clock, seven days a week. Some live-in workers are subjected to physical battery and sexual assault, but rarely reported to the police office because of the language barrier and their isolated living and working conditions. In the absence of hard evidence, accusations of sexual assault by their employers are more likely to lead to deportation than the redressing of their grievances.
