**1. Introduction**

288 Learning Disabilities

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Living with a disability offers inordinate cognitive and social challenges. A person with a disability that is maximizing their social and professional opportunities therefore offers a unique understanding of human potential. This chapter proposes that a deaf individual's mastery and execution of disability-specific tactic knowledge is essential for their mental health, and their social and professional participation. Tactic knowledge defines the cognitions that an individual uses to perform practical everyday tasks to maximize their social or professional outcomes (Sternberg, 1985; Sternberg & Wagner, 1986). Disabilityspecific tactic knowledge is the individual's use of specialized proactive cognitive and social (psychosocial) strategies to identify, circumvent, or master disability-related psychological, social, or professional challenges (Jacobs, 2010). Disability-specific tactic knowledge is also speculated to be absent in individuals without disabilities. They have no need to acquire, nor require the use of, such an esoteric psychosocial skill set (Jacobs, 2010). As such, it appears that deaf individuals need to master two sets of tactic knowledge to maximize their potential.

These concepts derive from my research with professionally successful deaf participants and owe much to research into Learning Disabilities (LD) by Henry Reiff, Paul Gerber, and Rick Ginsberg. Before elaborating on this cross-disability connection, attention will be given to issues linked with social and professional participation and also the mental health of deaf people. At the outset, however, the author acknowledges that certain mental health conditions have biological origins. But this should not distract us from the reality that adverse environmental influences and an individual's maladaptive coping strategies can negatively impact on their mental health, and social or professional pursuits. In addition, this book chapter is by no means an exhaustive survey of the deafness literature of social and professional participation, and mental health. The main aim is to canvass themes and to thereafter illustrate the associated importance of disability-specific tactic knowledge.

#### **2. Social participation and mental health issues in deaf children**

By definition, deafness is not a learning disability. Deafness, however, can significantly impact on the individual's spoken expression and listening comprehension, and - by

Deafness-Specific Tactic Knowledge:

pragmatic skills with hearing peers.

A New Understanding of Mental Health, and Social and Professional Participation 291

relied heavily upon simple responses to teacher questions whereas the older students were more likely to initiate conversational turns and to evenly share the conversational talk time. A strong relationship was observed between students' age, linguistic competence, and pragmatic skills. The authors speculated that the participants' engagement in mainstream secondary school environments gave them opportunities to practise, and therefore develop,

The literature therefore suggests that there is a strong link between the use of language, social participation, and mental health. It is pertinent, however, to note that discretion is required when considering studies with deaf child participants. For instance, studies may show that deaf children or adolescents have similar levels of language development or social adjustment to their same age hearing peers; but this may say little about their capacity to deal with a whole new set of deafness-related psychosocial challenges when they leave the confines of school or family life as a young adult. I sought to convey as much of my own experiences living with profound deafness in *Neither-nor: A young Australian's experience of deafness* (Jacobs, 2007). Leaving the protective environs of school and family may confront a deaf individual with a series of persistent psychosocial challenges for which they may be woefully underprepared. While the use of language appears to be essential in facilitating social participation, additional cognitions are likely required to attain and sustain quality of life. Namely: deafness-specific tactic knowledge. Before elaborating on this key concept, it is necessary to provide a short survey of serious challenges encountered by many deaf adults.

**3. Mental health, and professional and social participation in deaf adults** 

disability (Australian Safety & Compensation Council, 2007).

Given the reported psychosocial challenges experienced by young deaf participants, attempts to attain and maintain quality of life in adulthood are perhaps more difficult for deaf individuals than for individuals without a disability. Chronic unemployment, underemployment, and maintaining employment are problems for many deaf adults (Hogan et al., 2009a; Punch, Hyde, & Creed, 2004; Rosengreen, Saladin, & Hansmann, 2009). For example, a disproportionately high 45 percent of unemployed deaf Australians were deaf before 20 years old (Hogan, O'Loughlin, Davis, A., & Kendig, 2009a). Moreover, deaf Australians with just one disability (i.e., deafness) are currently nine times less likely to be employed than average Australian (Access Economics, 2006). Individuals with additional disabilities to deafness are also proportionately less likely to be employed per additional

Career difficulties for deaf people can include physical or structural impediments such as excessive background noise, the workplace requirement of using telephones, the nonprovision of assistive auditory devices (e.g., FM systems), and auditory rather than visual alerting signals (e.g., colleagues announcing departure) (DeCaro, Mudgett-DeCaro, & Dowaliby, 2001; Scherich, 1996). Other difficult workplace circumstances include group situations such as departmental, staff meetings, work-related social functions, in-service training sessions, and informal social interactions (e.g., lunch breaks) (Hyde & Punch, 2009; Scherich & Mowry, 1997; Scherich, 1996; Steinberg, Sullivan, & Montoya, 1999). Additional barriers are the discriminatory practices of being refused workplace promotion on merit, being bullied, and being denied necessary and reasonable deafness-related accommodations (e.g., a note taker for meetings) (Scherich, 1996; Scherich & Mowry, 1997; Wheeler-Scruggs, 2002). Many deaf people are also significantly disadvantaged because they have not

extension - their social learning, development, and interaction. Deaf people appear to be more prone to social isolation or exclusion than the general population (de Graaf & Bijl, 2002; Punch, Hyde, & Power, 2007). Deaf child participants have reported higher prevalence of emotional and conduct problems when compared with hearing peers (Hintermair, 2006; van Gent et al., 2007). Qualitative studies have additionally observed ongoing social difficulties by deaf children in their interactions with hearing peers (Bat-Chava & Deignan, 2001; Punch & Hyde, 2011). An Australian study by Remine and Brown (2010) found that the prevalence rate of mental health problems in deaf child participants (n = 38) were comparable to that of Australian population norms. Deaf participants in this study were mostly conversant with spoken language unlike an earlier Australian study by Cornes et al. (2006) whose deaf participants (n = 54) mostly preferred sign language (SL) for communication. SL is a manual language that has many official forms (e.g., American Sign Language [ASL], Auslan [Australian SL]) and places a premium on hand signs over speech and listening for communication (Scheetz, 2004). Using an interactive Auslan assessment tool instead of a standard English version, Cornes et al.'s study yielded a prevalence of clinically significant emotional and behavioral problems in deaf adolescents (42.6%) when compared with the standard English version (21.4%).

The higher reported psychopathology rates in Cornes et al.'s (2006) study compared with Remine and Brown's (2010) study may be associated with the deaf participants' communication competence. According to Hindley (2005), children with early onset and severe to profound deafness are more likely to experience mental health problems than their hearing peers. Early communication deprivation is one of the key risk factors. For example, van Gent et al.'s (2007) study with deaf adolescents (n = 70) found that of psychopathology was related to a signing mode of communication among other factors (e.g., low IQ). By contrast, a study by de Graaf and Bijl (2002) found that deaf participants with a higher speech-reading competence were less likely to report mental distress than those with lower competence. Speech-reading is the ability to synchronize body language - particularly the formations of the lips - with the auditory input and pretexts of the conversation when the speaker is talking (Jacobs, 2007). Good speech-reading ability and speech intelligibility by deaf individuals are also indicators of psychosocial adjustment with hearing peers (Arnold, 1997; Bain, Scott, & Steinberg, 2004; Polat, 2003). Studies additionally suggest that deaf individuals with same aged or superior spoken language skills have fewer relationship problems with hearing peers than do deaf individuals lacking spoken language skills (Fellinger, Holzinger, Beitel et al., 2009; Hintermair, 2006).

According to Toe, Beattie, and Barr (2007), deaf individuals with under-developed pragmatic skills are likely to experience social difficulties, and are at risk of lower selfesteem and social isolation. Pragmatic skills are defined by conversational and communicative competence. Language proficiency is required to perform pragmatic skills effectively. As pragmatic skills develop through conversations with numerous people, the individual learns more about the rules of conversations and how relationships are formed. Toe et al.'s study was with 18 participants aged between six and 16 years who had severe and profound deafness, and included both hearing aid users and cochlear implant (CI) users. All conversed using spoken English and attended regular classroom settings for at least daily. Video analysis of these participants conversing with their supporting teacher of the deaf showed that very few conversational breakdowns occurred. Younger participants

extension - their social learning, development, and interaction. Deaf people appear to be more prone to social isolation or exclusion than the general population (de Graaf & Bijl, 2002; Punch, Hyde, & Power, 2007). Deaf child participants have reported higher prevalence of emotional and conduct problems when compared with hearing peers (Hintermair, 2006; van Gent et al., 2007). Qualitative studies have additionally observed ongoing social difficulties by deaf children in their interactions with hearing peers (Bat-Chava & Deignan, 2001; Punch & Hyde, 2011). An Australian study by Remine and Brown (2010) found that the prevalence rate of mental health problems in deaf child participants (n = 38) were comparable to that of Australian population norms. Deaf participants in this study were mostly conversant with spoken language unlike an earlier Australian study by Cornes et al. (2006) whose deaf participants (n = 54) mostly preferred sign language (SL) for communication. SL is a manual language that has many official forms (e.g., American Sign Language [ASL], Auslan [Australian SL]) and places a premium on hand signs over speech and listening for communication (Scheetz, 2004). Using an interactive Auslan assessment tool instead of a standard English version, Cornes et al.'s study yielded a prevalence of clinically significant emotional and behavioral problems in deaf adolescents (42.6%) when

The higher reported psychopathology rates in Cornes et al.'s (2006) study compared with Remine and Brown's (2010) study may be associated with the deaf participants' communication competence. According to Hindley (2005), children with early onset and severe to profound deafness are more likely to experience mental health problems than their hearing peers. Early communication deprivation is one of the key risk factors. For example, van Gent et al.'s (2007) study with deaf adolescents (n = 70) found that of psychopathology was related to a signing mode of communication among other factors (e.g., low IQ). By contrast, a study by de Graaf and Bijl (2002) found that deaf participants with a higher speech-reading competence were less likely to report mental distress than those with lower competence. Speech-reading is the ability to synchronize body language - particularly the formations of the lips - with the auditory input and pretexts of the conversation when the speaker is talking (Jacobs, 2007). Good speech-reading ability and speech intelligibility by deaf individuals are also indicators of psychosocial adjustment with hearing peers (Arnold, 1997; Bain, Scott, & Steinberg, 2004; Polat, 2003). Studies additionally suggest that deaf individuals with same aged or superior spoken language skills have fewer relationship problems with hearing peers than do deaf individuals lacking spoken language skills

According to Toe, Beattie, and Barr (2007), deaf individuals with under-developed pragmatic skills are likely to experience social difficulties, and are at risk of lower selfesteem and social isolation. Pragmatic skills are defined by conversational and communicative competence. Language proficiency is required to perform pragmatic skills effectively. As pragmatic skills develop through conversations with numerous people, the individual learns more about the rules of conversations and how relationships are formed. Toe et al.'s study was with 18 participants aged between six and 16 years who had severe and profound deafness, and included both hearing aid users and cochlear implant (CI) users. All conversed using spoken English and attended regular classroom settings for at least daily. Video analysis of these participants conversing with their supporting teacher of the deaf showed that very few conversational breakdowns occurred. Younger participants

compared with the standard English version (21.4%).

(Fellinger, Holzinger, Beitel et al., 2009; Hintermair, 2006).

relied heavily upon simple responses to teacher questions whereas the older students were more likely to initiate conversational turns and to evenly share the conversational talk time. A strong relationship was observed between students' age, linguistic competence, and pragmatic skills. The authors speculated that the participants' engagement in mainstream secondary school environments gave them opportunities to practise, and therefore develop, pragmatic skills with hearing peers.

The literature therefore suggests that there is a strong link between the use of language, social participation, and mental health. It is pertinent, however, to note that discretion is required when considering studies with deaf child participants. For instance, studies may show that deaf children or adolescents have similar levels of language development or social adjustment to their same age hearing peers; but this may say little about their capacity to deal with a whole new set of deafness-related psychosocial challenges when they leave the confines of school or family life as a young adult. I sought to convey as much of my own experiences living with profound deafness in *Neither-nor: A young Australian's experience of deafness* (Jacobs, 2007). Leaving the protective environs of school and family may confront a deaf individual with a series of persistent psychosocial challenges for which they may be woefully underprepared. While the use of language appears to be essential in facilitating social participation, additional cognitions are likely required to attain and sustain quality of life. Namely: deafness-specific tactic knowledge. Before elaborating on this key concept, it is necessary to provide a short survey of serious challenges encountered by many deaf adults.
