5. Conventional conceptual links between land and food

the extent of losing greater than 136,000 ha of land from only eight deals that could have been used in producing food crops. The implication of this is that the drive for food security will still be a far-fetched dream as long as attraction of foreign investment in agriculture only aims to produce biofuels for profit. The auctioning of fertile farmlands for this purpose also portends danger of losing job opportunities, increasing poverty in the country, and helping the growth of foreign companies to the disadvantage of poor land owners in Nigeria. The overall implication of these trends is to increase poverty, unfavourable terms of trade against Nigeria, desertification, increased global warming and the adverse consequences of climate change and the disempowerment of indigenous citizens, who will now be left with few pieces of land that may not reach even 1 ha. The study therefore recommended that a regional approach should be applied by African countries, implementing land reforms that will involve the local communities who own the land, stopping long-term leasing beyond 50 years, building capacity and

Furthermore, a report by Economic Commission for Africa [35] to show the linkages between land tenure and food security in Africa confirms that land plays an important role in the livelihoods of the majority of Africans. This asserts that food security and poverty reduction cannot be achieved unless issues of access to land, security of tenure and the capacity to use land productively and in a sustainable manner are addressed. This chapter suggests that land is central in promoting rural livelihoods in Africa because access to land and security of tenure are the main means through which food security and sustainable development can be realised because the livelihoods of over 70% of the population in Africa are mainly linked to land and

This chapter studied the land policy generic model developed by Moyo [36], based upon Shivji et al. [37], derived from five analytical constructs of land management, namely, land distribution, land utilisation, land tenure security, land administration and land adjudication. It posits land tenure as one of the central factors determining food security and sustainable development.

In terms of land distribution, the major problem relates to unequal access to land according to race, gender, class and ethnic distinctions. The second analytical construct relates to land utilisation and how this has been economically and socially constructed. There is a tendency to view small farms as inefficient and large farms as highly efficient in terms of yields per unit of land [38], especially in settler countries. But such a perception has long since been debunked [39, 40] and multinational organisations (IMF and World Bank) have come to accept the efficiency of smallholder land use. The main question of analysis is how the regulation of land-use is consensual or coercive and whether it is free of discrimination. The third conceptual issue is how land tenure has been constructed and qualified in most African countries. The main question relates to how secure the tenure systems are and whether there is equity or not. It was argued that access to more productive land and control of natural resources by the poor offers the most stable form of security for poor households. In this case, livelihood security cannot be achieved without some form of redistribution of land held by wealthy classes (constituted of individuals and multinational companies). The assumption tends to be that enhancing access to land, security of tenure or sustainability of land resource use will ulti-

creating awareness about land transactions of large magnitudes.

natural resources exploitation.

100 Land Use - Assessing the Past, Envisioning the Future

mately enhance welfare, including food security.

Below is an example of a conventional conceptual nexus between land and food: Resources ! Production ! Income ! Consumption ! Nutritional status (Source: Adopted from Maxwell and Wiebe [41].

But it was suggested that a simple linear model does not adequately capture the interrelationships between consumption and investment decisions, household endowments, production and exchange decisions, and household entitlements. A more comprehensive model illustrates a circular relationship between these four factors, which are further impacted upon by tenure institutions and asset markets and have outputs in terms of environmental impact, generation and redistribution of wealth. The most apparent qualitative link that was suggested was that increased security of tenure in productive resources enables more efficient and profitable agricultural production and hence greater access to food via both own production and trade.

Also, a report was given by the European Union on Development in 2011 that was driven mainly by concerns about the scarcity of food, energy and arable land and linked to these expectations of rising land values with issues relating to:


v. Risks related to water availability, environmental degradation and loss of ecosystem services.

The study's major aim was to ascertain the effectiveness of government's legal instrument (the Land Consultative Board) that regulates the purchase and ownership of land; random interviews were conducted with traditional and local administrative authorities as well as men and women landowners in five of six divisions in the North West and four of five in the South West Region. These two English-speaking regions were considered as Anglophone Cameroon

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A random but stratified survey method was adopted with 20% of the sampled population comprised males based on their traditional and societal roles, while 80% was addressed to

Women's land rights can contribute to their empowerment and constitute a key to reducing poverty and developing a community. With secured land rights, crop production will increase; women will have better access to credit, develop self-esteem and will be able to develop their own skills (Mantobang, 2011). According to Sengupta (2000), empowerment is inextricably linked to rights language, whereby it constitutes the ability or opportunity of the poor to claim

Sustainable development should be inextricably linked to tenure rights. This concept is not mentioned in the Declaration of the Right to Development adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1986 (Marks, 2008). In as much as women have a right to development, so do they have a right to sustainable development, though this latter concept hinges more on rights and obligations of humans towards nature. Taking an ethical perspective on the concept of sustainable development, Marks (2008) looks at it as fairness at three levels; "intragenerational", "intergenerational" and "between humans and the environment", by enhancing people's moral consciousness and environmental protection, altering traditional ideologies and behaviours and promoting sustain-

Women's lack of ownership and access to land results from some traditional practices that violate sustainable development. This is exemplified by those who uphold the values on the one hand and the environment on the other, with the victims (women) being at the centre. It follows therefore that depriving a woman of the right to inherit land for the simple fact that she is a woman puts her in a disadvantaged socio-economic and political position vis-à-vis the

It was noted that there is need to exhume the barriers of government's legal instrument (the Land Consultative Board) that regulates the ownership of land and to revisit some traditional practices as regards land ownership that impact negatively on women in a changing and globalising world. A compromise approach was advocated for land acquisition that can transcend traditional barriers as well as render the process of land registration more realistic

In the same vein, Odoemelam et al. [48] evaluated women access and rights to land and its implication on rural household food security in Abia State, Nigeria. The study established that it was not just the shortage of land that affects the output of agriculture but the structure of the

because they were administered by British Cameroon during the colonial period.

rural and urban women in eight divisions.

men. This only accentuates the feminization of poverty.

land tenure, lack of proper land ownership and rights.

and exercise their rights.

able survival.

especially for women.

The report explained that it was not only transnational investors but also migrants who use their remittances to buy land in their country of origin [42] that were acquiring large areas of farmland. Although not a new phenomenon, studies indicated that this form of land acquisition is accelerating [43].

Also, LSLAs (large-scale land acquisitions) were also taking place for purposes other than food and biofuel or agricultural production [44, 45] that included nature conservation, parks and new initiatives under the United Nations Collaborative Programme on Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation in Developing Countries (UN-REDD).

According to the report, the debate on global food security continues to stimulate the interest in large-scale farming, which is perceived as more productive and efficient. The argument runs as follows: given that by 2050, some 9 billion people will need to be fed and there is a need for a significant increase in production and productivity, which can be achieved only by replacing smallholder farming with industrial-type farming. Others contend, however, that smallholder farming can be just as efficient (e.g., [46]).

Moreso, the direct contribution of LSLAs to national food sovereignty depends on the type of crop grown and whether it is locally marketed at affordable prices. In Ethiopia, these large farms sell grain to WFP (World Food Programme), which uses them to feed those who left the famine areas and are now in camps. It is important to look at local as well as national food security. As mentioned, the first effect of these large-scale farms is often that local smallholders lose access to land and natural resources, which undermines their livelihoods, food security and ability to accumulate resources. These losses may be partly compensated for if new jobs are created that allow these people to earn sufficient to feed themselves and their families to a comparable level in terms of quantity and quality and also to pay for other services.

Fombe et al. [47] studied security of land ownership by women in Anglophone Cameroon. In most parts of Africa, land ownership is affected by traditional values, inheritance rights and government influence. This study illustrates that land acquisition and development by women constitute a problem because of traditional pressures and the law guiding the process of land certification. Aluko and Amidu (2006) however argue that the complexity of land tenure in Nigeria is the result of the co-existence of several systems; none of which is completely dominant. This legal pluralism causes a degree of uncertainty about land rights, particularly for vulnerable groups, like women. In most of Anglophone Cameroon, there are basically two ways in which women can acquire land either through family bond (users' rights) or through transactions (purchase, lease and rent). In the current context of land scarcity, population mobility, urbanisation and land reforms, the competitive demand for land has not only generated a diversity of struggles over land but has further complicated the prospects of women accessing land in a predominantly patriarchal setting (Lotsmart et al., 2010). In Anglophone Cameroon, the majority of women do not own land or have the right to inherit land and other property where statutory laws and customary practices co-exist.

The study's major aim was to ascertain the effectiveness of government's legal instrument (the Land Consultative Board) that regulates the purchase and ownership of land; random interviews were conducted with traditional and local administrative authorities as well as men and women landowners in five of six divisions in the North West and four of five in the South West Region. These two English-speaking regions were considered as Anglophone Cameroon because they were administered by British Cameroon during the colonial period.

v. Risks related to water availability, environmental degradation and loss of ecosystem

The report explained that it was not only transnational investors but also migrants who use their remittances to buy land in their country of origin [42] that were acquiring large areas of farmland. Although not a new phenomenon, studies indicated that this form of land acquisi-

Also, LSLAs (large-scale land acquisitions) were also taking place for purposes other than food and biofuel or agricultural production [44, 45] that included nature conservation, parks and new initiatives under the United Nations Collaborative Programme on Reducing Emissions

According to the report, the debate on global food security continues to stimulate the interest in large-scale farming, which is perceived as more productive and efficient. The argument runs as follows: given that by 2050, some 9 billion people will need to be fed and there is a need for a significant increase in production and productivity, which can be achieved only by replacing smallholder farming with industrial-type farming. Others contend, however, that smallholder

Moreso, the direct contribution of LSLAs to national food sovereignty depends on the type of crop grown and whether it is locally marketed at affordable prices. In Ethiopia, these large farms sell grain to WFP (World Food Programme), which uses them to feed those who left the famine areas and are now in camps. It is important to look at local as well as national food security. As mentioned, the first effect of these large-scale farms is often that local smallholders lose access to land and natural resources, which undermines their livelihoods, food security and ability to accumulate resources. These losses may be partly compensated for if new jobs are created that allow these people to earn sufficient to feed themselves and their families to a

Fombe et al. [47] studied security of land ownership by women in Anglophone Cameroon. In most parts of Africa, land ownership is affected by traditional values, inheritance rights and government influence. This study illustrates that land acquisition and development by women constitute a problem because of traditional pressures and the law guiding the process of land certification. Aluko and Amidu (2006) however argue that the complexity of land tenure in Nigeria is the result of the co-existence of several systems; none of which is completely dominant. This legal pluralism causes a degree of uncertainty about land rights, particularly for vulnerable groups, like women. In most of Anglophone Cameroon, there are basically two ways in which women can acquire land either through family bond (users' rights) or through transactions (purchase, lease and rent). In the current context of land scarcity, population mobility, urbanisation and land reforms, the competitive demand for land has not only generated a diversity of struggles over land but has further complicated the prospects of women accessing land in a predominantly patriarchal setting (Lotsmart et al., 2010). In Anglophone Cameroon, the majority of women do not own land or have the right to inherit land and other

comparable level in terms of quantity and quality and also to pay for other services.

property where statutory laws and customary practices co-exist.

from Deforestation and Forest Degradation in Developing Countries (UN-REDD).

services.

102 Land Use - Assessing the Past, Envisioning the Future

tion is accelerating [43].

farming can be just as efficient (e.g., [46]).

A random but stratified survey method was adopted with 20% of the sampled population comprised males based on their traditional and societal roles, while 80% was addressed to rural and urban women in eight divisions.

Women's land rights can contribute to their empowerment and constitute a key to reducing poverty and developing a community. With secured land rights, crop production will increase; women will have better access to credit, develop self-esteem and will be able to develop their own skills (Mantobang, 2011). According to Sengupta (2000), empowerment is inextricably linked to rights language, whereby it constitutes the ability or opportunity of the poor to claim and exercise their rights.

Sustainable development should be inextricably linked to tenure rights. This concept is not mentioned in the Declaration of the Right to Development adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1986 (Marks, 2008). In as much as women have a right to development, so do they have a right to sustainable development, though this latter concept hinges more on rights and obligations of humans towards nature. Taking an ethical perspective on the concept of sustainable development, Marks (2008) looks at it as fairness at three levels; "intragenerational", "intergenerational" and "between humans and the environment", by enhancing people's moral consciousness and environmental protection, altering traditional ideologies and behaviours and promoting sustainable survival.

Women's lack of ownership and access to land results from some traditional practices that violate sustainable development. This is exemplified by those who uphold the values on the one hand and the environment on the other, with the victims (women) being at the centre. It follows therefore that depriving a woman of the right to inherit land for the simple fact that she is a woman puts her in a disadvantaged socio-economic and political position vis-à-vis the men. This only accentuates the feminization of poverty.

It was noted that there is need to exhume the barriers of government's legal instrument (the Land Consultative Board) that regulates the ownership of land and to revisit some traditional practices as regards land ownership that impact negatively on women in a changing and globalising world. A compromise approach was advocated for land acquisition that can transcend traditional barriers as well as render the process of land registration more realistic especially for women.

In the same vein, Odoemelam et al. [48] evaluated women access and rights to land and its implication on rural household food security in Abia State, Nigeria. The study established that it was not just the shortage of land that affects the output of agriculture but the structure of the land tenure, lack of proper land ownership and rights.

Multistage sampling procedure was used in the selection of the sample size with a total of 180 respondents. Data were generated through the use of Focus Group Discussion and participatory observation. Data generated were analysed through the use of simple descriptive statistics like frequency distribution and means.

In order to capture the impact of LSLA on affected populations, the case study needs to narrow the scope into a region of the country that faces the highest amount of LSLA such as the

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Root Causes: Power: There was a lack of knowledge about land deals because they were rarely advised or consulted prior to the agreements. Even if they were consulted, their lack of bargaining power stunts their ability to negotiate fare rates of compensation. Blaikie et al. identified three causes that limit the access to power which are spatial, temporal and social.

Structures: Political and economic structures reproduce domination against the marginalised in order to maintain the control of power. In the case of the Gambela Region, the lack of secure land tenure was a structure that reinforced the deeper issue of an ethnic minority who had a lack of political power. Resources: Pastoral communities were increasingly vulnerable because they were denied access to grazing areas that provided access to livelihood resources. What can occur through this process is that these communities shred their cultural way of livelihood

Dynamic Pressures: The notion of dynamic pressure exacerbates the root causes of tension entailed in limited access to power and resources. This was evident in the study area because of issues that dealt with the lack of press freedom and NGO advocacy. Blaikie et al. conveys that the root causes channelled by the dynamic pressure of the absence of press freedoms and limited scope of NGOs eventually force changes to the macro-economic and social conditions

Unsafe Conditions: Blaikie et al. expressed that root causes and dynamic pressures manifest into unsafe conditions in the physical and social environment making the affected populations more vulnerable to risks [51]. The physical environment of the land leased to investors steadily degraded through agricultural intensification because there is a lack of monitoring mecha-

The major lessons learned from the Ethiopian case study was that the 'new phenomenon' of land acquisitions in the Gambela Region was actually a process that had historical roots dating to Ethiopia's imperial colonialism making it 'an old wine in a new bottle.' The local conditions of suppressing press freedoms and NGOs' operational space ensured that such oppressive actions continued in the future without critical review. Another lesson from the case study is that disasters are never a one-off event but manifests from embedded vulnerabilities. This chapter does not argue with the fact that a high level of investment is needed in Ethiopia, but the concern is that without rectifying the root causes of disasters that have plagued Ethiopia,

This study examined the issues around land acquisition and the implications on livelihood and food security. It was found that the land acquisition is bound by the Land Use Act 1978, which stipulates that all lands belong to the government. However, the bulk of the land transactions

large-scale land acquisition only exacerbates the progression of vulnerability.

and become highly dependent on wages earned in farm labour to purchase food [50].

Gambela Region of Ethiopia.

(2005).

nisms and enforcement from the authority.

6. Conclusion and recommendations

Results showed that most of the women were in the economically active age and majority were married with a very high percentage having only up to primary school level of education. The level of income indicated that majority of the respondents 34% earned between (N160– 180,000), while 16% earned between (N200–220,000) per annum. Methods of land inheritance showed that women acquired land for cultivation through majorly matrilineal ties and purchases, while other forms of acquisition such as renting, borrowing and through inheritance were minimal. In terms of access and use rights on lands, the study found about 30% of the respondents were allowed to cultivate only annual crops, 15% perennial crops, 11% were not allowed to harvest production from the trees, 13% were not allowed to retain land after long fallow and 8% complained about limited access to inputs.

On effect of access and land use rights on food security, the 25% respondents stated that due to the lack of access to land use right, their expertise on farming activities are underutilised leading to food insecurity, 15% said they lack commitment, 26% complained about their inability to get credit facilities from bank because they can not use their cultivating land to get collateral, unfertile plots 13% leading to low yield and nonmechanised farms, 24% due to scattered plots. The study concluded that ownership rights are critical to securing a sustainable livelihood and income, and the lack of rights is one of the main sources of economic insecurity. When men and women have equal access to land use rights, they have effective decisionmaking power in the household and food production will be enhanced to its full capacity to support the welfare of all family members and to promote food security in the society.

De Zoysa [1] examined the implications of large-scale land acquisition on small landholder's food security. This chapter analysed the implications of LSLA (large-scale land acquisition) on local population's food security and livelihoods using Ethiopia as a case study to measure the progression of vulnerability created by land reform policies that encourages such investments. Using the analytical framework of the Pressure and Release (PAR) model, this chapter argued that Ethiopia's land reform has systematically weakened small landholder's access to food and livelihood. The Pressure and Release (PAR) model was selected because the model allows one to understand that food insecurity as defined as the availability, access and utilisation of food does not occur due to a drought but more so a systematic breakdown of coping mechanisms and the lack of consideration paid to rectify root causes of food insecurity. It was recognised that all frameworks have limitations in analysing complex situations including the PAR, and it was treated with caution to ensure there is no oversimplifications.

The PAR originally developed by Blaikie et al. in 1994 demonstrates that disasters were not simply a random natural phenomenon but a result of development regression [49]. The PAR identified three factors that exacerbate vulnerabilities that include: (1) root causes; (2) dynamic pressures; (3) unsafe conditions.

The study was based on secondary data through the forms of both academic and grey literature.

In order to capture the impact of LSLA on affected populations, the case study needs to narrow the scope into a region of the country that faces the highest amount of LSLA such as the Gambela Region of Ethiopia.

Root Causes: Power: There was a lack of knowledge about land deals because they were rarely advised or consulted prior to the agreements. Even if they were consulted, their lack of bargaining power stunts their ability to negotiate fare rates of compensation. Blaikie et al. identified three causes that limit the access to power which are spatial, temporal and social.

Structures: Political and economic structures reproduce domination against the marginalised in order to maintain the control of power. In the case of the Gambela Region, the lack of secure land tenure was a structure that reinforced the deeper issue of an ethnic minority who had a lack of political power. Resources: Pastoral communities were increasingly vulnerable because they were denied access to grazing areas that provided access to livelihood resources. What can occur through this process is that these communities shred their cultural way of livelihood and become highly dependent on wages earned in farm labour to purchase food [50].

Dynamic Pressures: The notion of dynamic pressure exacerbates the root causes of tension entailed in limited access to power and resources. This was evident in the study area because of issues that dealt with the lack of press freedom and NGO advocacy. Blaikie et al. conveys that the root causes channelled by the dynamic pressure of the absence of press freedoms and limited scope of NGOs eventually force changes to the macro-economic and social conditions (2005).

Unsafe Conditions: Blaikie et al. expressed that root causes and dynamic pressures manifest into unsafe conditions in the physical and social environment making the affected populations more vulnerable to risks [51]. The physical environment of the land leased to investors steadily degraded through agricultural intensification because there is a lack of monitoring mechanisms and enforcement from the authority.

The major lessons learned from the Ethiopian case study was that the 'new phenomenon' of land acquisitions in the Gambela Region was actually a process that had historical roots dating to Ethiopia's imperial colonialism making it 'an old wine in a new bottle.' The local conditions of suppressing press freedoms and NGOs' operational space ensured that such oppressive actions continued in the future without critical review. Another lesson from the case study is that disasters are never a one-off event but manifests from embedded vulnerabilities. This chapter does not argue with the fact that a high level of investment is needed in Ethiopia, but the concern is that without rectifying the root causes of disasters that have plagued Ethiopia, large-scale land acquisition only exacerbates the progression of vulnerability.
