**4. The essence of Baghdad**

The essential morphological pattern and structure of the old city in Rusafa remained, in general, unchanged until the first decade of the twentieth century [4]. The main architectural and urban context character of old Baghdad could be typified as a series of spatial patterns and a hierarchy that was based on introversion. The nature of the environment with its socioreligious and socio-climatic dimensions seemed to have experienced fewer typological changes than stylistic ones. This means that the typical scheme of traditional residential areas in Baghdad continued to depend on the concept of the internal courtyard and the inward-facing direction. The non-adoption of rigid space-use corroboration and the increasingly needed formal and aesthetic considerations meant that form, particularly in domestic architecture, was much more important than function, which was mostly stereotyped and multipurpose [4]. In comparison, the modern design gave as much priority to its functional dimensions and use patterns. However, medieval Islamic cities, such as Baghdad, were defensive and inward-oriented in their overall design and through their organic urban fabric.

Moreover, the city was surrounded by a wall which held gates that lead to the heart of the city where many self-contained residential quarters, called Mahallas, were located; these faced the main routes into the countryside. The main character of the old city in Rusafa could be seen through the pedestrian labyrinth of narrow alleyways which amassed together and led to inward-looking courtyard houses. Meanwhile, the centre of the city was covered by significant buildings, such as the Friday Mosque, souks, Khans, hammams, and coffee-houses. The commercial souk sector was situated in the heart of the city, the 'Medina', and often included huge areas with complex networks which led to specific markets, khans, and workshops. Each type of work was situated according to a distinct functional hierarchy, which was based on the needs of merchants, guilds, artisans, and craftworkers. Baghdad exhibited an atmosphere of spontaneity and informality which was represented by its old urban fabric and historic buildings and some of its limited cultural activities [4].

The essential element in the old urban fabric of this ultradense context was a local variant of a central courtyard hosh, meaning house. The traditional Baghdadi house was characterised by an introverted habitat with solid brick walls that directly faced the street with one access door. Furthermore, shanashils were the main feature of the street; these carved wood projections, with railings and

**405**

*Lessons from Baghdad City Conformation and Essence DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88599*

passed through several transitions since 1958.

conservation of ancient and irreplaceable architecture.

The modern city of Baghdad includes four historical areas, namely, Rusafa, Karkh, Adhamiya, and Kadhimiya (**Figure 14**). These areas stand in the remains of four interspace townships and are surrounded by contemporary urban features that include modern buildings, extensive public squares, and an orthogonal network. The four inherent sectors are a vital resource of expression of a past traditional period and provide a cultural and historical chain that could be continued for future generations [4]. Between 1869 and 1872, governor Midhat Pasha attempted to implement a transport system in the old urban fabric. The city wall was partially demolished to open the first entrance at Karkh for a horse-drawn tram. However, urban expansion remained within the same range of the historical city. Between 1915 and 1917, German engineers established a new street to reach between the North Door (Bab Al Mu'adham) and the South Door (Bab Kulwadha), namely, New Street and the present-day Al-Rasheed Street. However, the modern machinery of urban development generally endured sluggish progress when dealing with Baghdad [26].

windows, were used for lighting and viewing [25, 26]. During the Ottoman occupation, essential changes occurred in several major typological transformations. The housing regulations were issued following the Ottoman occupation of Baghdad and continue today; however, these rules were subjected to three phases. The first phase began in 1869 and continued until the First World War; this was initiated by the Ottoman period under the Tanzimat reforms in Iraq. The second phase started with the monarchy of Iraq and continued throughout the colonial and independent period. The final stage commenced with the revolution of 1958, which saw Iraq shift from a monarchy to a republic. It is important to note that the third phase has also

The first phase witnessed the Ottoman invasion, and its urban and physical form

reflected the typical characteristics of Islamic cities through quarters, mosques, bazaars, and other several public institutions. This was also echoed in the character of the traditional house with its courtyard and inward direction [27]. Moreover, the first modernisation that took place in Baghdad occurred during the reign of Midhat Pasha, who was a governor of the Baghdad Vilayet. He ordered the demolishment of the wall of Rusafa and invested its materials in the construction of many significant public buildings. He also prompted the introduction of modern municipal services besides new roads. In 1915, during the same Ottoman period, German engineers established the first railway line, which connected Baghdad and Europe. This coincided with the use of new materials, such as steel, and was later adopted by local masons [28]. The successive occupation of Baghdad finally included the British in 1918; this marked a significant turning point in Iraq's modern history, not only in Baghdad but also in other Iraqi cities. At this stage, a considerable number of public buildings were constructed that affected the main character of Baghdad and its urban context. In the mid-1950s, the Iraq Development Board invited well-known architects to contribute to a set of projects that aimed to develop the urban structure of the city and to meet a new standard of function. These architects included Frank Lloyd Wright, Le Corbusier, Alvar Aalto, Walter Gropius, and Doxiadis Associates, as well as Captain Philip Hirst, Ellen Jawdat, Hans Muller, Platinov, and Adler and partners [28]. The value of historical detail lies in its importance in sustaining a national architecture; such detail occupies a wide area in the city centre of Baghdad. Traditional detail is not limited to houses but also includes various urban components and networks. The benefit of such features is that historical buildings can not only be saved but also invested in through their housing of different types of activities, not just as museums [29]. Allen states that traditional areas aim to educate the public about the importance of the historical regions (as an endangered urban area) of Baghdad, including its residential zones [30]. This attempts to activate the

#### *Lessons from Baghdad City Conformation and Essence DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88599*

*Sustainability in Urban Planning and Design*

**4. The essence of Baghdad**

their organic urban fabric.

of implementation, none of the actions took place as recorded. Instead, historical parts are still suffering from neglect today, while individual monuments and the street network have similarly been ignored. The Al-Karkh region is the second historical area of Baghdad; this saw a significant development plan in 1982 which was prepared by Alousi Associates and Reinick Consultants, who were from Dublin in Ireland, with Parsons Brown Consulting Engineers, from Bristol in England. Unlike the previous comprehensive plan, this study dealt with an existing traditional area where the street and plot pattern were complicated (**Figure 21**); thus, the study's aims were not pursued. Haifa Street saw one of the main changes where adjacent high-rise residential buildings were constructed on both sides of the street. Even though these projects were designed to address the historical areas of Baghdad, none of their aims were fully achieved. After 2003, the Mayoralty of Baghdad contracted with local bureaux to study and analyse traditional parts of Baghdad; Al-Rasheed Street in the Al-Rusafa quarter and the Al-Karkh quarter were the main two renovation projects. The primary concerns about these urban renewal plans

The essential morphological pattern and structure of the old city in Rusafa remained, in general, unchanged until the first decade of the twentieth century [4]. The main architectural and urban context character of old Baghdad could be typified as a series of spatial patterns and a hierarchy that was based on introversion. The nature of the environment with its socioreligious and socio-climatic dimensions seemed to have experienced fewer typological changes than stylistic ones. This means that the typical scheme of traditional residential areas in Baghdad continued to depend on the concept of the internal courtyard and the inward-facing direction. The non-adoption of rigid space-use corroboration and the increasingly needed formal and aesthetic considerations meant that form, particularly in domestic architecture, was much more important than function, which was mostly stereotyped and multipurpose [4]. In comparison, the modern design gave as much priority to its functional dimensions and use patterns. However, medieval Islamic cities, such as Baghdad, were defensive and inward-oriented in their overall design and through

Moreover, the city was surrounded by a wall which held gates that lead to the heart

of the city where many self-contained residential quarters, called Mahallas, were located; these faced the main routes into the countryside. The main character of the old city in Rusafa could be seen through the pedestrian labyrinth of narrow alleyways which amassed together and led to inward-looking courtyard houses. Meanwhile, the centre of the city was covered by significant buildings, such as the Friday Mosque, souks, Khans, hammams, and coffee-houses. The commercial souk sector was situated in the heart of the city, the 'Medina', and often included huge areas with complex networks which led to specific markets, khans, and workshops. Each type of work was situated according to a distinct functional hierarchy, which was based on the needs of merchants, guilds, artisans, and craftworkers. Baghdad exhibited an atmosphere of spontaneity and informality which was represented by its old urban fabric

The essential element in the old urban fabric of this ultradense context was a local variant of a central courtyard hosh, meaning house. The traditional Baghdadi house was characterised by an introverted habitat with solid brick walls that directly faced the street with one access door. Furthermore, shanashils were the main feature of the street; these carved wood projections, with railings and

and historic buildings and some of its limited cultural activities [4].

were the administrative policy and the implementation phases.

**404**

windows, were used for lighting and viewing [25, 26]. During the Ottoman occupation, essential changes occurred in several major typological transformations. The housing regulations were issued following the Ottoman occupation of Baghdad and continue today; however, these rules were subjected to three phases. The first phase began in 1869 and continued until the First World War; this was initiated by the Ottoman period under the Tanzimat reforms in Iraq. The second phase started with the monarchy of Iraq and continued throughout the colonial and independent period. The final stage commenced with the revolution of 1958, which saw Iraq shift from a monarchy to a republic. It is important to note that the third phase has also passed through several transitions since 1958.

The first phase witnessed the Ottoman invasion, and its urban and physical form reflected the typical characteristics of Islamic cities through quarters, mosques, bazaars, and other several public institutions. This was also echoed in the character of the traditional house with its courtyard and inward direction [27]. Moreover, the first modernisation that took place in Baghdad occurred during the reign of Midhat Pasha, who was a governor of the Baghdad Vilayet. He ordered the demolishment of the wall of Rusafa and invested its materials in the construction of many significant public buildings. He also prompted the introduction of modern municipal services besides new roads. In 1915, during the same Ottoman period, German engineers established the first railway line, which connected Baghdad and Europe. This coincided with the use of new materials, such as steel, and was later adopted by local masons [28]. The successive occupation of Baghdad finally included the British in 1918; this marked a significant turning point in Iraq's modern history, not only in Baghdad but also in other Iraqi cities. At this stage, a considerable number of public buildings were constructed that affected the main character of Baghdad and its urban context.

In the mid-1950s, the Iraq Development Board invited well-known architects to contribute to a set of projects that aimed to develop the urban structure of the city and to meet a new standard of function. These architects included Frank Lloyd Wright, Le Corbusier, Alvar Aalto, Walter Gropius, and Doxiadis Associates, as well as Captain Philip Hirst, Ellen Jawdat, Hans Muller, Platinov, and Adler and partners [28]. The value of historical detail lies in its importance in sustaining a national architecture; such detail occupies a wide area in the city centre of Baghdad. Traditional detail is not limited to houses but also includes various urban components and networks. The benefit of such features is that historical buildings can not only be saved but also invested in through their housing of different types of activities, not just as museums [29]. Allen states that traditional areas aim to educate the public about the importance of the historical regions (as an endangered urban area) of Baghdad, including its residential zones [30]. This attempts to activate the conservation of ancient and irreplaceable architecture.

The modern city of Baghdad includes four historical areas, namely, Rusafa, Karkh, Adhamiya, and Kadhimiya (**Figure 14**). These areas stand in the remains of four interspace townships and are surrounded by contemporary urban features that include modern buildings, extensive public squares, and an orthogonal network. The four inherent sectors are a vital resource of expression of a past traditional period and provide a cultural and historical chain that could be continued for future generations [4]. Between 1869 and 1872, governor Midhat Pasha attempted to implement a transport system in the old urban fabric. The city wall was partially demolished to open the first entrance at Karkh for a horse-drawn tram. However, urban expansion remained within the same range of the historical city. Between 1915 and 1917, German engineers established a new street to reach between the North Door (Bab Al Mu'adham) and the South Door (Bab Kulwadha), namely, New Street and the present-day Al-Rasheed Street. However, the modern machinery of urban development generally endured sluggish progress when dealing with Baghdad [26].

The existing old fabric, which included a network system, historical neighbourhoods, and heritage buildings, faced the ideology of modernisation, which led to the creation of a new urban morphology within a current traditional structure. This was achieved either by reconfiguration or by removing old structures. Selforganisation was the central concept in the configuration of the old fabric; in contrast, the new urban context relied on planning. Consequently, the two different patterns occurred and led to an interrupted urban pattern which reflected a lack of continuity, coherence, and integration with the surrounding environment [8]. The characteristics embodied in the urban context of Baghdad were (1) the quality of use and the nature of urban space, which was based on different spatial concepts, urban patterns, and building typologies, and (2) specified markets along with public buildings and the river frontage which provided defined and active public spaces [8]. According to Al-Hasani, Baghdad's urban space can be classified under two typologies based on its accessibility and the relationship between privacy and publicity. These two topologies are traditional-surviving spaces and modern-emerging spaces, the latter of which is divided into hybrid urban spaces and entire modern urban spaces [8]. In the same context, Al-Hasani states that urban space revitalisation strategies could be based on space hierarchies and could focus on managing the integration between urban morphologies and contemporary needs [8]. In the past, Baghdad integrated its various urban patterns in order to reduce ambivalence towards the transformation process which historically tended to be continuous and subject to self-organised acts. It was achieved by creating the smallest urban form cells that dealt with hierarchy, land use, and building rules and enhanced human activities by concentrating more on the hierarchy space and accessibility [8].

## **4.1 Street characteristics**

Its contemporary streets represent one of the components of the comprehensive plan of Baghdad. However, the street basically follows the same principles of new urbanism under the term of modernity. New roads are wide and long in comparison with traditional ones; they tend to span more than 3 kilometres with tall buildings on both sides and are far removed from the human scale. In addition to this, these new streets replaced the demolished previous, irreplaceable traditional fabric, which included souks, houses, and mosques. Moreover, the massive gap that emerged between the old urban structure and the new urban context under the same terms, westernisation and modernization, cannot be readily ignored [26]. Rasheed Street is one of the oldest streets that cut through the historic central areas to link the north and south of ancient Baghdad and runs parallel to the Tigris River. It was begun by the Turks in 1915 but was completed by the British in 1918. Its width is varied where the maximum is about 40 metres, including 10 metres of commercial development on either side. It is almost 3.8 kilometres in length [31]. The importance of Al-Rasheed Street comes from the characteristics of the adjacent buildings and their distinctive architectural style.

Porticos, with various facade styles, constitute Al-Rasheed Street; it adopts human-scale dimensions and has an integrated, harmonious architectural unity. Such environmental elements give enough protection for pedestrians against undesirable climates. The street reflects a cohesive alignment of buildings which contains the highest diversity in elevation, and its characteristics represent different types of architecture [32]. Therefore, Al-Rasheed Street reflects a panorama that vividly portrays the long history of buildings and the evolution of architectural patterns. Although crucial events occurred throughout the life of Al-Rasheed Street, each event tells its own story [32]. Al-Haidary states that there is a lack of important construction legislation and conservation monitor programmes for planning and

**407**

**Figure 22.**

*Lessons from Baghdad City Conformation and Essence DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88599*

urban design and a similar lack of commitment to restrict initiatives to ensure they adapt to traditional patterns. Concentrating more on the maintenance and restoration of significant heritage buildings within their urban context can be considered an essential factor that positively affects the old urban fabric, for example, Kifah Street, which, in 1936, was orientated through Rusafa. Its width is 50 metres, which includes 15 metres for commercial development on both sides, while its length is about 3.2 kilometres. Unfortunately, this new route also caused severe damage in the traditional urban area of Rusafa. The third street was Al Jumhuriya Street,

The drastic changes in the urban spatial structure of the city affected the streetscape in terms of the street's edges. It developed a new definition of the relationship between private and public, while priority was given to the motorisedbased scale rather than the human scale. To a large extent, this newly defined relationship led to the adoption of new behaviours and social interactions that responded to the street's edge (**Figure 23**). Adopting a fine-scale classification by analysing the street pattern seems to be a more efficient means of recognising the urban characteristics of streets over large-scale classifications. There is a definite pattern of activity about the classification process of compound parameters, which increase in an area or within defined spatial dimensions. In contrast, large-scale

which in 1954 passed through Rusafa [31] (**Figure 22**).

*Urban space transformation in Baghdad. Source: ([33], p. 107) based on [14].*

*Lessons from Baghdad City Conformation and Essence DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88599*

**Figure 22.**

*Sustainability in Urban Planning and Design*

**4.1 Street characteristics**

buildings and their distinctive architectural style.

The existing old fabric, which included a network system, historical neighbourhoods, and heritage buildings, faced the ideology of modernisation, which led to the creation of a new urban morphology within a current traditional structure. This was achieved either by reconfiguration or by removing old structures. Selforganisation was the central concept in the configuration of the old fabric; in contrast, the new urban context relied on planning. Consequently, the two different patterns occurred and led to an interrupted urban pattern which reflected a lack of continuity, coherence, and integration with the surrounding environment [8]. The characteristics embodied in the urban context of Baghdad were (1) the quality of use and the nature of urban space, which was based on different spatial concepts, urban patterns, and building typologies, and (2) specified markets along with public buildings and the river frontage which provided defined and active public spaces [8]. According to Al-Hasani, Baghdad's urban space can be classified under two typologies based on its accessibility and the relationship between privacy and publicity. These two topologies are traditional-surviving spaces and modern-emerging spaces, the latter of which is divided into hybrid urban spaces and entire modern urban spaces [8]. In the same context, Al-Hasani states that urban space revitalisation strategies could be based on space hierarchies and could focus on managing the integration between urban morphologies and contemporary needs [8]. In the past, Baghdad integrated its various urban patterns in order to reduce ambivalence towards the transformation process which historically tended to be continuous and subject to self-organised acts. It was achieved by creating the smallest urban form cells that dealt with hierarchy, land use, and building rules and enhanced human activities by concentrating more on the hierarchy space and accessibility [8].

Its contemporary streets represent one of the components of the comprehensive plan of Baghdad. However, the street basically follows the same principles of new urbanism under the term of modernity. New roads are wide and long in comparison with traditional ones; they tend to span more than 3 kilometres with tall buildings on both sides and are far removed from the human scale. In addition to this, these new streets replaced the demolished previous, irreplaceable traditional fabric, which included souks, houses, and mosques. Moreover, the massive gap that emerged between the old urban structure and the new urban context under the same terms, westernisation and modernization, cannot be readily ignored [26]. Rasheed Street is one of the oldest streets that cut through the historic central areas to link the north and south of ancient Baghdad and runs parallel to the Tigris River. It was begun by the Turks in 1915 but was completed by the British in 1918. Its width is varied where the maximum is about 40 metres, including 10 metres of commercial development on either side. It is almost 3.8 kilometres in length [31]. The importance of Al-Rasheed Street comes from the characteristics of the adjacent

Porticos, with various facade styles, constitute Al-Rasheed Street; it adopts human-scale dimensions and has an integrated, harmonious architectural unity. Such environmental elements give enough protection for pedestrians against undesirable climates. The street reflects a cohesive alignment of buildings which contains the highest diversity in elevation, and its characteristics represent different types of architecture [32]. Therefore, Al-Rasheed Street reflects a panorama that vividly portrays the long history of buildings and the evolution of architectural patterns. Although crucial events occurred throughout the life of Al-Rasheed Street, each event tells its own story [32]. Al-Haidary states that there is a lack of important construction legislation and conservation monitor programmes for planning and

**406**

*Urban space transformation in Baghdad. Source: ([33], p. 107) based on [14].*

urban design and a similar lack of commitment to restrict initiatives to ensure they adapt to traditional patterns. Concentrating more on the maintenance and restoration of significant heritage buildings within their urban context can be considered an essential factor that positively affects the old urban fabric, for example, Kifah Street, which, in 1936, was orientated through Rusafa. Its width is 50 metres, which includes 15 metres for commercial development on both sides, while its length is about 3.2 kilometres. Unfortunately, this new route also caused severe damage in the traditional urban area of Rusafa. The third street was Al Jumhuriya Street, which in 1954 passed through Rusafa [31] (**Figure 22**).

The drastic changes in the urban spatial structure of the city affected the streetscape in terms of the street's edges. It developed a new definition of the relationship between private and public, while priority was given to the motorisedbased scale rather than the human scale. To a large extent, this newly defined relationship led to the adoption of new behaviours and social interactions that responded to the street's edge (**Figure 23**). Adopting a fine-scale classification by analysing the street pattern seems to be a more efficient means of recognising the urban characteristics of streets over large-scale classifications. There is a definite pattern of activity about the classification process of compound parameters, which increase in an area or within defined spatial dimensions. In contrast, large-scale

#### **Figure 23.**

*The historic area of Baghdad witnessed an extraordinary change in the spatial structure of its street edges. Source: ([10], pp. 260, 349–350) all rights reserved for Al-Warrak Publishing Ltd., London, UK.*

classification is affected by minimum or single parameters, and this can refer to the comprehensive analysis method of streets, which are likely to be irrelevant in creating distinctive urban characteristics for the whole city. The entire spectrum when distinguishing the urban attributes of streets tends to seek difference rather than similarity [31]. Overall, in terms of its morphological dimensions, the main characteristics of Baghdad Street would be the level of difference and disparity between the original and modern streets. Both types, historical and modern, are subject to two different generative systems: spontaneous (bottom-up approach) and pre-planned (top-down procedure).
