**1. Introduction**

222 Sexual Abuse – Breaking the Silence

Shecaria, S.S ( 2011)- Criminologia- Editora Revista dos Tribunais. ISBN-13: 9788520339695

Since 1993 Taiwan has become an ageing society. The growing number of old people increases the demands of long-term care. However, this trend has been ignored by the government. With little support from the government and decline of family size, middle-class families are likely to depend on paid employment for caring the family elderly. Every year thousands of migrant women from Southeast Asia enter Taiwan to work in private households as care workers providing care for the frail elderly or persons with severe disabilities.

Due to the lack of workplace protection and the live-in close relationship between employee and employer, these migrant women workers are vulnerable to exploitation and abuse in the workplace. However, the problem of abuse of live-in care workers have been largely ignored by Taiwanese feminist scholars of domestic violence and scholars of migration studies. This ignorance is also manifested in the policy of the government. Even though some studies of migration in Taiwan have recently revealed the disadvantages faced by livein care workers in their employment (Lin, 1999; Lan, 2000 & 2006; Cheng, 2004; Loveband, 2004; Liang, 2011), few investigate the problem of sexual violence against migrant women workers in private households (Pan and Yang, 2012).

Accordingly, by analyzing the internal dynamics of Taiwanese households employing female migrant workers, this chapter aims to explore a topic ignored by the research on global migration and domestic violence. Drawing data from interviews and documents, this chapter illustrates how the cultural norms and family ideologies behind the foreign labor system reinforce the exploitation and abusive relationship. This chapter is divided into four sections following this introduction. First, this chapter analyzes the changes of population and family structure in Taiwan. Second, this chapter presents policies and regulations regarding live-in care workers. Third, this chapter illustrates the cases of live-in care workers who are sexually abused. Finally, this chapter investigates the internal dynamics of Taiwanese household employing live-in care workers.

### **2. Changes of population and family structure**

#### **2.1 Changes of population**

The population structure of Taiwan has transformed over the past fifteen years. In 2010, the total population was approximately 23 millions. Persons aged over 65 constitute 10.7% of

that decreased from 1.68 ‰ in 2000 (Ministry of the Interior, 2010). This implies that each family has less available manpower to care for the family elderly. Although the government has recently provided incentives to encourage young families to give birth of next generations,

Thirdly, the family structure of Taiwan has also been shaped by the trends of modernization and urbanization. Currently, a growing proportion of the younger generation prefers to live without their parents in urban areas. In Taiwanese culture, however, filial piety is the fundamental principle governing family relations and this principle implies that the next generation, particularly sons, must take responsibility for caring the family elderly. Those who fail to care for their parents face severe criticism (Cheng, 2003; Lan, 2000; Pan and Yang, 2008). Together, these factors make the elderly become a major concern for Taiwanese families. With little support from the government, however, Taiwan middle-class families are likely to depend on paid employment for providing care for the family elderly. In her studies on live-in care workers, Lan (2003b) names the trend of employing migrant women workers for providing care for the family elderly as 'outsourcing of filial piety' which in turn brings a significant influence on the family dynamics of Taiwanese household in everyday relation.

The increasing number of migrant care worker in Taiwan has demonstrated how population changes affect the internal dynamics of family everyday life. In Taiwan, the term of "migrant care workers" usually refers to women from Southeast Asia providing care for the frail elderly or people with severe disabilities either in institutions or in private households. Currently, there are 190,000 live-in care workers from Indonesia, Vietnam, and the Philippines, constituting about 1% of the total population of Taiwan and representing 48 %

the birth rate continues to decline. This trend puts care for the elderly in urgency.

**3. Policies and regulations regarding migrant live-in worker** 

Fig. 2. Migrant workers in Taiwan - Source: Council of Labor Affairs (2011.3)

of all migrant workers in Taiwan (see Figure 2).

the total population (Council for Economic Planning and Development, 2008). This number is expected to increase up to 20% in 2025 and 38% in 2056 respectively (see Figure 1). The growing number of old people implies an increasing demand for care for the elderly. In 2009, the number of old people who need long-term care was 362,584 which constituted 1.55% of the total population. Two-thirds (245,551) are the frail elderly and one-third (117,033) are persons with severe disabilities. Most of the elderly live in the community and are cared by female family members (e.g., wife, daughter- in-law, and daughter), while about 15% are cared by live-in care workers at private homes (Ministry of Health, 2009).

Fig. 1. Population structure of Taiwan in the next 50 years11

#### **2.2 Decline of family size**

Over the past fifteen years, the family structure of Taiwan has been shaped by a number of social forces. Firstly, a growing number of women received a high education. Women and men are almost equal in college and university education. This change has led to Taiwanese women's increasing involvement in labor force participation. In 2009, the women's labor force participation rate was 49.62% that improved 3.59% compared to 1999. The increase of women in labor force participation reduces the availability of women in providing unpaid care and domestic work.

Secondly, the decline of birth rate and family size are predicted to result in the shortage of younger people available to care for the elderly. In 2009, the birth rate of Taiwan was1.03 ‰

<sup>1</sup> The power point file entitled "Female labor force participation in Taiwan" has been presented by Taiwan Research Team at FLOWS Kick-off meeting, February 7th-9th 2011, in Aalborg University, Aalborg, Demark.

the total population (Council for Economic Planning and Development, 2008). This number is expected to increase up to 20% in 2025 and 38% in 2056 respectively (see Figure 1). The growing number of old people implies an increasing demand for care for the elderly. In 2009, the number of old people who need long-term care was 362,584 which constituted 1.55% of the total population. Two-thirds (245,551) are the frail elderly and one-third (117,033) are persons with severe disabilities. Most of the elderly live in the community and are cared by female family members (e.g., wife, daughter- in-law, and daughter), while about 15% are cared by live-in care workers at private homes (Ministry of Health, 2009).

Fig. 1. Population structure of Taiwan in the next 50 years11

Over the past fifteen years, the family structure of Taiwan has been shaped by a number of social forces. Firstly, a growing number of women received a high education. Women and men are almost equal in college and university education. This change has led to Taiwanese women's increasing involvement in labor force participation. In 2009, the women's labor force participation rate was 49.62% that improved 3.59% compared to 1999. The increase of women in labor force participation reduces the availability of women in providing unpaid

Secondly, the decline of birth rate and family size are predicted to result in the shortage of younger people available to care for the elderly. In 2009, the birth rate of Taiwan was1.03 ‰

1 The power point file entitled "Female labor force participation in Taiwan" has been presented by Taiwan Research Team at FLOWS Kick-off meeting, February 7th-9th 2011, in Aalborg University,

**2.2 Decline of family size** 

care and domestic work.

Aalborg, Demark.

that decreased from 1.68 ‰ in 2000 (Ministry of the Interior, 2010). This implies that each family has less available manpower to care for the family elderly. Although the government has recently provided incentives to encourage young families to give birth of next generations, the birth rate continues to decline. This trend puts care for the elderly in urgency.

Thirdly, the family structure of Taiwan has also been shaped by the trends of modernization and urbanization. Currently, a growing proportion of the younger generation prefers to live without their parents in urban areas. In Taiwanese culture, however, filial piety is the fundamental principle governing family relations and this principle implies that the next generation, particularly sons, must take responsibility for caring the family elderly. Those who fail to care for their parents face severe criticism (Cheng, 2003; Lan, 2000; Pan and Yang, 2008).

Together, these factors make the elderly become a major concern for Taiwanese families. With little support from the government, however, Taiwan middle-class families are likely to depend on paid employment for providing care for the family elderly. In her studies on live-in care workers, Lan (2003b) names the trend of employing migrant women workers for providing care for the family elderly as 'outsourcing of filial piety' which in turn brings a significant influence on the family dynamics of Taiwanese household in everyday relation.
