**3. Baghdad development plan**

Before the 1950s, city planning in Iraq had never been well considered; however, in the 1950s the planning firms of Doxiadis Associates (Greek), Minoprio and Spencely, and P. W. McFarlane (both British) prepared general master plans for Baghdad and several other cities in Iraq. Modernisation was therefore supported by a strong European influence; although these developments were slow, they were inescapable and, for many people, acceptable. However, they often led to the destruction of many elegant buildings, such as mosques and bazaars. Al-Rasheed Street is an example of a path which cuts its way remorselessly through an organic pattern and affected outstanding historic buildings. Thus, the emphasis of modern ideology and the adoption of use-based zoning was another concern for the existing urban area [16]. In 1955, the Iraqi government, represented by the Iraq Development Board, asked Doxiadis' firm to prepare a housing programme for Baghdad. Arguably, it was their first large-scale project outside of Greece and solidified the reputation of the firm in this period within the Middle East [19]. Based on the economic policy of Iraq, the National Housing Program was conceived as a long-term territorial plan in an attempt to shape the physical environment. The first phase was to address some urgent needs through a 5-year plan, called 'Basic Foundation Program'. Its aim was to (1) satisfy the most urgent needs, (2) organise the public services concerned with housing and settlements, and (3) create a suitable framework for the further development of all complicated activities [19].

The primary role for Doxiadis Company, as international experts on housing and urban development, was to provide a vital steppingstone for development [20]. An essential motivation in studying the city is to develop a sound understanding of the background of the city life cycle. Since the beginning of the twentieth century, Baghdad has experienced dramatic transformation in its morphological and urban context by changing the rules from the Ottoman invasion to the British occupation. In 1921, during the period of the monarchy, Baghdad became the capital of the new nation; since then, the city has grown substantially in two dimensions, namely, urbanisation and population. Iraq gained its independence in 1931, and since this date, the population of Baghdad has increased dramatically to approximately half a million, and the city has expanded out of the central areas, represented by Rusafa on the east bank of the Tigris river, Karkh on the west bank, and Kadhimiya and Adhamiya towards the north. Regarding the old Baghdad areas, the city has expanded widely in two directions, namely, to the Adhamiya region in the northwest and towards Diyala in the southwest [20]. Doxiadis master plan of Baghdad was based on the concept of linear expansion, namely, 'Dynapolis, meaning a dynamic city' (**Figure 16**).

**399**

transportation systems [19].

*Lessons from Baghdad City Conformation and Essence DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88599*

national identity and pride.

The Board supervised the construction of several vital projects, not only in Baghdad but also in other regions of the country. This included dams, irrigation and drainage systems, bridges, roads, factories, power plants, housing, schools, hospitals, and public buildings [20]. Moreover, Doxiadis's vision was embodied in its publication entitled *Ekistics*, which emphasised a stable and scientific version of urbanism, developed through apolitical authority; this defined human settlements under a scientific approach. Moreover, *Ekistics* can be understood as a multidisciplinary approach that involved various sciences, such as economics, geography, sociology, anthropology, and other disciplines. This represented an attempt to reduce the influence of designers' arbitrary self-expression and reconceptualised architecture and planning as rational processes that accommodated human need [20]. Within a modern ideology that coordinated the whole system of knowledge about the physical environment, Doxiadis's vision, through *Ekistics*'s multidisciplinary approach, adopted two aims. The first was to emphasise basic human needs and non-functionalism and to further technological concerns. This would accommodate housing and resource shortages as well as other post-World War II urban impasses. It would achieve this by contributing to reforming in earlier modernist urbanism through refusing the concept of the individual designer. The second aim attempted to reinvent designers and planners as experts in urban development. This recognised the importance of the physical environment in promoting socioeconomic development, and this could be achieved by advancing social restructure through applying the paradigm of the industrialised West through global urbanisation, industrialisation, and socioeconomic modernisation [20]. Moreover, through adopting Doxiadis's aims, the intention of the Iraq Development Board was to establish the architectural symbols of a modern state by sharing the ideal of

When the Iraq Development Board assigned Doxiadis the task of preparing a new master plan for Baghdad, Baghdad had an old centre, which was represented by its old urban fabric; this later became the location for new businesses. The master plan was supposed to provide a comprehensive framework within which various building projects would be integrated. However, in 1956, a British company, Minoprio and Spencely and P. W. Macfarlane, was also assigned by the Iraqi government to create a master plan. It had proposed a road system to connect the premodern urban fabric core with new river bridges and included outlined zoning principles (**Figure 17**). In this proposal, the historical area of Baghdad was given four colours classifying land use, and one of these was defined as commercial or business use. However, at that stage of the city, its urban structure conditions were

The city developed along the central axis of the Tigris River; this represented a natural feature in the city that emerged as a central spine in the evolution of Baghdad. The future city was expected to develop bidirectionally along the river axis, constituting a rectangular grid pattern [19]. However, the study of Baghdad's urban history highlights some key paradigms of modern planning and raises significant questions about the formation of the contemporary city. One of the strategies adopted by Doxiadis was 'self-contained urbanism', and this manifested in the planning of some residential areas and the cul-de-sac network in the city [19]. The Iraqi government dealt with the problems of population growth and mass immigration in Baghdad by inviting other European companies, such as the British firm Minoprio, Spencely, and Macfarlane, to develop and prepare comprehensive development plans that considered the old area as a vital part of the city. In 1956, the plan by the British firm was completed; this referred to new land use, the clearance of slum areas, the construction of a rural belt, and the development of

not competent to meet the requirements of the new era.

#### *Lessons from Baghdad City Conformation and Essence DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88599*

*Sustainability in Urban Planning and Design*

Before the 1950s, city planning in Iraq had never been well considered; however,

in the 1950s the planning firms of Doxiadis Associates (Greek), Minoprio and Spencely, and P. W. McFarlane (both British) prepared general master plans for Baghdad and several other cities in Iraq. Modernisation was therefore supported by a strong European influence; although these developments were slow, they were inescapable and, for many people, acceptable. However, they often led to the destruction of many elegant buildings, such as mosques and bazaars. Al-Rasheed Street is an example of a path which cuts its way remorselessly through an organic pattern and affected outstanding historic buildings. Thus, the emphasis of modern ideology and the adoption of use-based zoning was another concern for the existing urban area [16]. In 1955, the Iraqi government, represented by the Iraq Development Board, asked Doxiadis' firm to prepare a housing programme for Baghdad. Arguably, it was their first large-scale project outside of Greece and solidified the reputation of the firm in this period within the Middle East [19]. Based on the economic policy of Iraq, the National Housing Program was conceived as a long-term territorial plan in an attempt to shape the physical environment. The first phase was to address some urgent needs through a 5-year plan, called 'Basic Foundation Program'. Its aim was to (1) satisfy the most urgent needs, (2) organise the public services concerned with housing and settlements, and (3) create a suitable framework for the further development of all complicated activities [19]. The primary role for Doxiadis Company, as international experts on housing and urban development, was to provide a vital steppingstone for development [20]. An essential motivation in studying the city is to develop a sound understanding of the background of the city life cycle. Since the beginning of the twentieth century, Baghdad has experienced dramatic transformation in its morphological and urban context by changing the rules from the Ottoman invasion to the British occupation. In 1921, during the period of the monarchy, Baghdad became the capital of the new nation; since then, the city has grown substantially in two dimensions, namely, urbanisation and population. Iraq gained its independence in 1931, and since this date, the population of Baghdad has increased dramatically to approximately half a million, and the city has expanded out of the central areas, represented by Rusafa on the east bank of the Tigris river, Karkh on the west bank, and Kadhimiya and Adhamiya towards the north. Regarding the old Baghdad areas, the city has expanded widely in two directions, namely, to the Adhamiya region in the northwest and towards Diyala in the southwest [20]. Doxiadis master plan of Baghdad was based on the concept of linear expansion,

namely, 'Dynapolis, meaning a dynamic city' (**Figure 16**).

*The Doxiadis' master plan of Baghdad in 1959. Source: ([21], p. 4), referring to the mayoralty of Baghdad.*

**3. Baghdad development plan**

**398**

**Figure 16.**

The Board supervised the construction of several vital projects, not only in Baghdad but also in other regions of the country. This included dams, irrigation and drainage systems, bridges, roads, factories, power plants, housing, schools, hospitals, and public buildings [20]. Moreover, Doxiadis's vision was embodied in its publication entitled *Ekistics*, which emphasised a stable and scientific version of urbanism, developed through apolitical authority; this defined human settlements under a scientific approach. Moreover, *Ekistics* can be understood as a multidisciplinary approach that involved various sciences, such as economics, geography, sociology, anthropology, and other disciplines. This represented an attempt to reduce the influence of designers' arbitrary self-expression and reconceptualised architecture and planning as rational processes that accommodated human need [20]. Within a modern ideology that coordinated the whole system of knowledge about the physical environment, Doxiadis's vision, through *Ekistics*'s multidisciplinary approach, adopted two aims. The first was to emphasise basic human needs and non-functionalism and to further technological concerns. This would accommodate housing and resource shortages as well as other post-World War II urban impasses. It would achieve this by contributing to reforming in earlier modernist urbanism through refusing the concept of the individual designer. The second aim attempted to reinvent designers and planners as experts in urban development. This recognised the importance of the physical environment in promoting socioeconomic development, and this could be achieved by advancing social restructure through applying the paradigm of the industrialised West through global urbanisation, industrialisation, and socioeconomic modernisation [20]. Moreover, through adopting Doxiadis's aims, the intention of the Iraq Development Board was to establish the architectural symbols of a modern state by sharing the ideal of national identity and pride.

When the Iraq Development Board assigned Doxiadis the task of preparing a new master plan for Baghdad, Baghdad had an old centre, which was represented by its old urban fabric; this later became the location for new businesses. The master plan was supposed to provide a comprehensive framework within which various building projects would be integrated. However, in 1956, a British company, Minoprio and Spencely and P. W. Macfarlane, was also assigned by the Iraqi government to create a master plan. It had proposed a road system to connect the premodern urban fabric core with new river bridges and included outlined zoning principles (**Figure 17**). In this proposal, the historical area of Baghdad was given four colours classifying land use, and one of these was defined as commercial or business use. However, at that stage of the city, its urban structure conditions were not competent to meet the requirements of the new era.

The city developed along the central axis of the Tigris River; this represented a natural feature in the city that emerged as a central spine in the evolution of Baghdad. The future city was expected to develop bidirectionally along the river axis, constituting a rectangular grid pattern [19]. However, the study of Baghdad's urban history highlights some key paradigms of modern planning and raises significant questions about the formation of the contemporary city. One of the strategies adopted by Doxiadis was 'self-contained urbanism', and this manifested in the planning of some residential areas and the cul-de-sac network in the city [19]. The Iraqi government dealt with the problems of population growth and mass immigration in Baghdad by inviting other European companies, such as the British firm Minoprio, Spencely, and Macfarlane, to develop and prepare comprehensive development plans that considered the old area as a vital part of the city. In 1956, the plan by the British firm was completed; this referred to new land use, the clearance of slum areas, the construction of a rural belt, and the development of transportation systems [19].

#### **Figure 17.**

*Minoprio and Spencely and P. W. Macfarlane's master plan of Baghdad in 1956. Source: ([21], p. 4), referring to the mayoralty of Baghdad.*

The Tigris River has been a significant feature since the emergence of the original city, also functioning as a central axis of growth. Thus, the ideal population figure suggested by Doxiadis gives maximum limits for Baghdad's expansion, which is defined by an elongated rectangle oriented along the central northwest-southwest axis of the Tigris (**Figure 16**). Doxiadis's proposed master plan subdivided the existing main roads by using a system of road patterns but also suggested the creation of new networks compatible with a rectilinear pattern. Residential areas were arranged by adopting the same concept of a rectangular grid system [20]. Failing to recognise and neglecting the public's critical role in the old urban dense areas meant the importance of the colourful souks and bazaars and other traditional and historical components were overlooked. However, these embodied the old important urban fabric of Baghdad. The city represented specific social values within its urban context that were characterised by its organic pattern; these aspects represented a big challenge for firms and any comprehensive development plan. Doxiadis Company prepared a detailed documentary study of the old urban fabric in the city centre that included numerous photos, sketches, and detailed analyses of past houses. In an attempt to sidestep much of the old street fabric of Rusafa and Karkh, Doxiadis stipulated that only the future expansion of the commercial and business areas should be recognised according to the rectilinear grid of master plan.

Theoretically, Doxiadis demonstrated greater sensitivity and interest in the old urban fabric than the actual plan that was implemented, which saw the opening of a different set of two main longitudinal thoroughfares, namely, Al Jumhuriya and Haifa. Both modern streets produced a colossal loss when extensive areas of the historical and cultural environment, and irreplaceable features such as mosques, souks, schools, and houses were destroyed [20]. Baghdad was a rapidly growing city

**401**

**Figure 18.**

*Lessons from Baghdad City Conformation and Essence DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88599*

to the district and its neighbourhoods (**Figure 18**).

that gave considerable scope for the development of a physical environment that met people's needs and to promote the quality of living conditions. Road, rail, water, and air transportations were a fundamental aim in developing Baghdad and were considered an appropriate advanced network system to further support urban development projects [22]. The map of the master plan prepared by Doxiadis deliberately avoided extending and imposing the same rectilinear grid on the old city centre. This was a significant dimension in recognising the value of the old fabric and its vitality and to retain these as essential features of Baghdad [23]. On the one hand, greater sensitivity towards the old city centre and an attempt to optimise the relationship between the old core and its surroundings were needed, while, on the other hand, the rela-

tionship among the components of the old fabric itself was also essential.

Thus, the historical zone of Baghdad represented a serious urban issue that needed to be appropriately considered. Dealing with this type of urban fabric meant treating it with sensitivity, not only as an ancient area but also in consideration of what it meant to many people. Therefore, the city's characteristics were reflected in its old context for both inhabitants and visitors and bore witness to the city's and inhabitants' deep history and its multilayered vision. In the mid-1960s, the Iraqi government asked Polservice, a Polish planning team, to replan the city and prepare a proposal for a Comprehensive Development Plan for Baghdad to be achieved by 2000. Accordingly, three zones were suggested: greater Baghdad, the inner city, and Baghdad's suburban zone. Also, Polservice organised the city centre by proposing eight secondary sub-centres. This attempted to reduce the pressure on the current city centre through the non-centralisation of activities and services. One of its accomplishments was the establishment of a hierarchy, from the residential quarter

The company determined the area for the civic centre and offered a proposal to establish a space, situated between Khulafa Street to the west, King Ghazi to the east, Al-Kilani Street to the south, and Al-Wathbah Square to the north. Also, the company suggested a new division for the city centre by creating a central business district (CBD) and a central region. The developmental study offered the first ring road as the boundary of the city centre, which started from the north side of

*Polservice's master plan of Baghdad in 1967. Source: [21], Referring to the mayoralty of Baghdad.*

#### *Lessons from Baghdad City Conformation and Essence DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88599*

*Sustainability in Urban Planning and Design*

The Tigris River has been a significant feature since the emergence of the original city, also functioning as a central axis of growth. Thus, the ideal population figure suggested by Doxiadis gives maximum limits for Baghdad's expansion, which is defined by an elongated rectangle oriented along the central northwest-southwest axis of the Tigris (**Figure 16**). Doxiadis's proposed master plan subdivided the existing main roads by using a system of road patterns but also suggested the creation of new networks compatible with a rectilinear pattern. Residential areas were arranged by adopting the same concept of a rectangular grid system [20]. Failing to recognise and neglecting the public's critical role in the old urban dense areas meant the importance of the colourful souks and bazaars and other traditional and historical components were overlooked. However, these embodied the old important urban fabric of Baghdad. The city represented specific social values within its urban context that were characterised by its organic pattern; these aspects represented a big challenge for firms and any comprehensive development plan. Doxiadis Company prepared a detailed documentary study of the old urban fabric in the city centre that included numerous photos, sketches, and detailed analyses of past houses. In an attempt to sidestep much of the old street fabric of Rusafa and Karkh, Doxiadis stipulated that only the future expansion of the commercial and business

*Minoprio and Spencely and P. W. Macfarlane's master plan of Baghdad in 1956. Source: ([21], p. 4), referring* 

areas should be recognised according to the rectilinear grid of master plan.

Theoretically, Doxiadis demonstrated greater sensitivity and interest in the old urban fabric than the actual plan that was implemented, which saw the opening of a different set of two main longitudinal thoroughfares, namely, Al Jumhuriya and Haifa. Both modern streets produced a colossal loss when extensive areas of the historical and cultural environment, and irreplaceable features such as mosques, souks, schools, and houses were destroyed [20]. Baghdad was a rapidly growing city

**400**

**Figure 17.**

*to the mayoralty of Baghdad.*

that gave considerable scope for the development of a physical environment that met people's needs and to promote the quality of living conditions. Road, rail, water, and air transportations were a fundamental aim in developing Baghdad and were considered an appropriate advanced network system to further support urban development projects [22]. The map of the master plan prepared by Doxiadis deliberately avoided extending and imposing the same rectilinear grid on the old city centre. This was a significant dimension in recognising the value of the old fabric and its vitality and to retain these as essential features of Baghdad [23]. On the one hand, greater sensitivity towards the old city centre and an attempt to optimise the relationship between the old core and its surroundings were needed, while, on the other hand, the relationship among the components of the old fabric itself was also essential.

Thus, the historical zone of Baghdad represented a serious urban issue that needed to be appropriately considered. Dealing with this type of urban fabric meant treating it with sensitivity, not only as an ancient area but also in consideration of what it meant to many people. Therefore, the city's characteristics were reflected in its old context for both inhabitants and visitors and bore witness to the city's and inhabitants' deep history and its multilayered vision. In the mid-1960s, the Iraqi government asked Polservice, a Polish planning team, to replan the city and prepare a proposal for a Comprehensive Development Plan for Baghdad to be achieved by 2000. Accordingly, three zones were suggested: greater Baghdad, the inner city, and Baghdad's suburban zone. Also, Polservice organised the city centre by proposing eight secondary sub-centres. This attempted to reduce the pressure on the current city centre through the non-centralisation of activities and services. One of its accomplishments was the establishment of a hierarchy, from the residential quarter to the district and its neighbourhoods (**Figure 18**).

The company determined the area for the civic centre and offered a proposal to establish a space, situated between Khulafa Street to the west, King Ghazi to the east, Al-Kilani Street to the south, and Al-Wathbah Square to the north. Also, the company suggested a new division for the city centre by creating a central business district (CBD) and a central region. The developmental study offered the first ring road as the boundary of the city centre, which started from the north side of

14th July Road and the Muhammad Qasim Freeway. The study stated that the new centre of Baghdad would cover an area of approximately 1.700 hectares. According to Al-Akkam, 'the proposals of the study (Comprehensive Development Plan of Polservice, 1973) pointed to complaints about the city centre regarding a lack of commercial, cultural and recreational opportunities' ([3], p. 61). More recently, after 2003, several firms identified new opportunities when the Iraqi government launched a comprehensive programme to prepare development plans for different Iraqi cities, including Baghdad. The big challenge in the capital was to fill the gap between the former master plan, in terms of what had already been implemented, and the new one. Moreover, addressing important developments helped to establish whether they responded to the prior master plan. Khatib and Alami prepared the general master plan of Baghdad, which identified different aspects of the dramatic changes in city growth since 1967.

One of the primary concerns about the comprehensive development plan was, for example, the old part of Baghdad which was defined by use-based zoning. The origin of the traditional city arose spontaneously, rather than through the mechanism of land use or zoning. This represented a critical point within the urban development projects. The network pattern and layout of the buildings in the area were complicated; therefore, there was a need to prepare specific criteria and regulations to protect the identity of old Baghdad as well as recognise the contemporary ambitions of the new city. The complexity of the network in the old part is not declared today, but many related studies and projects refer to it in different ways. In this respect, Al-Rahmani states that land use was incompatible and inappropriate, due to the greater population in the old quarters. Moreover, there was no integration between old and new developments. Many old areas had been demolished and replaced by new developments on the pretext that they were modern and thus compatible with the needs of a contemporary era. However, the result was unsuccessful as far as functionality and compatibility were concerned [15].

#### **Figure 19.**

*Study on the conservation and redevelopment of the historical centre of Baghdad City, Rusafa. Source: Mayoralty of Baghdad ([14], pp. 23–24).*

**403**

**Figure 21.**

**Figure 20.**

*Rusafa. Source: Mayoralty of Baghdad ([14], pp. 49–50).*

*Lessons from Baghdad City Conformation and Essence DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88599*

Besides its comprehensive development plan, Baghdad also witnessed other development processes. These were related to the historical area of the city and included both Rusafa and Karkh. The first attempt to conserve and redevelop the historical centre of Rusafa started in 1983 by JCP Inc. from Japan and in association with a consultant group. The study was important because it dealt with different levels of development that covered comprehensive analyses, the urban structure, conservation plans, and urban design schemes. However, the implementation programme unfortunately stumbled (**Figure 19**). This study focused on the street level and the key characteristics that formed both its opposite edges, thus promoting the historical spines of the city and the traditional environment of Baghdadian people (**Figure 20**). The study presented the implementation of the proposed structure plan that consisted of three levels; primary action up to 1990, secondary action up to 1995, and tertiary action up to 2000. Despite a significant programme

*A historical route in the study on conservation and redevelopment of the historical centre of Baghdad City,* 

*Al Karkh development. Source: Mayoralty of Baghdad, Alousi ([24], p. 86, 101, 370–371).*

#### *Lessons from Baghdad City Conformation and Essence DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88599*

Besides its comprehensive development plan, Baghdad also witnessed other development processes. These were related to the historical area of the city and included both Rusafa and Karkh. The first attempt to conserve and redevelop the historical centre of Rusafa started in 1983 by JCP Inc. from Japan and in association with a consultant group. The study was important because it dealt with different levels of development that covered comprehensive analyses, the urban structure, conservation plans, and urban design schemes. However, the implementation programme unfortunately stumbled (**Figure 19**). This study focused on the street level and the key characteristics that formed both its opposite edges, thus promoting the historical spines of the city and the traditional environment of Baghdadian people (**Figure 20**). The study presented the implementation of the proposed structure plan that consisted of three levels; primary action up to 1990, secondary action up to 1995, and tertiary action up to 2000. Despite a significant programme

#### **Figure 20.**

*Sustainability in Urban Planning and Design*

changes in city growth since 1967.

14th July Road and the Muhammad Qasim Freeway. The study stated that the new centre of Baghdad would cover an area of approximately 1.700 hectares. According to Al-Akkam, 'the proposals of the study (Comprehensive Development Plan of Polservice, 1973) pointed to complaints about the city centre regarding a lack of commercial, cultural and recreational opportunities' ([3], p. 61). More recently, after 2003, several firms identified new opportunities when the Iraqi government launched a comprehensive programme to prepare development plans for different Iraqi cities, including Baghdad. The big challenge in the capital was to fill the gap between the former master plan, in terms of what had already been implemented, and the new one. Moreover, addressing important developments helped to establish whether they responded to the prior master plan. Khatib and Alami prepared the general master plan of Baghdad, which identified different aspects of the dramatic

One of the primary concerns about the comprehensive development plan was, for example, the old part of Baghdad which was defined by use-based zoning. The origin of the traditional city arose spontaneously, rather than through the mechanism of land use or zoning. This represented a critical point within the urban development projects. The network pattern and layout of the buildings in the area were complicated; therefore, there was a need to prepare specific criteria and regulations to protect the identity of old Baghdad as well as recognise the contemporary ambitions of the new city. The complexity of the network in the old part is not declared today, but many related studies and projects refer to it in different ways. In this respect, Al-Rahmani states that land use was incompatible and inappropriate, due to the greater population in the old quarters. Moreover, there was no integration between old and new developments. Many old areas had been demolished and replaced by new developments on the pretext that they were modern and thus compatible with the needs of a contemporary era. However, the result was unsuc-

cessful as far as functionality and compatibility were concerned [15].

**402**

**Figure 19.**

*Mayoralty of Baghdad ([14], pp. 23–24).*

*Study on the conservation and redevelopment of the historical centre of Baghdad City, Rusafa. Source:* 

*A historical route in the study on conservation and redevelopment of the historical centre of Baghdad City, Rusafa. Source: Mayoralty of Baghdad ([14], pp. 49–50).*

**Figure 21.**

*Al Karkh development. Source: Mayoralty of Baghdad, Alousi ([24], p. 86, 101, 370–371).*

of implementation, none of the actions took place as recorded. Instead, historical parts are still suffering from neglect today, while individual monuments and the street network have similarly been ignored. The Al-Karkh region is the second historical area of Baghdad; this saw a significant development plan in 1982 which was prepared by Alousi Associates and Reinick Consultants, who were from Dublin in Ireland, with Parsons Brown Consulting Engineers, from Bristol in England. Unlike the previous comprehensive plan, this study dealt with an existing traditional area where the street and plot pattern were complicated (**Figure 21**); thus, the study's aims were not pursued. Haifa Street saw one of the main changes where adjacent high-rise residential buildings were constructed on both sides of the street. Even though these projects were designed to address the historical areas of Baghdad, none of their aims were fully achieved. After 2003, the Mayoralty of Baghdad contracted with local bureaux to study and analyse traditional parts of Baghdad; Al-Rasheed Street in the Al-Rusafa quarter and the Al-Karkh quarter were the main two renovation projects. The primary concerns about these urban renewal plans were the administrative policy and the implementation phases.
