**3.1 Surviving in the urban economic space**

Majority of women who participated in the study were between the ages of 25 and 56 with a mean of 36 years. Approximately 60% have not had formal of education; 30% had completed basic education with the remaining 10% completing secondary education. The results compliments available literature [15, 31] who observed that women who mostly are not literate enough engage in informal trading. The field evidence further showed that RTF vendors operated through experiences of uncertainty and survived through smart improvisation, frugal innovation and creative calculation of the benefits of that livelihood choice. The evidence revealed that vending of RTF required relatively little capital to start. RTF vendor with 17 years of experience explained how she started the business:

*"After securing the place, I went for unusable pan from the house and filled with sand and charcoal which I purchased on credit worth GHS 5.00 (USD 1.00 at 2018 exchange rate). I also bought ten fingers of plantain at GHS 10.00 (USD 2.00) also on credit. So as I worked, I also repay and pick on credit again. So that is how I have gotten to where I am today", she concluded.*

The narrative provides a snapshot of the responses of the research participants. About 70% of RTF vendors recounted how with little difficulty, they could identify the best location and within few days they had taken off. Insightfully, all RTF vendors used personal or family funds as start-up of their enterprises and these funds were paid back as profits were made. None of the RTF vendors considered borrowing funds from financial institutions due to excessive bureaucratic procedures, high interest rate and the lack of collateral security. Their joyful narratives, which depicted images of hope and happiness, explicitly highlighted emotional intensity of the business prospects. The findings indicate that majority (over 90%) of the respondents indicated there were in the business because the opportunity of greener pastures, often associated with urbanization [25] had eluded them. The drive in the business was to make more money on the basis of which they can lay claim to decent life. For instance Ante Yaa, a vendor of RTF with 15 years of experience narrated some of the factors fostering her pursuit and survival in the business:

*"This is the job that has kept me alive since my mother died. The profit I make here is able to keep me going the whole year. The reason is that this RTF does not easily go waste and therefore I am able sell anytime of the day".*

Unlike the other informal activities that are often described as a stepping stone for a more permanent job [32], RTF vending was seen as a permanent job with long-term gains. This was evidenced from the enthusiasm and the responses given by respondents. For instance, Eno Srwaa as she is affectionately called by her clients intimated:

*"I should leave this job and go where. This is what I have done to take care of my three children. The first child is a nurse, the second is a teacher and the last will complete school this year (referring to 2018)".*

Fofie expressed similar sentiments, recalling how she took over from her late grandmother in 1985 when she was just 15 years. She believes she is obligated to protect the place for his children:

**451**

**Table 1.**

*Roasted traditional food circle in Kumasi.*

*Urban Design, Space Economy and Survival in the City: Exploring Women's World of Work…*

*I recollect memories of early morning rush as customers troop in… I remember Mondays and Thursdays when fresh plantain typically arrives from the village; when buyers will queue and will be putting pressure on grandma to serve them. I vividly remember how these customers will go through the roasted plantain to make the best choice. I also remember all the advice grandma used to give me as I help her serve the customers. My brother, I cannot leave this job. Grandma's ghost will even punish me. Now, it is my turn to protect this business and hand it over to Cynthia my daughter who I am training. It is good business and provides our daily* 

The interactions, interviews and participant observations revealed the RTF business was an immense source of hope and treasured occupation for mostly middle – to - aged women in particular, with some conspicuously scaling-up the prosperity ladder. These findings confirm earlier studies by Hart [23] who argued that informality is mostly the exclusive occupational province women in cities of

Understanding the dynamics of the RTF industry by situating it in the broader livelihood options within the urban setting was essential in achieving the study objective. The study revealed that the type RTF vended depended on the season of the year which also influenced the availability 'raw material'. **Table 1** shows the cycle

The Interviews revealed how RTF vendors employed season-based strategies and social resources as building blocks to legitimize and create economic spaces by trading in agricultural products. The RTF vendors gave account of how they plan their trade according to the season of the year which also determines availability of fresh food. Ante Yaa indicated that though she roast yams and plantain throughout the year. However, she indicated she mostly roasts yam between August and December while plantain roasting was at its peak between December and March the following year. The research also showed that by May, plantain and yam had gone to the lean season and maize harvesting also begins. The research revealed that between May and August, women who previously roasted yam and plantain move to sell maize. During the analysis, yams and plantain stood out as the most lucrative among the four commonly roasted. The interviews also revealed that the vendors were better positioned to understand, communicate and respond to directly, positively and confidently the needs of the suppliers. The vendors had also built some sort of social relationship with the food suppliers based on trust such that they (vendors) are able to pre-finance the farming activities of the suppliers. In such instance, the 'sponsor' becomes the first option receiver of the harvested products. In situations of bumper harvested the sponsor determines who else is given the second chance to buy. This situation has created a network between the rural economy where food

developing countries have adopted to leap off the poverty train [6].

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.89673*

*bread.*

**3.2 Dynamics of RTF industry**

of most common RTF and the period of the year.

**Type of RTF Period of availability** Yam August–December Plantain December–March Maize May–August Cocoyam April–July

*Urban Design, Space Economy and Survival in the City: Exploring Women's World of Work… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.89673*

*I recollect memories of early morning rush as customers troop in… I remember Mondays and Thursdays when fresh plantain typically arrives from the village; when buyers will queue and will be putting pressure on grandma to serve them. I vividly remember how these customers will go through the roasted plantain to make the best choice. I also remember all the advice grandma used to give me as I help her serve the customers. My brother, I cannot leave this job. Grandma's ghost will even punish me. Now, it is my turn to protect this business and hand it over to Cynthia my daughter who I am training. It is good business and provides our daily bread.*

The interactions, interviews and participant observations revealed the RTF business was an immense source of hope and treasured occupation for mostly middle – to - aged women in particular, with some conspicuously scaling-up the prosperity ladder. These findings confirm earlier studies by Hart [23] who argued that informality is mostly the exclusive occupational province women in cities of developing countries have adopted to leap off the poverty train [6].

#### **3.2 Dynamics of RTF industry**

*Sustainability in Urban Planning and Design*

**3.1 Surviving in the urban economic space**

Majority of women who participated in the study were between the ages of 25 and 56 with a mean of 36 years. Approximately 60% have not had formal of education; 30% had completed basic education with the remaining 10% completing secondary education. The results compliments available literature [15, 31] who observed that women who mostly are not literate enough engage in informal trading. The field evidence further showed that RTF vendors operated through experiences of uncertainty and survived through smart improvisation, frugal innovation and creative calculation of the benefits of that livelihood choice. The evidence revealed that vending of RTF required relatively little capital to start. RTF vendor

*"After securing the place, I went for unusable pan from the house and filled with sand and charcoal which I purchased on credit worth GHS 5.00 (USD 1.00 at 2018 exchange rate). I also bought ten fingers of plantain at GHS 10.00 (USD 2.00) also on credit. So as I worked, I also repay and pick on credit again. So that* 

The narrative provides a snapshot of the responses of the research participants. About 70% of RTF vendors recounted how with little difficulty, they could identify the best location and within few days they had taken off. Insightfully, all RTF vendors used personal or family funds as start-up of their enterprises and these funds were paid back as profits were made. None of the RTF vendors considered borrowing funds from financial institutions due to excessive bureaucratic procedures, high interest rate and the lack of collateral security. Their joyful narratives, which depicted images of hope and happiness, explicitly highlighted emotional intensity of the business prospects. The findings indicate that majority (over 90%) of the respondents indicated there were in the business because the opportunity of greener pastures, often associated with urbanization [25] had eluded them. The drive in the business was to make more money on the basis of which they can lay claim to decent life. For instance Ante Yaa, a vendor of RTF with 15 years of experience narrated some of the factors fostering her pursuit and survival in the

*"This is the job that has kept me alive since my mother died. The profit I make here is able to keep me going the whole year. The reason is that this RTF does not easily* 

Unlike the other informal activities that are often described as a stepping stone for a more permanent job [32], RTF vending was seen as a permanent job with long-term gains. This was evidenced from the enthusiasm and the responses given by respondents. For instance, Eno Srwaa as she is affectionately called by her clients intimated:

*"I should leave this job and go where. This is what I have done to take care of my three children. The first child is a nurse, the second is a teacher and the last will* 

Fofie expressed similar sentiments, recalling how she took over from her late grandmother in 1985 when she was just 15 years. She believes she is obligated to

with 17 years of experience explained how she started the business:

*is how I have gotten to where I am today", she concluded.*

*go waste and therefore I am able sell anytime of the day".*

*complete school this year (referring to 2018)".*

protect the place for his children:

**3. Results**

**450**

business:

Understanding the dynamics of the RTF industry by situating it in the broader livelihood options within the urban setting was essential in achieving the study objective. The study revealed that the type RTF vended depended on the season of the year which also influenced the availability 'raw material'. **Table 1** shows the cycle of most common RTF and the period of the year.

The Interviews revealed how RTF vendors employed season-based strategies and social resources as building blocks to legitimize and create economic spaces by trading in agricultural products. The RTF vendors gave account of how they plan their trade according to the season of the year which also determines availability of fresh food. Ante Yaa indicated that though she roast yams and plantain throughout the year. However, she indicated she mostly roasts yam between August and December while plantain roasting was at its peak between December and March the following year. The research also showed that by May, plantain and yam had gone to the lean season and maize harvesting also begins. The research revealed that between May and August, women who previously roasted yam and plantain move to sell maize.

During the analysis, yams and plantain stood out as the most lucrative among the four commonly roasted. The interviews also revealed that the vendors were better positioned to understand, communicate and respond to directly, positively and confidently the needs of the suppliers. The vendors had also built some sort of social relationship with the food suppliers based on trust such that they (vendors) are able to pre-finance the farming activities of the suppliers. In such instance, the 'sponsor' becomes the first option receiver of the harvested products. In situations of bumper harvested the sponsor determines who else is given the second chance to buy. This situation has created a network between the rural economy where food


**Table 1.** *Roasted traditional food circle in Kumasi.*

#### *Sustainability in Urban Planning and Design*

supplies originate and the urban economy which serves as the final destination of the rural products. These embedded social capital and networks provided benefits such as information, influence and the gaining of advantage over other poorly organized informal activities.

Achiaa, a 43 year old RTF vendor narrated how she supports the farmers every year:

*"Apart from money, I also give inputs such as cutlasses, fertilizers and protective shoes. Though these things are supposed to be factored when prizing the goods but I give them out for free. I have therefore won their trust and so I am always the first to be supplied after harvesting. The advantage is that in lean seasons when the farm produce are not easy to get and the few available ones are expensive, you can still count on them for supplies", she concluded.*

From the narratives extracted, the vendor's business practices—Vending RTF can significantly affect the lives of participants and provoke unusual transformations in both the rural and economies. In particular, the social networking offers yet another opportunity for a more bias discourse on informality. The analysis so far shows that informal vending has the ability to potentiate, empower and help in poverty reduction. For this reason, the study tends to concur with Hart that the continuous neglect of the "economic activities of the informal section of the labor force reflects a large gap in public policy and a lack of appreciation of the economic realities of most citizens [23]. Insightfully, it was observed that all the research participants were engaged in other multiple livelihoods to earn additional income. The additional income was from the sale of items such as bottled/sachet water, grilled salted fish (locally called Kobi) and peanuts. The research revealed that eating the RTF with Kobi and peanuts gives a good taste in the mouth.

#### **3.3 Locating RTF within the urban space**

Operationally, the RTF business was observed to be quite pervasive and spatially defined. The business was more intense at junctions of busy roads; along on pavements; lorry terminals and the frontages of multinational establishments. These spaces congregated large segments of the society with diverse socio-economic background. Locational negotiations skills was in sync with what Lefebvre [33] calls "the music of the city". This is because the choice of location depended on the availability of potential customers and immediacy of social interactions [34]. As argued by Lefebvre [33] the interaction between RTF vendors, customers and city authorities resembles the rhythms of daily life which he explains to mean "the differing speeds and interaction between pedestrian and automobile traffic, the comings and goings of customers… which required patient observation and reflection". It was observed RTF vendors exhibited artistry traits of vigilance but benefited a lot from the general disorder at those locations. Within the chaos each RTF vendor makes the frantic efforts to be the first to sight an on-coming 'client'. Typically, potential client were courted with all kinds of gestures. These gestures were observed to have been learned and rehearsed over and over again as business progresses. In the face-to-face interviews, a vendor had this say:

*"I have chosen to roast my food on the pavements leading to the Stanbic Bank because of the huge numbers of people who pass through this area during the day. You know this is where all the big banks are located. Apart from serving the people who come do business with the banks, I also serve the bank officials in their offices. Most the 'big men' use the roasted plantain as 'fill-ins' as they wait for the real meal for lunch".*

**453**

*Urban Design, Space Economy and Survival in the City: Exploring Women's World of Work…*

In another face-to-face interview, a vendor who wishes to be called Sarah

*customers are people who are at the lower level of the economic ladder and cannot patronise normal restaurant meals. They are the people who walk on the streets a lot so when you don't choose a correct location where they could easily spot you, your daily sales might dwindle. It is for this reason that I have chosen to roast my food at the KMA traffic light. Besides selling to passers-by, I also sell to passengers* 

These few responses provide a snapshot of how by sheer dint of determination and experience, the food vendors were able to determine the locational advantage of

The researcher further observed that beyond selling at specific locations, some of the food vendors have also hired the services of porters who service patrons in specific offices and shops located distant away from the location where the food was prepared. As a way of protecting their business locational advantage the traders had developed all kinds of skills to keep their place of work. Notable among these were the use tents with inscriptions and the perpetual mounting of traditional stoves that are used in the roasting business. Some more resource endowed food vendors occasionally provided what they called 'small-small tips' to night security of the nearby multinational companies to extend their night services till they (food vendors) come to work in the next morning. The interaction with the RTF vendors revealed that some have also registered the location with city authorities to keep the place as long as the State has or the rightful owner had not requested to put the space to another use. From all indications, the choice of a particular location was influenced by myriad of factors including availability of potential customers and non-payment of rental charges. It is also important to note that having a fixed location also which

*"As for me, all my customers know that I am here so when they want to buy roasted yam or plantain, they walk straight to me. I have been here for almost twelve years* 

It is imperative to realize at this juncture that a good location was very important for the survival and sustenance of these RTF vendors in Kumasi. These findings are similar to studies by Mitullah [35], who observed that vendors in West Africa often negotiate with friends who have already been allocated spaces by local authorities at strategic locations so they can also benefit from such client base. Similarly, GSS [5] also found that vendors operate at strategic locations close to clients. This means that access to trading space and rights of access were very important factors that

The profit margins made by RTF vendors depended on the location, the type and size of RTF. The findings revealed that an average size of a finger of plantain for example, costs GHS 2.00 (50 cents at 2018 exchange rate), while sliced one costs between GHS 1.00 and GHS 1.50. There were many instances when the prices either went above or below the average prices. The price fluctuations depended

*' and therefore most of my* 

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.89673*

results in high sales. Adwoa Yeboah narrated;

*and therefore here is where I always want to be".*

influenced the survival and livelihood activities in the city.

**3.4 Making money in the urban space**

<sup>1</sup> A name inspired by its affordability and affordability

*"You know roasted plantain is called 'Kofi Brokeman1*

*in moving vehicles when the traffic light turns red", she concluded.*

opined;

their business.

*Urban Design, Space Economy and Survival in the City: Exploring Women's World of Work… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.89673*

In another face-to-face interview, a vendor who wishes to be called Sarah opined;

*"You know roasted plantain is called 'Kofi Brokeman1 ' and therefore most of my customers are people who are at the lower level of the economic ladder and cannot patronise normal restaurant meals. They are the people who walk on the streets a lot so when you don't choose a correct location where they could easily spot you, your daily sales might dwindle. It is for this reason that I have chosen to roast my food at the KMA traffic light. Besides selling to passers-by, I also sell to passengers in moving vehicles when the traffic light turns red", she concluded.*

These few responses provide a snapshot of how by sheer dint of determination and experience, the food vendors were able to determine the locational advantage of their business.

The researcher further observed that beyond selling at specific locations, some of the food vendors have also hired the services of porters who service patrons in specific offices and shops located distant away from the location where the food was prepared. As a way of protecting their business locational advantage the traders had developed all kinds of skills to keep their place of work. Notable among these were the use tents with inscriptions and the perpetual mounting of traditional stoves that are used in the roasting business. Some more resource endowed food vendors occasionally provided what they called 'small-small tips' to night security of the nearby multinational companies to extend their night services till they (food vendors) come to work in the next morning. The interaction with the RTF vendors revealed that some have also registered the location with city authorities to keep the place as long as the State has or the rightful owner had not requested to put the space to another use.

From all indications, the choice of a particular location was influenced by myriad of factors including availability of potential customers and non-payment of rental charges. It is also important to note that having a fixed location also which results in high sales. Adwoa Yeboah narrated;

*"As for me, all my customers know that I am here so when they want to buy roasted yam or plantain, they walk straight to me. I have been here for almost twelve years and therefore here is where I always want to be".*

It is imperative to realize at this juncture that a good location was very important for the survival and sustenance of these RTF vendors in Kumasi. These findings are similar to studies by Mitullah [35], who observed that vendors in West Africa often negotiate with friends who have already been allocated spaces by local authorities at strategic locations so they can also benefit from such client base. Similarly, GSS [5] also found that vendors operate at strategic locations close to clients. This means that access to trading space and rights of access were very important factors that influenced the survival and livelihood activities in the city.

#### **3.4 Making money in the urban space**

The profit margins made by RTF vendors depended on the location, the type and size of RTF. The findings revealed that an average size of a finger of plantain for example, costs GHS 2.00 (50 cents at 2018 exchange rate), while sliced one costs between GHS 1.00 and GHS 1.50. There were many instances when the prices either went above or below the average prices. The price fluctuations depended

*Sustainability in Urban Planning and Design*

*count on them for supplies", she concluded.*

RTF with Kobi and peanuts gives a good taste in the mouth.

**3.3 Locating RTF within the urban space**

organized informal activities.

year:

supplies originate and the urban economy which serves as the final destination of the rural products. These embedded social capital and networks provided benefits such as information, influence and the gaining of advantage over other poorly

Achiaa, a 43 year old RTF vendor narrated how she supports the farmers every

*"Apart from money, I also give inputs such as cutlasses, fertilizers and protective shoes. Though these things are supposed to be factored when prizing the goods but I give them out for free. I have therefore won their trust and so I am always the first to be supplied after harvesting. The advantage is that in lean seasons when the farm produce are not easy to get and the few available ones are expensive, you can still* 

From the narratives extracted, the vendor's business practices—Vending RTF can significantly affect the lives of participants and provoke unusual transformations in both the rural and economies. In particular, the social networking offers yet another opportunity for a more bias discourse on informality. The analysis so far shows that informal vending has the ability to potentiate, empower and help in poverty reduction. For this reason, the study tends to concur with Hart that the continuous neglect of the "economic activities of the informal section of the labor force reflects a large gap in public policy and a lack of appreciation of the economic realities of most citizens [23]. Insightfully, it was observed that all the research participants were engaged in other multiple livelihoods to earn additional income. The additional income was from the sale of items such as bottled/sachet water, grilled salted fish (locally called Kobi) and peanuts. The research revealed that eating the

Operationally, the RTF business was observed to be quite pervasive and spatially defined. The business was more intense at junctions of busy roads; along on pavements; lorry terminals and the frontages of multinational establishments. These spaces congregated large segments of the society with diverse socio-economic background. Locational negotiations skills was in sync with what Lefebvre [33] calls "the music of the city". This is because the choice of location depended on the availability of potential customers and immediacy of social interactions [34]. As argued by Lefebvre [33] the interaction between RTF vendors, customers and city authorities resembles the rhythms of daily life which he explains to mean "the differing speeds and interaction between pedestrian and automobile traffic, the comings and goings of customers… which required patient observation and reflection". It was observed RTF vendors exhibited artistry traits of vigilance but benefited a lot from the general disorder at those locations. Within the chaos each RTF vendor makes the frantic efforts to be the first to sight an on-coming 'client'. Typically, potential client were courted with all kinds of gestures. These gestures were observed to have been learned and rehearsed over and over again as business progresses. In the face-to-face interviews, a vendor had this say:

*"I have chosen to roast my food on the pavements leading to the Stanbic Bank because of the huge numbers of people who pass through this area during the day. You know this is where all the big banks are located. Apart from serving the people who come do business with the banks, I also serve the bank officials in their offices. Most the 'big men' use the roasted plantain as 'fill-ins' as they wait for the real meal* 

**452**

*for lunch".*

<sup>1</sup> A name inspired by its affordability and affordability

on the period of the year and the availability of raw material. It was observed that on a good day, RTF vendor could earn an average income of about GHS 120.00 a figure above the daily minimum wage of GHS 10.00. These figures were based on estimates because the food vendors did not keep proper records on sales and qua revenues that accrued from their transactions. This figure represents about 10 times the average income of most formal workers in Ghana as reported by [5]. **Table 2** presents estimates of daily sale reported by food vendors.

All the study participants agreed that it was not easy to sell on the street. However, it was far better than many of the casual jobs in town. Knowledge of the volume of sales is relevant for efficient planning and appreciation of the contribution of street trade. Indeed, keeping record can help in developing appropriate policies that can lead to the overall development of the national economy.

### **3.5 Relationship with urban space managers**

Policy terrain concerning the urban space economy in Kumasi is regulated by different State institutions mandated to ensure that the goals of inclusive governance that seeks to promote all interest including participatory democracy and the promotion of all livelihood activities that lift people out of poverty are promoted [25]. Ghana's urban policy [36], enjoins city authorities to maintain urban economic spaces consistent with the aspirations and development needs of the people. In this context, policies on urban economic space are expected to be adopted and translated into programs and projects that respond to the needs of the people and effectively implemented to achieve objectives and targets towards the improvement of the quality of life of the generality of the urban population. Apart from the Ghana's urban policy, in 2012, the Public Health Act was revised to consolidate the laws relating to public health to ensure food safety and protect the population [37]. Prior to that, the existing legislations on food safety were scattered in bits and pieces in numerous national institutions. **Table 3** summarizes some of the functions of these ministries, departments and agencies in the food vending industry.

Though the list is not exhaustive, it nonetheless depicts how these State institutions are assigned responsibilities of facilitating the establishment of sectorial policies; and guard their implementation and compliance. The experience so far indicates that these policies, though well intentioned, are not well coordinated at the Ministerial levels as each institution acts independently. A key informant at the Kumasi Metropolitan Assembly explained in the interview section that the policies and responsibilities of the State as explained in **Table 3** also places responsibilities on RTF vendors. Among other things, the food vendors were expected to use of protective clothing; undergo regular medical screening and training on food hygiene and safety. Again, the food vendors were expected to keep records of their daily sales for the purposes of tax assessment and payment.

In-depth interviews with officers from Food and Drug Authority and the Environmental Health Unit revealed these outfits had not been able to organize


**455**

in the business:

*Urban Design, Space Economy and Survival in the City: Exploring Women's World of Work…*

street food vendors on food hygiene and safety

Has the overall regulatory authority mandate to regulate the food industry. Has the responsibility for providing policy direction and proposing law reform for the food and beverage industry. They also carry out training sessions to educate

They are tasked with the oversight responsibility of protecting public health at the local level. They also conduct food premises inspections and monitor medical examination status of food vendors as part of their work.

Local authorities and have legal mandate to enact bye-laws regarding food hygiene and safety. They also carry out education and training sessions for food vendors across the country and their efforts in this regard are complemented by the Ghana Traditional Caterers Association—A union of food vendors in Ghana.

They are mandated to register and inspect catering enterprises They also carry out education and training sessions for food vendors across the country and

Together with the Environmental Health and Sanitation Units and Municipal, Metropolitan and District Assemblies, they are tasked with the oversight responsibility of protecting public health at the local level and also conduct food premises inspections and monitor medical examination status of food vendors

It has the sole responsibility of registering members and organizes capacity building workshops for their members from time to time on food hygiene and

matters. The Code criminalizes the sale of unwholesome food and sale of food under insanitary conditions and provides the respective penalties for culprits.

that adequate budgetary allocations are made available by relevant state

workshops for street vendors in Kumasi, a situation all interviewees blamed on increasing numbers of RTF in the Metropolis in the face chronic under funding. Interestingly, these agencies could not estimate the number of women engaged RTF in the city meanwhile, availability of accurate data is a *sine qua non* for effective policy planning and implementation. Further probe revealed that the State institutions were ill-equipped, in terms of human resource capacity and other logistics to ensure effective monitoring of all RTF vendors within their jurisdiction. It therefore came as no surprise that almost all the RTF vendors had not followed the requirement for so many years and have not been sanctioned too. As indicated by one RTF vendor who also had five female assistants who help

Criminal code The Code provides the standards for the sale of food and drugs and related

MOF Responsible for release of funds based on approved budgets and also ensuring

*"I cannot remember anytime an officer came here for inspection. Though I know I need to go for regular health check, but because of the charges I have not gone for* 

These sentiments were shared by all research participants in the RTF industry.

*"Since I started this business, nobody has told me what to do. I do not need anybody to tell me to keep my environment clean. This people (referring to city authorities)* 

*the past six years. After all, if you do not go, nobody will arrest you".*

As indicated by Asantewaa, a 45 year old roasted corn seller:

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.89673*

**Agency Responsibilities**

their efforts

safety

institutions.

*Institutional responsibilities towards food vending in Ghana.*

as part of their work.

Food and Drugs authority

Municipal, metropolitan and district assemblies

Ghana tourism authority

Environmental Protection Agency

Ghana traditional caterers association

**Table 3.**

Environmental health and sanitation units

#### **Table 2.** *Estimated daily sales of street traders.*

*Urban Design, Space Economy and Survival in the City: Exploring Women's World of Work… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.89673*


#### **Table 3.**

*Sustainability in Urban Planning and Design*

presents estimates of daily sale reported by food vendors.

**3.5 Relationship with urban space managers**

on the period of the year and the availability of raw material. It was observed that on a good day, RTF vendor could earn an average income of about GHS 120.00 a figure above the daily minimum wage of GHS 10.00. These figures were based on estimates because the food vendors did not keep proper records on sales and qua revenues that accrued from their transactions. This figure represents about 10 times the average income of most formal workers in Ghana as reported by [5]. **Table 2**

All the study participants agreed that it was not easy to sell on the street. However, it was far better than many of the casual jobs in town. Knowledge of the volume of sales is relevant for efficient planning and appreciation of the contribution of street trade. Indeed, keeping record can help in developing appropriate policies that can lead to the overall development of the national economy.

Policy terrain concerning the urban space economy in Kumasi is regulated by different State institutions mandated to ensure that the goals of inclusive governance that seeks to promote all interest including participatory democracy and the promotion of all livelihood activities that lift people out of poverty are promoted [25]. Ghana's urban policy [36], enjoins city authorities to maintain urban economic spaces consistent with the aspirations and development needs of the people. In this context, policies on urban economic space are expected to be adopted and translated into programs and projects that respond to the needs of the people and effectively implemented to achieve objectives and targets towards the improvement of the quality of life of the generality of the urban population. Apart from the Ghana's urban policy, in 2012, the Public Health Act was revised to consolidate the laws relating to public health to ensure food safety and protect the population [37]. Prior to that, the existing legislations on food safety were scattered in bits and pieces in numerous national institutions. **Table 3** summarizes some of the functions

of these ministries, departments and agencies in the food vending industry.

daily sales for the purposes of tax assessment and payment.

**Typology Estimated daily sales**

*village"*.

Roasted yam or plantain

Roasted corn or cocoyam

*Estimated daily sales of street traders.*

tions are assigned responsibilities of facilitating the establishment of sectorial policies; and guard their implementation and compliance. The experience so far indicates that these policies, though well intentioned, are not well coordinated at the Ministerial levels as each institution acts independently. A key informant at the Kumasi Metropolitan Assembly explained in the interview section that the policies and responsibilities of the State as explained in **Table 3** also places responsibilities on RTF vendors. Among other things, the food vendors were expected to use of protective clothing; undergo regular medical screening and training on food hygiene and safety. Again, the food vendors were expected to keep records of their

Though the list is not exhaustive, it nonetheless depicts how these State institu-

In-depth interviews with officers from Food and Drug Authority and the Environmental Health Unit revealed these outfits had not been able to organize

*day. Even the day sales is not good I can sell GHS 200.00"*.

*"For me, selling RTF is a good business. I can sell GHS 500.00 a day especially on a market* 

*"Every day I am able to sell about GHS 200.00. Every month I am able to send my parents about GHS 100.00 That is what they using to take care of my other siblings' education in the* 

**454**

**Table 2.**

*Institutional responsibilities towards food vending in Ghana.*

workshops for street vendors in Kumasi, a situation all interviewees blamed on increasing numbers of RTF in the Metropolis in the face chronic under funding. Interestingly, these agencies could not estimate the number of women engaged RTF in the city meanwhile, availability of accurate data is a *sine qua non* for effective policy planning and implementation. Further probe revealed that the State institutions were ill-equipped, in terms of human resource capacity and other logistics to ensure effective monitoring of all RTF vendors within their jurisdiction. It therefore came as no surprise that almost all the RTF vendors had not followed the requirement for so many years and have not been sanctioned too. As indicated by one RTF vendor who also had five female assistants who help in the business:

*"I cannot remember anytime an officer came here for inspection. Though I know I need to go for regular health check, but because of the charges I have not gone for the past six years. After all, if you do not go, nobody will arrest you".*

These sentiments were shared by all research participants in the RTF industry. As indicated by Asantewaa, a 45 year old roasted corn seller:

*"Since I started this business, nobody has told me what to do. I do not need anybody to tell me to keep my environment clean. This people (referring to city authorities)* 

*all they know is tax. If you do not pay then they will cease your things", she concluded.*

Another 53 year old vendor corroborated the narratives of Asantewaa:

*"I use to be a member of the Traditional Caterers Association but since 2009, I have not attended any of the workshops they organize because I realize those of us the city authorities know are the ones they have been chasing for tax and those who don't go, nobody worries them. Since I stopped, nobody has come to ask me of tax".*

The responses and field observations suggest that the only interaction that occurs regular between city authorities and the RTF vendors is in the area of tax collection. Insightfully, the study revealed that unlike other informal vendors who are constantly evicted from the streets of Kumasi (see Owusu-Sekyere et al. [17]), the RTF vendors laid claim to their business location without harassment though without any proper documentations. The empirical evidence revealed a disjuncture between expectation of policy implementation on the city's space management and food vendors' appreciation the laws governing their operations.
