**4.2 The old fabric and the modern trend**

Hillier argues that there is apparently fear of doing anything in a historical part of a city, except to retain the old street system. However, the old street network emerged by incremental dynamic processes over time that reflected the growth and change through different generations. Each generation tended to partially modify street networks to better meet their needs [34]. Al-Haidary highlights that 'the city for man, and in the city's philosophy the general should precede the individual, that is, the society's requirements should come before the personal desire, and the city's identity has to be preserved, and it can be expanded via green and red veins' ([32], p. 71). Regarding the old urban fabric in Baghdad, Alobaydi and Rashid state that, since its establishment as the capital of the Abbasid Empire to the end of Ottoman occupation in 1917, the city was characterised by spontaneous urban growth. Their key findings at the diachronic level are that the core of the old city of Baghdad manifested a robust correlation with its commercial centre until the 1940s when modernist developments were undertaken throughout the city. Also, before the

**409**

*Lessons from Baghdad City Conformation and Essence DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88599*

general which represents a vital network system [32].

continuity with the past and lend diversity to cities.

1940s, the nature of the relationship between the social dimensions and economic factors in the old patterns of Baghdad expressed a mutual correlation. Later, the relationship was subjected to a considerable number of modifications that were

Apart from the degree of implementation and quality, a considerable number of plans were conducted to maintain the old areas and the historical urban form of the city. However, serious practical steps were needed, such as setting laws, regulations, guidelines, and financial resources and raising the level of awareness among communities about their own heritage. Moreover, where existing buildings from the modern era become part of the urban context of the city, any attempt to deal with these buildings is achieved by composing a bridge between modernisation and heritage via a thoughtful conversion with the old environment. This enables such initiatives to be viable, dynamic, and resilient; they have the potential to involve development process with remaining historic essences that have heritage value [32]. The prevalent character of Baghdad becomes the scope of neglect for the old fabric, whether as an individual building or as a network system. The deficiency of infrastructure and unhygienic conditions, irregularity, and the lack of maintenance can lead to the exploitation of an area for various unregulated purposes. In Baghdad, this resulted in chaos and the loss of priority in sustaining the meaning of civilised life, particularly in the old regions of the city, such as Rusafa and Karkh. Thus, the importance of preservation and maintenance should be considered, not only for individual units, such as houses or public buildings, but also for the urban fabric in

The old urban fabric and its morphologies were, formally or informally, influenced by the wave of modernism and replaced later by the new urban context, which resulted in the loss of the relationship between built forms and streets [36]. The urban renewal operation that took place as a part of a comprehensive development plan in Baghdad critically recognised the old urban fabric and determined an efficient process to preserve this vital sector of the city. Two dimensions identify any attempt to develop old areas: firstly, the entirely or partially neglected area of the old urban fabric, and secondly, the direct or indirect reliance on foreign technicians to deal with national heritage and historical, cultural dimensions that shaped the urban context of the old sector of Baghdad [32]. Most of the traditional urban areas have modest conditions and qualities but are still considered an attractive destination. However, the main concern is for functional transformation, which leads to topological depth alteration and can change morphological patterns in an old urban structure. The revolution against what humanity has produced through its long-rooted history has led to unpredictable and unsatisfactory results, with modernism at the forefront of such results [37]. Hall argues for maintaining beneficial, comforting old buildings and communities from 'the bomb' of urban renewal, where not all new ideas and objects are necessarily desirable nor all old thoughts and developments substandard [38]. Cities, however, have many places and sometimes only a few historic buildings or a cluster of outstanding features which merit preservation. These buildings and elements within their own context afford

Kropf argues that 'the degradation of neglect is reinforced by the active effacement caused by the replacement of old by new buildings which share few of the characteristics of the former. The cumulative effect is that the historical and regional character of the town is being eroded' ([39], p. 721). According to Cullen, the history of a city involves several historical layers, where most cities are constructed on old foundations, and their fabric exhibits evidence of different periods in their architectural and urban patterns and in the diverse accidents which are recorded and conserved by various layers of history [40]. The relationship between

instigated by comprehensive and modern development projects [35].

#### *Lessons from Baghdad City Conformation and Essence DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88599*

*Sustainability in Urban Planning and Design*

pre-planned (top-down procedure).

**4.2 The old fabric and the modern trend**

classification is affected by minimum or single parameters, and this can refer to the comprehensive analysis method of streets, which are likely to be irrelevant in creating distinctive urban characteristics for the whole city. The entire spectrum when distinguishing the urban attributes of streets tends to seek difference rather than similarity [31]. Overall, in terms of its morphological dimensions, the main characteristics of Baghdad Street would be the level of difference and disparity between the original and modern streets. Both types, historical and modern, are subject to two different generative systems: spontaneous (bottom-up approach) and

*The historic area of Baghdad witnessed an extraordinary change in the spatial structure of its street edges. Source: ([10], pp. 260, 349–350) all rights reserved for Al-Warrak Publishing Ltd., London, UK.*

Hillier argues that there is apparently fear of doing anything in a historical part of a city, except to retain the old street system. However, the old street network emerged by incremental dynamic processes over time that reflected the growth and change through different generations. Each generation tended to partially modify street networks to better meet their needs [34]. Al-Haidary highlights that 'the city for man, and in the city's philosophy the general should precede the individual, that is, the society's requirements should come before the personal desire, and the city's identity has to be preserved, and it can be expanded via green and red veins' ([32], p. 71). Regarding the old urban fabric in Baghdad, Alobaydi and Rashid state that, since its establishment as the capital of the Abbasid Empire to the end of Ottoman occupation in 1917, the city was characterised by spontaneous urban growth. Their key findings at the diachronic level are that the core of the old city of Baghdad manifested a robust correlation with its commercial centre until the 1940s when modernist developments were undertaken throughout the city. Also, before the

**408**

**Figure 23.**

1940s, the nature of the relationship between the social dimensions and economic factors in the old patterns of Baghdad expressed a mutual correlation. Later, the relationship was subjected to a considerable number of modifications that were instigated by comprehensive and modern development projects [35].

Apart from the degree of implementation and quality, a considerable number of plans were conducted to maintain the old areas and the historical urban form of the city. However, serious practical steps were needed, such as setting laws, regulations, guidelines, and financial resources and raising the level of awareness among communities about their own heritage. Moreover, where existing buildings from the modern era become part of the urban context of the city, any attempt to deal with these buildings is achieved by composing a bridge between modernisation and heritage via a thoughtful conversion with the old environment. This enables such initiatives to be viable, dynamic, and resilient; they have the potential to involve development process with remaining historic essences that have heritage value [32]. The prevalent character of Baghdad becomes the scope of neglect for the old fabric, whether as an individual building or as a network system. The deficiency of infrastructure and unhygienic conditions, irregularity, and the lack of maintenance can lead to the exploitation of an area for various unregulated purposes. In Baghdad, this resulted in chaos and the loss of priority in sustaining the meaning of civilised life, particularly in the old regions of the city, such as Rusafa and Karkh. Thus, the importance of preservation and maintenance should be considered, not only for individual units, such as houses or public buildings, but also for the urban fabric in general which represents a vital network system [32].

The old urban fabric and its morphologies were, formally or informally, influenced by the wave of modernism and replaced later by the new urban context, which resulted in the loss of the relationship between built forms and streets [36]. The urban renewal operation that took place as a part of a comprehensive development plan in Baghdad critically recognised the old urban fabric and determined an efficient process to preserve this vital sector of the city. Two dimensions identify any attempt to develop old areas: firstly, the entirely or partially neglected area of the old urban fabric, and secondly, the direct or indirect reliance on foreign technicians to deal with national heritage and historical, cultural dimensions that shaped the urban context of the old sector of Baghdad [32]. Most of the traditional urban areas have modest conditions and qualities but are still considered an attractive destination. However, the main concern is for functional transformation, which leads to topological depth alteration and can change morphological patterns in an old urban structure. The revolution against what humanity has produced through its long-rooted history has led to unpredictable and unsatisfactory results, with modernism at the forefront of such results [37]. Hall argues for maintaining beneficial, comforting old buildings and communities from 'the bomb' of urban renewal, where not all new ideas and objects are necessarily desirable nor all old thoughts and developments substandard [38]. Cities, however, have many places and sometimes only a few historic buildings or a cluster of outstanding features which merit preservation. These buildings and elements within their own context afford continuity with the past and lend diversity to cities.

Kropf argues that 'the degradation of neglect is reinforced by the active effacement caused by the replacement of old by new buildings which share few of the characteristics of the former. The cumulative effect is that the historical and regional character of the town is being eroded' ([39], p. 721). According to Cullen, the history of a city involves several historical layers, where most cities are constructed on old foundations, and their fabric exhibits evidence of different periods in their architectural and urban patterns and in the diverse accidents which are recorded and conserved by various layers of history [40]. The relationship between the old fabric and the trends of modern urbanism in Baghdad is the foremost priority in defining spatial affiliation and in dealing with the city's significant cultural and historical heritage. It is possible to identify two essential perspectives that determine the relationship of the oldest urban area of Baghdad to the contemporary urban progress of the city. The first is the vertical perspective, which stands for the modernisation of the city centre itself and its adoption of the modern ideology. The second is the horizontal perspective, which addresses the extended urban areas that are adjacent to the traditional centre of Baghdad. This relationship, however, could include the fine scale of the city in examining the ability of the street to promote social interaction as a public space for people. Furthermore, different interfacing patterns could also be performed in the street.

#### **4.3 The dialectic between traditional and modern thoughts**

Since the end of the Second World War, the rapid growth of Baghdad was partially uncontrolled, whether in the oldest zone or the surrounding regions. The built-up area increased from a mere 6 square kilometres in the first decade of the nineteenth century to about 240 square kilometres in 1970; this will be extended in the future unless there will be more thoughtful planning. This has since been achieved since starting the study. The more significant diffusion of Western ideas and the concept of modernity and technology coincided with the colonial and independent phases of Iraq that attempted to instil reform and development. The aim was to open up Iraq to the capitalist global economy by adopting Western patterns of society and their physical environments. In this respect, giving more attention to the central region of Baghdad is needed, meaning that the management of these traditional areas must be thoughtful and methodical in order to improve inhabitants' quality of life and to promote urban sustainability [27].

The influence of such rapid growth on the old fabric was overwhelming during the last three decades of the twentieth century. The growth of urbanisation generally led to an increase in demand for more physical environments, which severely damaged the old urban fabric of the Rusafa area. In contrast to Baghdad, a considerable number of other countries with ancient regions intentionally affected urban expansion outside the boundary of their historical regions [4]. The debate between modernity and identity in the scope of architecture has always been raised, whether by specialists or the public. To a large extent, the concept of Westernisation is evidenced by modernisation and modernity [41]. Thus, historical debates between the two sides (modernisation/Westernisation and traditional/East) should be reviewed in view of their conflict and their influence on the loss of Iraqi identity. The concept of cross-cultural references would be a more efficient way to drive an active role in reshaping and configuring both imported concepts and local objectives in the interaction between different cultures and counties or societies. This could be considered a healthier transformation in the interrelationship and exchange of experiences among communities [41].

Reviewing the brief archaeology of firms that worked in Iraq, Doxiadis prepared the development plan for Baghdad in 1958; the concept adopted was to keep the compact pattern of the traditional central area and to construct new adjacent streets. However, these plans were not largely realised although some housing projects and an Army Canal were carried out [41]. Despite the storming of the Middle East by modernity, particularly in relation to lifestyle, architecture, urban design, and planning, the traditional themes still gave a sense of balance with their socio-climatic traditional components. However, in the 1970s, Polservice designed traffic networks for Baghdad that disregarded the old urban fabric in the city centre [41]. A significant disadvantage in urban space is caused by the intersection between the historic fabric

**411**

*Lessons from Baghdad City Conformation and Essence DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88599*

and the power of market orientation. Also, the tendency towards augmentation regardless of the historical and cultural environment generally leads to the creation of a vacant area, which mediates between two contradictory contexts in terms of history, culture, and urban structure. The old fabric of the city splits into different sectors through creating new urban spaces that unfortunately work as segregation perimeters. The loss of system regulation, control, and monitors on urban development plans, besides the level of bureaucracy and administrative systems, collectively

Reshaping the city to reflect the Iraqi identity entails a major preliminary survey and the first administrative framing of its heritage. However, a considerable number of architects tended to pervert such legacies by using modern techniques in design, materials, and construction within the framework of traditional Arab architecture. This procedure has been adopted many times by architects trying to gain acceptance for their designs [41]. Accordingly, some attempts have been made to employ a local, traditional vocabulary in decorating new buildings in order to reduce the disparity and develop a new iconographical strategy. However, according to Pieri, 'public architecture neglected the fact that identity is a matter of sedimentation and not of decision: under the pretext of reviving the past Arab and Mesopotamian grandeur as the foundation of a newly built collective identity' ([41], p. 36). The Iraqi identity, in general, belongs to the history of ancient civilisations where part of its artefacts emerged as a fertile and fundamental basis for the

Considering the old area in Baghdad, urban public space can be described through monuments, which include emblematic statements that carry a new iconography through the synthesis of a national repertory with a modern style. The notion of value in the old fabric of the city seems to be on the opposite side to highrise buildings, which demonstrate inconsistency with the surrounding horizontal environment, particularly around the central area of Baghdad. The moment that the new European style emerged under the terms modernisation and Westernisation, Baghdad no longer remained a typical Arab-Islamic city. Al-Haidary asserts that modernisation and the implementation of rapid, dramatic changes by increasing economic growth and population sizes resulted in unregulated buildings in the old urban fabric of Baghdad [32]. Pieri refers to urban identity as a language with a syntax that is composed of both built and natural and tangible and intangible realities.

Thus, architectural themes have their own exclusive urban character [41].

ture and urban planning as societal choices' ([43], p. 20).

Despite the paradox that the old urban fabric and its characteristics belong to its historical roots, its ability to survive within new urban developments is considered significant in so many countries. The old structure in a city offers unique opportunities to deal with its urban components to promote and develop an urban environment that meets human need throughout its social, economic, and environmental qualities ([42], cited in Al-Akkam 2012). Moreover, Pieri states that 'to preserve a balance between material layouts and collective memory, urban form and content, it becomes imperative to study the materiality of the built environment or urban design in its various contexts. Architecture and urban planning belong to cultural systems of representation and are part of long-term durability. Tradition should be a laboratory of collective memory so that it becomes easier to conceive of architec-

The urban and architectural history of Baghdad should be taken into consideration as part of global urban heritage. From this point of view, Baghdad faces a significant challenge to the reconstruction of the old part of the city. According to Pieri, this challenge must be settled for the long term, not only for urban and architectural patterns but also for the people who live in the city [43]. Mohammed Makiy calls this a micro-vision which plays a significant role in softening the

led to more devastation for traditional buildings and street patterns [8].

nation that is undergoing a revival in the modern era.

#### *Lessons from Baghdad City Conformation and Essence DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88599*

*Sustainability in Urban Planning and Design*

patterns could also be performed in the street.

**4.3 The dialectic between traditional and modern thoughts**

ants' quality of life and to promote urban sustainability [27].

experiences among communities [41].

the old fabric and the trends of modern urbanism in Baghdad is the foremost priority in defining spatial affiliation and in dealing with the city's significant cultural and historical heritage. It is possible to identify two essential perspectives that determine the relationship of the oldest urban area of Baghdad to the contemporary urban progress of the city. The first is the vertical perspective, which stands for the modernisation of the city centre itself and its adoption of the modern ideology. The second is the horizontal perspective, which addresses the extended urban areas that are adjacent to the traditional centre of Baghdad. This relationship, however, could include the fine scale of the city in examining the ability of the street to promote social interaction as a public space for people. Furthermore, different interfacing

Since the end of the Second World War, the rapid growth of Baghdad was partially uncontrolled, whether in the oldest zone or the surrounding regions. The built-up area increased from a mere 6 square kilometres in the first decade of the nineteenth century to about 240 square kilometres in 1970; this will be extended in the future unless there will be more thoughtful planning. This has since been achieved since starting the study. The more significant diffusion of Western ideas and the concept of modernity and technology coincided with the colonial and independent phases of Iraq that attempted to instil reform and development. The aim was to open up Iraq to the capitalist global economy by adopting Western patterns of society and their physical environments. In this respect, giving more attention to the central region of Baghdad is needed, meaning that the management of these traditional areas must be thoughtful and methodical in order to improve inhabit-

The influence of such rapid growth on the old fabric was overwhelming during the last three decades of the twentieth century. The growth of urbanisation generally led to an increase in demand for more physical environments, which severely damaged the old urban fabric of the Rusafa area. In contrast to Baghdad, a considerable number of other countries with ancient regions intentionally affected urban expansion outside the boundary of their historical regions [4]. The debate between modernity and identity in the scope of architecture has always been raised, whether by specialists or the public. To a large extent, the concept of Westernisation is evidenced by modernisation and modernity [41]. Thus, historical debates between the two sides (modernisation/Westernisation and traditional/East) should be reviewed in view of their conflict and their influence on the loss of Iraqi identity. The concept of cross-cultural references would be a more efficient way to drive an active role in reshaping and configuring both imported concepts and local objectives in the interaction between different cultures and counties or societies. This could be considered a healthier transformation in the interrelationship and exchange of

Reviewing the brief archaeology of firms that worked in Iraq, Doxiadis prepared

the development plan for Baghdad in 1958; the concept adopted was to keep the compact pattern of the traditional central area and to construct new adjacent streets. However, these plans were not largely realised although some housing projects and an Army Canal were carried out [41]. Despite the storming of the Middle East by modernity, particularly in relation to lifestyle, architecture, urban design, and planning, the traditional themes still gave a sense of balance with their socio-climatic traditional components. However, in the 1970s, Polservice designed traffic networks for Baghdad that disregarded the old urban fabric in the city centre [41]. A significant disadvantage in urban space is caused by the intersection between the historic fabric

**410**

and the power of market orientation. Also, the tendency towards augmentation regardless of the historical and cultural environment generally leads to the creation of a vacant area, which mediates between two contradictory contexts in terms of history, culture, and urban structure. The old fabric of the city splits into different sectors through creating new urban spaces that unfortunately work as segregation perimeters. The loss of system regulation, control, and monitors on urban development plans, besides the level of bureaucracy and administrative systems, collectively led to more devastation for traditional buildings and street patterns [8].

Reshaping the city to reflect the Iraqi identity entails a major preliminary survey and the first administrative framing of its heritage. However, a considerable number of architects tended to pervert such legacies by using modern techniques in design, materials, and construction within the framework of traditional Arab architecture. This procedure has been adopted many times by architects trying to gain acceptance for their designs [41]. Accordingly, some attempts have been made to employ a local, traditional vocabulary in decorating new buildings in order to reduce the disparity and develop a new iconographical strategy. However, according to Pieri, 'public architecture neglected the fact that identity is a matter of sedimentation and not of decision: under the pretext of reviving the past Arab and Mesopotamian grandeur as the foundation of a newly built collective identity' ([41], p. 36). The Iraqi identity, in general, belongs to the history of ancient civilisations where part of its artefacts emerged as a fertile and fundamental basis for the nation that is undergoing a revival in the modern era.

Considering the old area in Baghdad, urban public space can be described through monuments, which include emblematic statements that carry a new iconography through the synthesis of a national repertory with a modern style. The notion of value in the old fabric of the city seems to be on the opposite side to highrise buildings, which demonstrate inconsistency with the surrounding horizontal environment, particularly around the central area of Baghdad. The moment that the new European style emerged under the terms modernisation and Westernisation, Baghdad no longer remained a typical Arab-Islamic city. Al-Haidary asserts that modernisation and the implementation of rapid, dramatic changes by increasing economic growth and population sizes resulted in unregulated buildings in the old urban fabric of Baghdad [32]. Pieri refers to urban identity as a language with a syntax that is composed of both built and natural and tangible and intangible realities. Thus, architectural themes have their own exclusive urban character [41].

Despite the paradox that the old urban fabric and its characteristics belong to its historical roots, its ability to survive within new urban developments is considered significant in so many countries. The old structure in a city offers unique opportunities to deal with its urban components to promote and develop an urban environment that meets human need throughout its social, economic, and environmental qualities ([42], cited in Al-Akkam 2012). Moreover, Pieri states that 'to preserve a balance between material layouts and collective memory, urban form and content, it becomes imperative to study the materiality of the built environment or urban design in its various contexts. Architecture and urban planning belong to cultural systems of representation and are part of long-term durability. Tradition should be a laboratory of collective memory so that it becomes easier to conceive of architecture and urban planning as societal choices' ([43], p. 20).

The urban and architectural history of Baghdad should be taken into consideration as part of global urban heritage. From this point of view, Baghdad faces a significant challenge to the reconstruction of the old part of the city. According to Pieri, this challenge must be settled for the long term, not only for urban and architectural patterns but also for the people who live in the city [43]. Mohammed Makiy calls this a micro-vision which plays a significant role in softening the

aggressiveness of large-scale developments, where the ideology of the human scale provides a guiding route. The debate of the modern movement has often taken place in architectural reviews as one of the crucial transformation points in the history of architecture. The theme of reductionism is a modern ideology; nostalgia for the city's past and the characteristics of humanity has become one of the most critical issues in contemporary architectural writings, conservation projects, and the maintenance of the architectural history of the city, both on the level of structural scope or urban design. Therefore, there is a need to move from 'the rationalised modernist views that deconstructed so many towns and cities in the 20th Century' to meet the desire and 'need to unpack and reconstitute the synoptic art of city-making that was substantially lost during the so-called machine age of the 20th Century' ([44], p. 8).

## **5. Deriving the urban gap**

A cross-reading of the literature concerning the emergence and development of Baghdad to the present-day helps to outline the research gap. The awareness of the value of heritage and history, particularly in the oldest sector of the city, has increasingly become an essential kernel for the emergence and diversity of ideas, which help to maintain and develop this part of the city. The characteristics of the old area reflect a considerable number of criteria, such as limited travel distances, lower car dependence, and greater opportunities for people to walk. These encourage community life with better surveillance that enhances public safety [45]. Thus, these characteristics, particularly in the old fabric of the city, underpin the quality of social life by reducing motorised-based use, minimising external pollution, concentrating activities, adopting multimodal street networks, mixing land use, enabling high occupancy rates, and highlighting the value of heritage and cultural elements. Another incentive is to help forge a relationship between the old centre and the city that reflects the concept of a living museum, based on real, coexisting life. A living museum explicitly offers positive opportunities at all levels, such as entertainment, culture and historical experiences, economic support, and social activities; it provides an attractive location for people and helps to underpin tourism ([46], p. 368, [47]).

The city centre of Baghdad is a 'mosaic of memory' that contains unique features, whether related to its physical dimensions or collective memory. The traditional core has varied characteristics, which consist of many activities and ancient architectural components as well as a complex urban fabric [3]. The functional definition of the street is subject to the top-down approach to authority, even in the historical area of Baghdad that originally came from a long-established bottom-up approach. Shamsuddin and Ujang state that streets in an urban context are places of economic and social significance; great cities are often identified by their main streets, and the nature of these streets reflects the image of the city. Furthermore, one of the key functions of the street is to convey the main characteristics of a city and its particular identity. A street can represent the general perception of a city's character, identity, and image due to its bonding with individual experiences [48].

For fine-scale approaches, particularly in historic towns, the priority is the human scale, which is typified by the enclosure of spaces that are shaped by the boundary of buildings. The thoroughness of the building pattern combined with the design of the spaces is essential to give a sense of identity. In contrast, isolationism and introversion become the main features of modernist buildings. The influence of the modern wave was not only witnessed on the public space but also on the social and cultural meaning of space, where human aspects were not fully considered. Four objectives were identified by Gehl with respect to the human dimension,

**413**

*Lessons from Baghdad City Conformation and Essence DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88599*

part of a unified health policy ([37], pp. 6–7).

specific knowledge of the type of activities undertaken [49].

**6. Conclusion**

of inhabitants and their beliefs.

including the centrality value.

and these are as follows: firstly, 'lively, safe, sustainable, and healthy cities'; secondly, a city's ability to invite individuals to walk through as the sign of a coherent structure; thirdly, a 'short walking distance, attractive public spaces, and a variety of urban functions'; and finally, the city offering an invitation to walk and cycle which form a natural and integrated element of daily routines and a non-negotiable

Therefore, transformations in the behavioural system can occur rapidly in comparison to alterations in buildings and the urban context. Although this does not deny the role of the built environment and its influence on the community, the rate of change seems more explicit in human behaviour than in physical surroundings. For example, specific historical areas or buildings continue to exist as before, while each generation has their own experiences in an urban environment. Gehl and Svarre pose many questions about public life in a city. These questions are based on the relationship of people to urban spaces and their interactions with the surrounding environment and other people. The fundamental questions posed are 'how many' regarding quantitative data related to people and their activities. The second question is 'who', which gathers knowledge about people's behaviours in the public space. 'Where' is the third question that addresses 'where people are expected to go and to stay'. The final question concerns whether the city can generally provide

This chapter addressed the emergence of Baghdad and the stages of its morphology and transformation. The oldest periods began with the Round City; this created the first nucleus that later formed Baghdad. The city then moved from the west to the east riverbank of the Tigris. Moreover, the main historical characteristics of the urban structure survived until the British occupation in 1917. The physical environment was typified by two fundamental urban components: street network and Mahallas (traditional neighbourhoods). These two elements have a close interrelationship and an overlapping pattern. Spontaneity follows the bottom-up approach, where the community manages its own built environment; this is derived from the order and regulation that informed the norms and values

Morphologically, the historical region of Baghdad was distinguished by an organic pattern for both the street network and its built units. Moreover, the street pattern was also subject to a series of definitions according to the degree of privacy and other functions. This chapter highlighted the main points that differentiate the historical pattern of the city and the modern era. Those points were considered under four main headings: (1) the essence of Baghdad City, (2) its streets' characteristics, (3) the old fabric and modern trends, and (4) the dialectic between traditional and modern concepts. Modern areas in Baghdad follow the top-down approach to generate neighbourhoods that are distinct from the fine-scale or micro level of street life. However, this mainly depends on the expectations of future programmes through predetermined land use. Due to the new strategies and regulations introduced by master plans, the urban structure of Baghdad drastically changed, not only in the centre but also in the surrounding regions. One of the main aspects of these transformations in the urban structure is its street life and how might people respond to the street edge and how their social interactions are influenced. Furthermore, this impacts the underlying system in terms of its street pattern and the network characteristics,

*Lessons from Baghdad City Conformation and Essence DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88599*

and these are as follows: firstly, 'lively, safe, sustainable, and healthy cities'; secondly, a city's ability to invite individuals to walk through as the sign of a coherent structure; thirdly, a 'short walking distance, attractive public spaces, and a variety of urban functions'; and finally, the city offering an invitation to walk and cycle which form a natural and integrated element of daily routines and a non-negotiable part of a unified health policy ([37], pp. 6–7).

Therefore, transformations in the behavioural system can occur rapidly in comparison to alterations in buildings and the urban context. Although this does not deny the role of the built environment and its influence on the community, the rate of change seems more explicit in human behaviour than in physical surroundings. For example, specific historical areas or buildings continue to exist as before, while each generation has their own experiences in an urban environment. Gehl and Svarre pose many questions about public life in a city. These questions are based on the relationship of people to urban spaces and their interactions with the surrounding environment and other people. The fundamental questions posed are 'how many' regarding quantitative data related to people and their activities. The second question is 'who', which gathers knowledge about people's behaviours in the public space. 'Where' is the third question that addresses 'where people are expected to go and to stay'. The final question concerns whether the city can generally provide specific knowledge of the type of activities undertaken [49].
