Terrorism and Economic Losses

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

nation.co.ke/news/Garissa-terrorsuspect-s-mum-speaks-out/1056- 2681318-1447q5h/index.html

[33] Ndung'u I, Salifu U, Sigsworth R. Violent extremism in Kenya-why women are a priority. Institute for Security Studies Monographs.

2017;**2017**(197):1-24

**30**

**33**

**Figure 1.**

*The Mumbai attack in 2008.*

**Chapter 4**

**Abstract**

terrorism

**1. Introduction**

Terrorism in Emerging Economies:

Terrorism is the unlawful use of violence against civilians to intimidate a government or its citizens to further certain social and political objectives. Usually terrorist attacks on government officials and property to create panic and dictate or enforce their illegal terms and conditions on sitting government. The chapter discussed the definitions of terrorism, types of definitions and consequences on terrorism in developing countries. Finally, the chapter draws a picture of terrorism

**Keywords:** terrorism, developing countries, civil disorder, political terrorism, quasi

Terrorism is the use of internationally indiscriminate ferocity as a means to create panic in public; or fear to gain some political, financial, or religious objective. During the French Revolution, the terrorism and terrorist invented but increased popularity in the 1970s in news reports, research papers, and magazines covering

There is no doubt that there are many definitions of terrorism. Terrorism is a charged term. It is usually used with the connotation of something that is "ethically and morally wrong". According to the Global Terrorism Database [1], from 2000 to 2014, almost 61,000 incidents of non-state terrorism, resulting in at least 140,000 deaths.

the dispute and/or conflicts in the Basque, Palestine, and North Ireland.

A Double-Edged Sword

*Syed Abdul Rehman Khan and Zhang Yu*

and economic growth with the support of literature reviews.

#### **Chapter 4**

## Terrorism in Emerging Economies: A Double-Edged Sword

*Syed Abdul Rehman Khan and Zhang Yu*

#### **Abstract**

Terrorism is the unlawful use of violence against civilians to intimidate a government or its citizens to further certain social and political objectives. Usually terrorist attacks on government officials and property to create panic and dictate or enforce their illegal terms and conditions on sitting government. The chapter discussed the definitions of terrorism, types of definitions and consequences on terrorism in developing countries. Finally, the chapter draws a picture of terrorism and economic growth with the support of literature reviews.

**Keywords:** terrorism, developing countries, civil disorder, political terrorism, quasi terrorism

#### **1. Introduction**

Terrorism is the use of internationally indiscriminate ferocity as a means to create panic in public; or fear to gain some political, financial, or religious objective. During the French Revolution, the terrorism and terrorist invented but increased popularity in the 1970s in news reports, research papers, and magazines covering the dispute and/or conflicts in the Basque, Palestine, and North Ireland.

There is no doubt that there are many definitions of terrorism. Terrorism is a charged term. It is usually used with the connotation of something that is "ethically and morally wrong". According to the Global Terrorism Database [1], from 2000 to 2014, almost 61,000 incidents of non-state terrorism, resulting in at least 140,000 deaths.

**Figure 1.** *The Mumbai attack in 2008.*

#### *Terrorism and Developing Countries*

Terrorism can occur in different places to create fear in the public and build pressure on governmental bodies for the aim of financial, religious, or any other benefits (**Figure 1**). The National Advisory Committee on Criminal Justice Standard and Goals highlighted six fundamental types of terrorism:

#### **1.1 Civil disorder**

This is a violent form of protest, which usually held against the sitting government and mostly time supported by opposition parties. The objective is to show the unhappiness of people, but they sometimes result in large riots in which public and private property is burned/broken and civilians are injured.

#### **1.2 Political terrorism**

This type of terrorism is used by one political group to threaten another political group. In fact, government leaders are the ones who are intended to receive the ultimate message and citizens are the ones who are targeted with violent attacks.

#### **1.3 Quasi terrorism**

This is a violent act that utilizes the same methods, which employed by terrorists, but does not have the same factors of motivating. Usually, these cases involve an armed criminal who is trying to escape from law enforcement utilizing civilians as a hostage to help them escape. The lawbreaker is acting in a similar manner to a terrorist, but terrorism is not the goal.

#### **1.4 Nonpolitical terrorism**

This type of terrorism is not for gaining any political purpose, but most times is connected with religious nature.

#### **1.5 State terrorism**

This type of terrorism is totally supported by the government. In state terrorism, the government uses its military forces for their illegal objectives. The state terrorism is well-known for Indian governmental activities in Kashmir, which is also the violation of human rights. In addition, one more example of state terrorism can be noticed in Palestine.

#### **1.6 Limited political terrorism**

These acts are usually one time only plots to make an ideological statement. In this type of terrorism, the key objective is not to change the government, but to show the unhappiness against the governmental policy.

#### **2. Cases of terrorism in developing countries**

During 2014, a terrorist group attack on the APS (Army Public School), which is located in the Peshawar capital city of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province of Pakistan. All militants were foreigner including Chechen, Afghanis, and Arabs. They entered the school and killed 132 school children and 17 school teacher and staff. During the incidents, a rescue operation was launched by the great Pak Army, who killed all the terrorists and rescued more than 950 people (**Figure 2**).

**35**

**Figure 3.**

*Attack on churches in Sri Lanka.*

**Figure 2.**

*The Army Public School attack in 2014.*

*Terrorism in Emerging Economies: A Double-Edged Sword*

In 2019, during the celebration of Easter festival in Sri Lanka, three churches and three hotels were targeted by the terrorist. In the suicide bombings, approximately 258 people were died including 45 foreigners, while the number of injured people was around 500. As per the official agencies, the terrorist was Sri Lankan national and was associated with a local militant group (**Figures 3** and **4**).

During May 2019, Afghan Taliban attack in Kabul and killed five people and 24 people were injured. According to the Afghan government, four terrorists were also killed by the security forces and more than 200 people were rescued (**Figure 5**). In April 2019, two suicide bomb attack in the northeastern Nigerian city of Maiduguri. The national news confirmed the death of 3 people and 30 were hospitalized. According to the governmental reports, two female bombers detonated their explosives among a crowd in Muna Dalti on the outskirts of Borno state capital

In February 2019, around 42 Indian soldiers have been killed in a suicide attack in the disputed area of Kashmir. After the suicide attack, the Indian government put

Maiduguri, the birthplace of the Boko Haram jihadist group (**Figure 6**).

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88595*

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

**1.1 Civil disorder**

**1.2 Political terrorism**

**1.3 Quasi terrorism**

terrorist, but terrorism is not the goal.

**1.4 Nonpolitical terrorism**

**1.5 State terrorism**

noticed in Palestine.

connected with religious nature.

**1.6 Limited political terrorism**

show the unhappiness against the governmental policy.

terrorists and rescued more than 950 people (**Figure 2**).

**2. Cases of terrorism in developing countries**

Terrorism can occur in different places to create fear in the public and build pressure on governmental bodies for the aim of financial, religious, or any other benefits (**Figure 1**). The National Advisory Committee on Criminal Justice Standard and Goals highlighted six fundamental types of terrorism:

This is a violent form of protest, which usually held against the sitting government and mostly time supported by opposition parties. The objective is to show the unhappiness of people, but they sometimes result in large riots in which public and

This type of terrorism is used by one political group to threaten another political group. In fact, government leaders are the ones who are intended to receive the ultimate message and citizens are the ones who are targeted with violent attacks.

This is a violent act that utilizes the same methods, which employed by terrorists, but does not have the same factors of motivating. Usually, these cases involve an armed criminal who is trying to escape from law enforcement utilizing civilians as a hostage to help them escape. The lawbreaker is acting in a similar manner to a

This type of terrorism is not for gaining any political purpose, but most times is

This type of terrorism is totally supported by the government. In state terrorism, the government uses its military forces for their illegal objectives. The state terrorism is well-known for Indian governmental activities in Kashmir, which is also the violation of human rights. In addition, one more example of state terrorism can be

These acts are usually one time only plots to make an ideological statement. In this type of terrorism, the key objective is not to change the government, but to

During 2014, a terrorist group attack on the APS (Army Public School), which is located in the Peshawar capital city of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa Province of Pakistan. All militants were foreigner including Chechen, Afghanis, and Arabs. They entered the school and killed 132 school children and 17 school teacher and staff. During the incidents, a rescue operation was launched by the great Pak Army, who killed all the

private property is burned/broken and civilians are injured.

**34**

**Figure 2.** *The Army Public School attack in 2014.*

In 2019, during the celebration of Easter festival in Sri Lanka, three churches and three hotels were targeted by the terrorist. In the suicide bombings, approximately 258 people were died including 45 foreigners, while the number of injured people was around 500. As per the official agencies, the terrorist was Sri Lankan national and was associated with a local militant group (**Figures 3** and **4**).

During May 2019, Afghan Taliban attack in Kabul and killed five people and 24 people were injured. According to the Afghan government, four terrorists were also killed by the security forces and more than 200 people were rescued (**Figure 5**).

In April 2019, two suicide bomb attack in the northeastern Nigerian city of Maiduguri. The national news confirmed the death of 3 people and 30 were hospitalized. According to the governmental reports, two female bombers detonated their explosives among a crowd in Muna Dalti on the outskirts of Borno state capital Maiduguri, the birthplace of the Boko Haram jihadist group (**Figure 6**).

In February 2019, around 42 Indian soldiers have been killed in a suicide attack in the disputed area of Kashmir. After the suicide attack, the Indian government put

**Figure 3.** *Attack on churches in Sri Lanka.*

**Figure 4.** *Suicide bombing on Easter day in Sri Lanka.*

**Figure 5.** *Smokes rises after a terrorist attack in Kabul.*

**37**

*Terrorism in Emerging Economies: A Double-Edged Sword*

their failure on Pakistani forces and blamed that the attackers were sent from Pakistan (**Figures 7** and **8**). On the other hand, Pakistani officials clearly denied the Indian officials statement. In addition, the Pakistani government spokesman said: "It is Indian habit to blame Pakistan." Further, the spokesman offers that we are willing to investigate the case with the Indian government for better regional peace and prosperity.

Since the last couple of decades, the developing world is significantly facing the problem of terrorism, which slowdown to the economic growth of those countries. The table displays the list of seven developing countries that experienced terrorism

In 2004, Blomberg et al. [2] conducted a study to examine the effect of terrorism on economic viability in the sample of time series data during the period of 1968 to 2000. Their findings show that terrorism has a significant and negative effect on economic growth. In addition, greater terrorist activities lose the interest of investors and mostly time's countries face some international sanctions. In a similar way, Gaibulloev and Sandler [3] formulated a comparative analysis between developed and developing countries; they collected the data from 52 and 7 developing and

**3. Terrorism in developing countries and economic growth**

*A suicide bombing last week in southern Kashmir killed at least 40 Indian soldiers.*

incidents and lost their economic growth (**Table 1**).

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88595*

*Disputed area of Kashmir between Pakistan-Indian.*

**Figure 7.**

**Figure 8.**

**Figure 6.** *Boko Haram fighters in Nigeria.*

*Terrorism in Emerging Economies: A Double-Edged Sword DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88595*

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

**36**

**Figure 6.**

*Boko Haram fighters in Nigeria.*

**Figure 5.**

**Figure 4.**

*Smokes rises after a terrorist attack in Kabul.*

*Suicide bombing on Easter day in Sri Lanka.*

**Figure 7.** *Disputed area of Kashmir between Pakistan-Indian.*

**Figure 8.** *A suicide bombing last week in southern Kashmir killed at least 40 Indian soldiers.*

their failure on Pakistani forces and blamed that the attackers were sent from Pakistan (**Figures 7** and **8**). On the other hand, Pakistani officials clearly denied the Indian officials statement. In addition, the Pakistani government spokesman said: "It is Indian habit to blame Pakistan." Further, the spokesman offers that we are willing to investigate the case with the Indian government for better regional peace and prosperity.

### **3. Terrorism in developing countries and economic growth**

Since the last couple of decades, the developing world is significantly facing the problem of terrorism, which slowdown to the economic growth of those countries. The table displays the list of seven developing countries that experienced terrorism incidents and lost their economic growth (**Table 1**).

In 2004, Blomberg et al. [2] conducted a study to examine the effect of terrorism on economic viability in the sample of time series data during the period of 1968 to 2000. Their findings show that terrorism has a significant and negative effect on economic growth. In addition, greater terrorist activities lose the interest of investors and mostly time's countries face some international sanctions. In a similar way, Gaibulloev and Sandler [3] formulated a comparative analysis between developed and developing countries; they collected the data from 52 and 7 developing and


**Table 1.**

*The developing countries with greater terrorism activities.*

developed countries, respectively. The findings were little surprising, as terrorism has no adverse effect on economic growth in developed countries, while the emerging countries economy are badly affected and destroyed by terrorism. There are myriads of other costs like brain drain, destruction of transportation and traderelated infrastructure, and diversion of funds to counterterrorism (compared to funding on social welfare including subsidies on medicines and free education).

Unquestionably, foreign direct investment is fuel for economic growth, but without political stability and terror-free country, it is almost impossible. In developing countries, raising terrorism is creating an alarming situation for their economic viability [4]. A study published by Bandyopadhyay et al. [5] emphasized on a sample of 78 developing nations and they found that 1% increase in terrorism will reduce the foreign direct investment inflows by \$323.6 million approximately.

On the other hand, terrorism also raises the cost of doing business such as shipping cost will rise if shippers have to buy insurance to mitigate their risk of possible damages in the ports of terrorism-prone nations. In the results, the costs transferred to the consumers in terms of expensive products, which will not only reduce both imports and exports of terror-affected countries. Nitsch and Schumacher [6] claimed that during the period of 1960 to 1993, an increasing number of terrorist incidents reduced the bilateral trade among 200 countries. The multiplier effect of terrorism is not only dragged economic activities but sometimes pull countries into circular debt problems.

#### **4. Conclusion**

This chapter mainly discussed the types of terrorism and their impact on the economic growth of the countries. In addition, authors also provided cases of different terrorist attack in developing countries, particularly in Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka, and Nigeria. Authors discussed and explored with the support of previously published articles that terrorism is strongly and negatively associated with economic growth in developing countries, while in some developed countries there is no relationship between terrorism and economic growth. As developing countries economy is not well sustained as compare to developed countries and due to a single attack can leak and shake to the economic and trade activities.

#### **Acknowledgements**

Apart from the efforts of us, the success of any project depends largely on the encouragement and guidelines of many others. I take this opportunity to express my gratitude to our research team members.

**39**

**Author details**

Syed Abdul Rehman Khan1

and Zhang Yu<sup>2</sup>

\*Address all correspondence to: zhangyu19@foxmail.com

provided the original work is properly cited.

1 School of Economics and Management, Tsinghua University, Beijing, China

2 School of Economics and Management, Chang'an University, Xi'an, China

\*

© 2019 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium,

*Terrorism in Emerging Economies: A Double-Edged Sword*

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88595*

There is no conflict of interest.

**Conflict of interest**

*Terrorism in Emerging Economies: A Double-Edged Sword DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88595*

### **Conflict of interest**

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

*The developing countries with greater terrorism activities.*

developed countries, respectively. The findings were little surprising, as terrorism has no adverse effect on economic growth in developed countries, while the emerging countries economy are badly affected and destroyed by terrorism. There are myriads of other costs like brain drain, destruction of transportation and traderelated infrastructure, and diversion of funds to counterterrorism (compared to funding on social welfare including subsidies on medicines and free education). Unquestionably, foreign direct investment is fuel for economic growth, but without political stability and terror-free country, it is almost impossible. In developing countries, raising terrorism is creating an alarming situation for their economic viability [4]. A study published by Bandyopadhyay et al. [5] emphasized on a sample of 78 developing nations and they found that 1% increase in terrorism will reduce the foreign direct investment inflows by \$323.6 million approximately. On the other hand, terrorism also raises the cost of doing business such as shipping cost will rise if shippers have to buy insurance to mitigate their risk of possible damages in the ports of terrorism-prone nations. In the results, the costs transferred to the consumers in terms of expensive products, which will not only reduce both imports and exports of terror-affected countries. Nitsch and Schumacher [6] claimed that during the period of 1960 to 1993, an increasing number of terrorist incidents reduced the bilateral trade among 200 countries. The multiplier effect of terrorism is not only dragged economic activities but sometimes pull countries into circular debt problems.

**S. no. Country Domestic International Total incidents** India 2229 78 2438 Thailand 985 21 1027 Philippines 621 51 702 Israel 482 42 546 Colombia 540 37 620 Nigeria 712 92 842 Nepal 282 27 323

This chapter mainly discussed the types of terrorism and their impact on the economic growth of the countries. In addition, authors also provided cases of different terrorist attack in developing countries, particularly in Pakistan, India, Sri Lanka, and Nigeria. Authors discussed and explored with the support of previously published articles that terrorism is strongly and negatively associated with economic growth in developing countries, while in some developed countries there is no relationship between terrorism and economic growth. As developing countries economy is not well sustained as compare to developed countries and due to a single

Apart from the efforts of us, the success of any project depends largely on the encouragement and guidelines of many others. I take this opportunity to express

attack can leak and shake to the economic and trade activities.

my gratitude to our research team members.

**38**

**4. Conclusion**

**Table 1.**

**Acknowledgements**

There is no conflict of interest.

#### **Author details**

Syed Abdul Rehman Khan1 and Zhang Yu<sup>2</sup> \*

1 School of Economics and Management, Tsinghua University, Beijing, China

2 School of Economics and Management, Chang'an University, Xi'an, China

\*Address all correspondence to: zhangyu19@foxmail.com

© 2019 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

### **References**

[1] Global Terrorism Database. Information on More Than 180,000 Terrorist Attacks. 2019. Available from: https://www.start.umd.edu/gtd/ [Accessed: 06 June 2019]

[2] Blomberg SB, Hess GD, Orphanides A. The macroeconomic consequences of terrorism. Journal of Monetary Economics. 2004;**51**(5):1007-1032

[3] Gaibulloev K, Sandler T. The impact of terrorism and conflicts on growth in Asia. Economics and Politics. 2009;**21**(3):359-383

[4] Abadie A, Gardeazabal J. Terrorism, and the world economy. European Economic Review. 2008;**52**(1):1-27

[5] Bandyopadhyay S, Sandler T, Younas J. Foreign direct investment, aid, and terrorism. Oxford Economic Papers. 2014;**66**(1):25-50

[6] Nitsch V, Schumacher D. Terrorism and international trade: An empirical investigation. European Journal of Political Economy. 2004;**20**(2):423-433

**41**

**Chapter 5**

**Abstract**

**1. Introduction**

The Survival Strategies of Poor

Douala, Cameroon

*Nanche Billa Robert*

Youth in the Metropolitan City of

The question we asked in this work was how young people who are predominantly poor survive in the metropolitan city of Douala, considering their reduced purchasing power. Our main objective was to identify the various coping mechanisms that the poor in the metropolitan city of Douala use to survive. We use the explanatory sequential mixed method to carry out this research: in the first phase, we randomly administered 610 questionnaires constructed using the desired values for living a comfortable life in Douala, and in the second phase, we purposefully selected and interviewed 50 poor youth to understand their survival strategies. We discovered that about 91% of youths are poor and 68.7% of them are the working poor. We discovered that they succeed by being calculative, flexible, and creative, accepting precarious jobs, practicing "long-linked borrowing" and modelling. In the course of struggling for survival, they form various identities of themselves: those of strugglers, helplessness, uncertainty, underachievers, alienated people, etc. We noticed that poverty is situational and not cultural, because they also wish to integrate the main stream values of their society but they are constrained.

Youth unemployment rates are much higher than adult rates in all regions, Isabel

Many youth are stuck in work that does not match their skills level or desired career path, [2]. The high employment-to-population ratios of youth in the poorest regions reflect the fact that the poor must work more vulnerable to poverty and less vulnerable to unemployment. There is a correlation between lower unemployment rates and higher vulnerable employment rates. The lack of social safety nets such as unemployment benefits means the poor cannot afford to be unemployed. Instead, they struggle to earn an income through own-account work or sporadic casual wage employment. Most persons in developing economies do not have access to wage and

et al. [1]. According to the National Institute of Statistics, in Cameroon, youth unemployment is higher (6%) than that of the whole population (3.8%).The unemployment rate of youth has proven to be more sensitive to that of adults, supporting the "first-out, last-in" hypothesis. Youth face a longer recovery than adults, mainly because of surplus labour competing for a limited number of jobs, youth, with their

**Keywords:** poverty, poor youths, Douala, flexibility, creativity

shorter work histories, will also be the "last in"..

#### **Chapter 5**

## The Survival Strategies of Poor Youth in the Metropolitan City of Douala, Cameroon

*Nanche Billa Robert*

### **Abstract**

The question we asked in this work was how young people who are predominantly poor survive in the metropolitan city of Douala, considering their reduced purchasing power. Our main objective was to identify the various coping mechanisms that the poor in the metropolitan city of Douala use to survive. We use the explanatory sequential mixed method to carry out this research: in the first phase, we randomly administered 610 questionnaires constructed using the desired values for living a comfortable life in Douala, and in the second phase, we purposefully selected and interviewed 50 poor youth to understand their survival strategies. We discovered that about 91% of youths are poor and 68.7% of them are the working poor. We discovered that they succeed by being calculative, flexible, and creative, accepting precarious jobs, practicing "long-linked borrowing" and modelling. In the course of struggling for survival, they form various identities of themselves: those of strugglers, helplessness, uncertainty, underachievers, alienated people, etc. We noticed that poverty is situational and not cultural, because they also wish to integrate the main stream values of their society but they are constrained.

**Keywords:** poverty, poor youths, Douala, flexibility, creativity

#### **1. Introduction**

Youth unemployment rates are much higher than adult rates in all regions, Isabel et al. [1]. According to the National Institute of Statistics, in Cameroon, youth unemployment is higher (6%) than that of the whole population (3.8%).The unemployment rate of youth has proven to be more sensitive to that of adults, supporting the "first-out, last-in" hypothesis. Youth face a longer recovery than adults, mainly because of surplus labour competing for a limited number of jobs, youth, with their shorter work histories, will also be the "last in"..

Many youth are stuck in work that does not match their skills level or desired career path, [2]. The high employment-to-population ratios of youth in the poorest regions reflect the fact that the poor must work more vulnerable to poverty and less vulnerable to unemployment. There is a correlation between lower unemployment rates and higher vulnerable employment rates. The lack of social safety nets such as unemployment benefits means the poor cannot afford to be unemployed. Instead, they struggle to earn an income through own-account work or sporadic casual wage employment. Most persons in developing economies do not have access to wage and

**40**

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

[1] Global Terrorism Database. Information on More Than 180,000 Terrorist Attacks. 2019. Available from: https://www.start.umd.edu/gtd/

[Accessed: 06 June 2019]

**References**

[2] Blomberg SB, Hess GD,

consequences of terrorism. Journal of Monetary Economics.

2004;**51**(5):1007-1032

2009;**21**(3):359-383

Orphanides A. The macroeconomic

[3] Gaibulloev K, Sandler T. The impact of terrorism and conflicts on growth in Asia. Economics and Politics.

[4] Abadie A, Gardeazabal J. Terrorism, and the world economy. European Economic Review. 2008;**52**(1):1-27

[6] Nitsch V, Schumacher D. Terrorism and international trade: An empirical investigation. European Journal of Political Economy. 2004;**20**(2):423-433

[5] Bandyopadhyay S, Sandler T, Younas J. Foreign direct investment, aid, and terrorism. Oxford Economic

Papers. 2014;**66**(1):25-50

salaried employment, where job losses occur, but rather make their living in selfemployment (own-account work) or in contributing to family work.

About one third of economically active youth are unemployed. It affects a broad spectrum of socio-economic groups including the less and well-educated youth and especially youth from low-income background and those with limited education. According to the World Bank [3], in 2010 about 92% of young people employed were in the informal sector in Cameroon. Unemployment rate is not the best indicator for measuring crisis impact on young people. Majority of youth in Africa are engaged in informal sector activities. Only a small proportion is engaged in the formal sector. A large proportion of youth are thus under-employed, working long hours under poor working conditions for little remuneration mainly in the informal sector.

Global labour markets have also been increasingly characterized by vulnerable employment, which is strongly related to low-paying jobs and difficult working conditions where wage inequality is high and fundamental worker's rights are likely to be in jeopardy. Vulnerable jobs and informal work can be expected to be widespread. According to the National Institute of Statistics [4, 5], in Cameroon, underemployment was about 12.3% in 2010, it was 12.1% in 2005.

Increasing "labour precarization" is fast becoming a concern. The "precariat" is a class in the making, a growing number of people across the world live and work precariously, usually in a series of short-term jobs, without recourse to stable occupational identities, social protection or protective regulations relevant to them. They are increasingly frustrated and dangerous because they have no voice, and, hence, they are vulnerable to the calls of extreme political parties [1].

Working poverty affects workers of all ages, vulnerability increases at different stages of the life cycle. Youth, in particular, have a higher likelihood of being among the working poor than adults [6]. Large cohorts of poor youth remain trapped in low-productivity jobs, principally in subsistence agriculture. Out of economic necessity, their offspring are, in turn, likely to enter the labour force at an early age, perpetuating the vicious circle of poverty from one generation to the next [3, 6].

Workers who experience unemployment, especially of long duration, have an increased likelihood of being jobless in later years and earning lower wages. These effects, which are known as "wage scars," are observed in both young and adult populations, but the evidence overwhelmingly shows that the impacts are much more acute on young workers [7].

A widespread coping strategy linked to the jobs crisis has been selling household assets and borrowing money. In order to maintain consumption needs during periods of unemployment or reduced or erratic wages, many households have drawn down savings and sold possessions, as well as turned to friends, relatives, membership-based clubs, community groups and banks, where possible, for financial help. While selling assets and borrowing are, indeed, important safety nets for the poor, they are also easily exhaustible [1].

What strategies do the poor youth of Douala adopt to survive in an urban area like Douala where the rate of unemployment, underemployment and own-account workers is very high and especially where everything is monetized?

The main objective of this work is to elicit all the coping mechanisms that the poor youth use to continue living with inadequate income in Douala.

#### **2. Methodology**

The questionnaire construction was based on the notion that poverty is relative to a society and epoch. Sociologically speaking, one is poor when one cannot

**43**

*The Survival Strategies of Poor Youth in the Metropolitan City of Douala, Cameroon*

attain the values of one's society. That is, a sociological description of poverty must take into consideration the values of the society in question. These values are not to be prescribed by the researcher in order to avoid subjectivity. The value must be a general consensus of those living in the society in question at the time of the

We carried a pilot studies which is a small scale preliminary study conducted before the main research to find out the psychological and social essentials for ordinary living patterns in Douala in order to improve the design of the research. We asked respondents what they considered to be normal social activities; that is, the psychological and social essentials for ordinary living patterns in Douala. It was administered on 30 respondents having varied social status and then the responses

We used the mixed methods research because the combination of quantitative and qualitative approaches provides a more complete understanding of a research problem than either approach alone [9, 10]. The quantitative methods helped us to establish the poverty-line and the qualitative method helped us to understand the daily struggles for survival of the poor youth of Douala. A blend of both the quantitative and qualitative methods provided a profound picture of what youth poverty is in the city of Douala. The overall intent of this design is to have the qualitative

We used the random sampling method wherein we selected every fifth of the youths in Douala ensuring that everyone had an equal chance in the selection. It is worth-noting that we had a full grasp of the sampling frame. We went to all the

The number of questionnaires administered in each of the five sub-divisions was determined by its population. We put the population of each sub-division over the total population of the five sub-divisions and then we multiplied by our sample size 610. We ensured that the number of females or males in the study was equivalent to their percentage in the general population by using the same above mathematical

We tried as much as possible too to ensure that the percentage of each sex selected was almost same as its percentage in the general population. In Douala, there are 956,883(49.67%) females and 969,630(50.33) males out of the total population of 1,926,513. Equally, we selected 300(49.18%) females and 310 (50.82%)

The above table shows that as age increases, the number of persons below the poverty-line decreases and vice versa. The graph below shows the distribution of

**Age range % Below poverty-line % Above poverty-line**

‹21 95 5 21–25 95.3 4.7 26–30 90.2 9.8 31–35 84.5 14.5

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.87152*

constituted the foundation of our questionnaire.

data explain in more details the initial quantitative results.

sub-divisions and all the neighbourhoods in each division.

males out of the total sample size of 610.

**3.1 Description of youth poverty in Douala**

**Youth age difference and poverty-line in Douala.**

income among the youth in the city of Douala.

research, [8].

application.

**3. Results**

#### *The Survival Strategies of Poor Youth in the Metropolitan City of Douala, Cameroon DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.87152*

attain the values of one's society. That is, a sociological description of poverty must take into consideration the values of the society in question. These values are not to be prescribed by the researcher in order to avoid subjectivity. The value must be a general consensus of those living in the society in question at the time of the research, [8].

We carried a pilot studies which is a small scale preliminary study conducted before the main research to find out the psychological and social essentials for ordinary living patterns in Douala in order to improve the design of the research. We asked respondents what they considered to be normal social activities; that is, the psychological and social essentials for ordinary living patterns in Douala. It was administered on 30 respondents having varied social status and then the responses constituted the foundation of our questionnaire.

We used the mixed methods research because the combination of quantitative and qualitative approaches provides a more complete understanding of a research problem than either approach alone [9, 10]. The quantitative methods helped us to establish the poverty-line and the qualitative method helped us to understand the daily struggles for survival of the poor youth of Douala. A blend of both the quantitative and qualitative methods provided a profound picture of what youth poverty is in the city of Douala. The overall intent of this design is to have the qualitative data explain in more details the initial quantitative results.

We used the random sampling method wherein we selected every fifth of the youths in Douala ensuring that everyone had an equal chance in the selection. It is worth-noting that we had a full grasp of the sampling frame. We went to all the sub-divisions and all the neighbourhoods in each division.

The number of questionnaires administered in each of the five sub-divisions was determined by its population. We put the population of each sub-division over the total population of the five sub-divisions and then we multiplied by our sample size 610. We ensured that the number of females or males in the study was equivalent to their percentage in the general population by using the same above mathematical application.

We tried as much as possible too to ensure that the percentage of each sex selected was almost same as its percentage in the general population. In Douala, there are 956,883(49.67%) females and 969,630(50.33) males out of the total population of 1,926,513. Equally, we selected 300(49.18%) females and 310 (50.82%) males out of the total sample size of 610.

#### **3. Results**

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

salaried employment, where job losses occur, but rather make their living in self-

About one third of economically active youth are unemployed. It affects a broad spectrum of socio-economic groups including the less and well-educated youth and especially youth from low-income background and those with limited education. According to the World Bank [3], in 2010 about 92% of young people employed were in the informal sector in Cameroon. Unemployment rate is not the best indicator for measuring crisis impact on young people. Majority of youth in Africa are engaged in informal sector activities. Only a small proportion is engaged in the formal sector. A large proportion of youth are thus under-employed, working long hours under poor

Global labour markets have also been increasingly characterized by vulnerable employment, which is strongly related to low-paying jobs and difficult working conditions where wage inequality is high and fundamental worker's rights are likely to be in jeopardy. Vulnerable jobs and informal work can be expected to be widespread. According to the National Institute of Statistics [4, 5], in Cameroon,

Increasing "labour precarization" is fast becoming a concern. The "precariat" is a class in the making, a growing number of people across the world live and work precariously, usually in a series of short-term jobs, without recourse to stable occupational identities, social protection or protective regulations relevant to them. They are increasingly frustrated and dangerous because they have no voice, and, hence, they are vulnerable to the calls of extreme political

Working poverty affects workers of all ages, vulnerability increases at different stages of the life cycle. Youth, in particular, have a higher likelihood of being among the working poor than adults [6]. Large cohorts of poor youth remain trapped in low-productivity jobs, principally in subsistence agriculture. Out of economic necessity, their offspring are, in turn, likely to enter the labour force at an early age, perpetuating the vicious circle of poverty from one generation to the next [3, 6]. Workers who experience unemployment, especially of long duration, have an increased likelihood of being jobless in later years and earning lower wages. These effects, which are known as "wage scars," are observed in both young and adult populations, but the evidence overwhelmingly shows that the impacts are much

A widespread coping strategy linked to the jobs crisis has been selling household assets and borrowing money. In order to maintain consumption needs during periods of unemployment or reduced or erratic wages, many households have drawn down savings and sold possessions, as well as turned to friends, relatives, membership-based clubs, community groups and banks, where possible, for financial help. While selling assets and borrowing are, indeed, important safety nets for the poor,

What strategies do the poor youth of Douala adopt to survive in an urban area like Douala where the rate of unemployment, underemployment and own-account

The main objective of this work is to elicit all the coping mechanisms that the

The questionnaire construction was based on the notion that poverty is relative to a society and epoch. Sociologically speaking, one is poor when one cannot

workers is very high and especially where everything is monetized?

poor youth use to continue living with inadequate income in Douala.

employment (own-account work) or in contributing to family work.

working conditions for little remuneration mainly in the informal sector.

underemployment was about 12.3% in 2010, it was 12.1% in 2005.

**42**

**2. Methodology**

parties [1].

more acute on young workers [7].

they are also easily exhaustible [1].

#### **3.1 Description of youth poverty in Douala**


**Youth age difference and poverty-line in Douala.**

The above table shows that as age increases, the number of persons below the poverty-line decreases and vice versa. The graph below shows the distribution of income among the youth in the city of Douala.

From the above it is glaring that that a bulk of the youth in the city of Douala earn between 24,000 and 74,000 frs CFA (41%), 4.8% earn below 24, 000 frs and 19% earn nothing. Only 9% of the youths in Douala earn about 177,000 frs and above which is the amount required for participating in the predominant values in Douala [11–13]. It is quite difficult to cope in the city of Douala using such low salaries. Therefore the youths in Douala are what ILO [2] describes as the working poor who live below the poverty line and are working out of economic necessity. According to it, youth, in particular, have a higher likelihood of being among the working poor than adults. The question that preoccupies us in this work is the coping mechanisms these working poor youth in the city of Douala use to survive. In other words, what strategies do they use to have a good feeding habit, domestic comfort, health seeking behaviour among others?

#### **3.2 Different survival strategies in Douala**

**45**

*The Survival Strategies of Poor Youth in the Metropolitan City of Douala, Cameroon*

for very long hours because they do a diversity of activities to survive.

The above histogram indicates that 26.6%, 44.7%, 17.4%, 1.3%, 1.5%, 4.3%, 4.2% of the youth in the city of Douala diversify their activities, work for long hours, are dependent, are prostitute, thieves, gamble and do others things respectively to survive. Therefore to survive in the city of Douala, the poor residents work

The poor youth of Douala do many precarious economic activities. When in financial difficulties, they walked out of their zone of expertise and do many other activities whether related to their field of specialization or not. So for the poor youth in Douala to survive, they must be very smart and tactful. They must learn to do several jobs simultaneously and must be willing to sacrifice their resting time to check their private work because it is what relieves them when their masters fail to pay their salaries for months and equally helps them to solve their other problems. As such, they overwork themselves just to survive since they do not have any support network either from their government nor parents because they are either predominantly from a polygamous family, or have lost a parent, or their parents are simply irresponsible or too old or too poor to take care of them. They have to fight on their

Serge who is mechanic lived alone and was independent because his former master had sent him away. Therefore he had to struggle as much as possible to survive in life. He had worked 2000 frs CFA the day we met him which was enough only for saving in the meeting he attended. So he had to do something different as he said "I will struggle elsewhere to live" meaning he was going to do other things to survive which was to change the tyres of vehicles which was not initially his profession. Mathias a mechanic who did not have enough money to pay his rent, buy dresses, food for himself and take care of his younger ones, had to do other jobs related to his profession such as repairing motorcycle, light panel beating just to

For a poor youth to survive in Douala, he/she must be very calculative—that is, must try as much as possible to make good use of the little resources that he/ she earns as well as do many other things to complement his or her salary. This is the case of Nora who operated a call-box business in Bonanjo—she ensured to save 7000 francs weekly every week-end for her "Pépé-soup business" from which she gained 2000 francs per day which she would use to feed her two children and her unemployed husband. She would give 1000 francs to her husband to prepare food in the house and would add the remaining 3000 to the 7000 francs to buy air-time

Alain who earned about 100,000 frs CFA thinks it was insufficient to carter for all his needs and those of his relations. Apart from being employed as a commercial agent he also worked in the informal sector: he had an unlegalised printing press. He was afraid his master would dismiss him if he legalized it in his name. He was doing everything possible to use the names of one of his cousins in order to maintain his job. Whenever he presented the goods of his company, he would tell his customers about his printing press and the services they offer. They would call him whenever they needed his services which he would give to workers he had employed to work in the printing press. He would check it in the evening or during break-time or after returning from his work or over the weekend. He was also a go-between: he was a commercial agent, his customers would call for him to advertise their products which he would sell at an elevated price in order to make some gains for himself. He

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.87152*

own while hoping that their future will be better.

survive and help family members.

credit for her call box business.

looked for them too even during working hours.

*3.2.1 Diversification of activities*

#### *The Survival Strategies of Poor Youth in the Metropolitan City of Douala, Cameroon DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.87152*

The above histogram indicates that 26.6%, 44.7%, 17.4%, 1.3%, 1.5%, 4.3%, 4.2% of the youth in the city of Douala diversify their activities, work for long hours, are dependent, are prostitute, thieves, gamble and do others things respectively to survive. Therefore to survive in the city of Douala, the poor residents work for very long hours because they do a diversity of activities to survive.

#### *3.2.1 Diversification of activities*

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

From the above it is glaring that that a bulk of the youth in the city of Douala earn between 24,000 and 74,000 frs CFA (41%), 4.8% earn below 24, 000 frs and 19% earn nothing. Only 9% of the youths in Douala earn about 177,000 frs and above which is the amount required for participating in the predominant values in Douala [11–13]. It is quite difficult to cope in the city of Douala using such low salaries. Therefore the youths in Douala are what ILO [2] describes as the working poor who live below the poverty line and are working out of economic necessity. According to it, youth, in particular, have a higher likelihood of being among the working poor than adults. The question that preoccupies us in this work is the coping mechanisms these working poor youth in the city of Douala use to survive. In other words, what strategies do they use to have a good feeding habit, domestic

comfort, health seeking behaviour among others?

**3.2 Different survival strategies in Douala**

**44**

The poor youth of Douala do many precarious economic activities. When in financial difficulties, they walked out of their zone of expertise and do many other activities whether related to their field of specialization or not. So for the poor youth in Douala to survive, they must be very smart and tactful. They must learn to do several jobs simultaneously and must be willing to sacrifice their resting time to check their private work because it is what relieves them when their masters fail to pay their salaries for months and equally helps them to solve their other problems. As such, they overwork themselves just to survive since they do not have any support network either from their government nor parents because they are either predominantly from a polygamous family, or have lost a parent, or their parents are simply irresponsible or too old or too poor to take care of them. They have to fight on their own while hoping that their future will be better.

Serge who is mechanic lived alone and was independent because his former master had sent him away. Therefore he had to struggle as much as possible to survive in life. He had worked 2000 frs CFA the day we met him which was enough only for saving in the meeting he attended. So he had to do something different as he said "I will struggle elsewhere to live" meaning he was going to do other things to survive which was to change the tyres of vehicles which was not initially his profession.

Mathias a mechanic who did not have enough money to pay his rent, buy dresses, food for himself and take care of his younger ones, had to do other jobs related to his profession such as repairing motorcycle, light panel beating just to survive and help family members.

For a poor youth to survive in Douala, he/she must be very calculative—that is, must try as much as possible to make good use of the little resources that he/ she earns as well as do many other things to complement his or her salary. This is the case of Nora who operated a call-box business in Bonanjo—she ensured to save 7000 francs weekly every week-end for her "Pépé-soup business" from which she gained 2000 francs per day which she would use to feed her two children and her unemployed husband. She would give 1000 francs to her husband to prepare food in the house and would add the remaining 3000 to the 7000 francs to buy air-time credit for her call box business.

Alain who earned about 100,000 frs CFA thinks it was insufficient to carter for all his needs and those of his relations. Apart from being employed as a commercial agent he also worked in the informal sector: he had an unlegalised printing press. He was afraid his master would dismiss him if he legalized it in his name. He was doing everything possible to use the names of one of his cousins in order to maintain his job. Whenever he presented the goods of his company, he would tell his customers about his printing press and the services they offer. They would call him whenever they needed his services which he would give to workers he had employed to work in the printing press. He would check it in the evening or during break-time or after returning from his work or over the weekend. He was also a go-between: he was a commercial agent, his customers would call for him to advertise their products which he would sell at an elevated price in order to make some gains for himself. He looked for them too even during working hours.

#### *Terrorism and Developing Countries*

Romeo who wanted to go back to the university, sold umbrella, schoolbags and others goods over the week-end and even on Sunday in Bonanjo which is normally a resting day in order to make more money for himself. "I am a fighter because I can do all to survive" he had difficult moments but he tried to overcome them in one way or the other.

Poor youth who are teachers did what Bissai, a secondary school teacher symbolically termed to be "prostitution by giving home tuition to rich people's children," for payment. At times their masters would stay for months without paying them but they had no choice but to keep on teaching their children. Bissai equally had a plantation in his village although he did not have enough money to invest in it.

#### *3.2.2 Flexibility and creativity*

Most poor youths are very flexible and creative in doing businesses and other activities. When one business is not doing well, they can easily switch to another or do another activity. They equally serve as some sort of reserve labourers for building site; whenever someone has a contract to build a house for example they would employ them and pay them per task or at the end of the day. From the beginning they would give building materials to the builders, later they mix the mould and then learn how to build and even lay the bricks. After having mastered the work, contractors take building contracts and hand them over to them and pay them very low-salary since they do not know the value of work not being professionals themselves.

An interesting example is Djeufack who dropped out of school from lower sixth. He is a builder, a painter, a welder and an electrician, etc. He learned all that except electricity "on the spot" he said, that is in the course of doing them without any formal training. If a contractor goes to the quarter looking for a painter for example, they pretend to be painters just because they are idle and poor. The contractor takes them to the construction site. "We pretend to give him the different types of paints and materials that we need and will go and ask the price from a quincaillerie." This is just for them to get better information from a professional painter whom they will take to the site. After having all the required information, they then return and bargain with the contractor before starting the work. If from the onset the work is not going on smoothly, they will call an expert who will show them how to do it. The expert comes and verifies the work at the end to ensure that they have done it very well.

Sometimes they recruit them and they learn from those who know how to do it already although they all earn the same salary. It is difficult for the contractor to distinguish experts from charlatans. At times those who master the work report them to the contractor and if he notices that the work has been well done, he does not care to punish them. They understand very fast when those who have a mastery of the work teach them on the spot. Although he said such works "suffocate a lot and is dirty" and it is not motivating but "we have no choice because we need it," said Djeufack.

Djeufack who learned electricity at school, would take those idling in the quarter to help him whenever he had a lot of work to do. When he was employed as storekeeper in COMENTAL, he learned welding too on the spot during his free time because they were welders around him. Some of his friends who had welding jobs out of the company gave them to him and he did the works during his free time.

They also do farm work not because they have done it before but because hardship forces them to accept it. They ask farm proprietors who have farms to hire their service. They dump them there just to come back in a week to pick them up. They cut grass and harvest crops. There is no sense of direction when they are working because they have not done it before.

**47**

other things?

*3.2.4 Accepting of odd jobs*

*The Survival Strategies of Poor Youth in the Metropolitan City of Douala, Cameroon*

ness, clearing people's farm he would not hesitate accepting them.

Djeufack also did small business that is, all what he could find: he sold apparatus, motorcycles, etc. He was a go-between if someone wanted to buy or sell something; he communicated it to those who are in need. If he sold it above the cost price, the extra sum will be his gain. He also did the business his dead father left because he did not have any other thing to do at the moment we met him—meaning that at the time we met him if he had had something more fruitful to do, he would have left for it. He was also a caterer because his brother was involved in it and

However, Djeufack has got no precise job, just like many other poor youths in the city Douala he does whatever he sees—he is an electrician, a welder, a go between, a painter, and does tapestry when there is an opportunity for him to do caterer, busi-

"The country is not well, we are obliged to juggle like this to survive—because all is expensive and work is rare and it is by knowing someone. It is necessary to fight to

Modelling is learning by imitating others. When we learn how to behave in a new situation by watching how other behave in other words called observational learning. An example is watching someone use unfamiliar tool either live or on film and

This is the method that many youths in Douala use to survive. They do not wait to have a proper training in something before doing it. They are daring and very adaptive and some learn very fast on the spot. After all they have no choice, imagine you have stayed for days without eating what will you do when an opportunity comes your way for you to earn some money? Will you refuse it because you have not got the appropriate training? So they have to "juggle to survive." It gives us a

There is no verification of expertise in such work—painting, welding, clearing a farm repairing a benskin, etc. We see the poor youths of Douala as being creative, someone trying to make maximum use of his environment and not just someone who just sit and hope that things may change on its own. He works while hoping. By so doing they later become professionals in many other fields that they have received no formal education or training. Tchuigoua summarized as follows: "All what I see that I can do, I do it." They are not out to select jobs after all the jobs are very rare and highly solicited—that is, the poor youths scramble for them. If you are selective you will stay for weeks and even months without doing anything. In short, you will starve to dead. How then will you manage your bills, feeding, dressing, and

Whenever the youth are pushed against the wall, they often forget their identity: their level of education in order to satisfy their basic needs. They cannot brandish their certificates because it cannot put food on their plates. Although it is often

The salary is not good all the times but they are obliged to do it because they have got nothing else to do. However it is very competitive because there are many other poor youths in need of them. One could arrive when they had called for other

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.87152*

constantly would call for him.

"Why all this?", we asked him.

"Why?" We asked again.

have something," he replied.

persons.

*3.2.3 Modelling*

"Because it is not working," he replied.

afterward being able to handle the tool oneself [14].

sense of disorder but which saves its purpose.

#### *The Survival Strategies of Poor Youth in the Metropolitan City of Douala, Cameroon DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.87152*

Djeufack also did small business that is, all what he could find: he sold apparatus, motorcycles, etc. He was a go-between if someone wanted to buy or sell something; he communicated it to those who are in need. If he sold it above the cost price, the extra sum will be his gain. He also did the business his dead father left because he did not have any other thing to do at the moment we met him—meaning that at the time we met him if he had had something more fruitful to do, he would have left for it. He was also a caterer because his brother was involved in it and constantly would call for him.

However, Djeufack has got no precise job, just like many other poor youths in the city Douala he does whatever he sees—he is an electrician, a welder, a go between, a painter, and does tapestry when there is an opportunity for him to do caterer, business, clearing people's farm he would not hesitate accepting them.

"Why all this?", we asked him.

"Because it is not working," he replied.

"Why?" We asked again.

"The country is not well, we are obliged to juggle like this to survive—because all is expensive and work is rare and it is by knowing someone. It is necessary to fight to have something," he replied.

The salary is not good all the times but they are obliged to do it because they have got nothing else to do. However it is very competitive because there are many other poor youths in need of them. One could arrive when they had called for other persons.

#### *3.2.3 Modelling*

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

*3.2.2 Flexibility and creativity*

way or the other.

themselves.

said Djeufack.

because they have not done it before.

Romeo who wanted to go back to the university, sold umbrella, schoolbags and others goods over the week-end and even on Sunday in Bonanjo which is normally a resting day in order to make more money for himself. "I am a fighter because I can do all to survive" he had difficult moments but he tried to overcome them in one

Poor youth who are teachers did what Bissai, a secondary school teacher symbolically termed to be "prostitution by giving home tuition to rich people's children," for payment. At times their masters would stay for months without paying them but they had no choice but to keep on teaching their children. Bissai equally had a plantation in his village although he did not have enough money to invest in it.

Most poor youths are very flexible and creative in doing businesses and other activities. When one business is not doing well, they can easily switch to another or do another activity. They equally serve as some sort of reserve labourers for building site; whenever someone has a contract to build a house for example they would employ them and pay them per task or at the end of the day. From the beginning they would give building materials to the builders, later they mix the mould and then learn how to build and even lay the bricks. After having mastered the work, contractors take building contracts and hand them over to them and pay them very low-salary since they do not know the value of work not being professionals

An interesting example is Djeufack who dropped out of school from lower sixth. He is a builder, a painter, a welder and an electrician, etc. He learned all that except electricity "on the spot" he said, that is in the course of doing them without any formal training. If a contractor goes to the quarter looking for a painter for example, they pretend to be painters just because they are idle and poor. The contractor takes them to the construction site. "We pretend to give him the different types of paints and materials that we need and will go and ask the price from a quincaillerie." This is just for them to get better information from a professional painter whom they will take to the site. After having all the required information, they then return and bargain with the contractor before starting the work. If from the onset the work is not going on smoothly, they will call an expert who will show them how to do it. The expert comes

and verifies the work at the end to ensure that they have done it very well.

Sometimes they recruit them and they learn from those who know how to do it already although they all earn the same salary. It is difficult for the contractor to distinguish experts from charlatans. At times those who master the work report them to the contractor and if he notices that the work has been well done, he does not care to punish them. They understand very fast when those who have a mastery of the work teach them on the spot. Although he said such works "suffocate a lot and is dirty" and it is not motivating but "we have no choice because we need it,"

Djeufack who learned electricity at school, would take those idling in the quarter to help him whenever he had a lot of work to do. When he was employed as storekeeper in COMENTAL, he learned welding too on the spot during his free time because they were welders around him. Some of his friends who had welding jobs out of the company gave them to him and he did the works during his free time. They also do farm work not because they have done it before but because hardship forces them to accept it. They ask farm proprietors who have farms to hire their service. They dump them there just to come back in a week to pick them up. They cut grass and harvest crops. There is no sense of direction when they are working

**46**

Modelling is learning by imitating others. When we learn how to behave in a new situation by watching how other behave in other words called observational learning. An example is watching someone use unfamiliar tool either live or on film and afterward being able to handle the tool oneself [14].

This is the method that many youths in Douala use to survive. They do not wait to have a proper training in something before doing it. They are daring and very adaptive and some learn very fast on the spot. After all they have no choice, imagine you have stayed for days without eating what will you do when an opportunity comes your way for you to earn some money? Will you refuse it because you have not got the appropriate training? So they have to "juggle to survive." It gives us a sense of disorder but which saves its purpose.

There is no verification of expertise in such work—painting, welding, clearing a farm repairing a benskin, etc. We see the poor youths of Douala as being creative, someone trying to make maximum use of his environment and not just someone who just sit and hope that things may change on its own. He works while hoping. By so doing they later become professionals in many other fields that they have received no formal education or training. Tchuigoua summarized as follows: "All what I see that I can do, I do it." They are not out to select jobs after all the jobs are very rare and highly solicited—that is, the poor youths scramble for them. If you are selective you will stay for weeks and even months without doing anything. In short, you will starve to dead. How then will you manage your bills, feeding, dressing, and other things?

#### *3.2.4 Accepting of odd jobs*

Whenever the youth are pushed against the wall, they often forget their identity: their level of education in order to satisfy their basic needs. They cannot brandish their certificates because it cannot put food on their plates. Although it is often

frustrating but they have got no choice-they have to accept it or suffer the worst pains of poverty.

Anne is a 30 year old unemployed single lady who has a professional degree in touristic industries management and whose parents have been helping her for long. She said "my parents are very tired financially." Having changed her jobs four times because of too much work and little salary which could not help her to save, she decided to do what she called "small work" such as placing "grafts," plaiting women's hair at their homes. She earned about 74000 frs CFA which was not enough to satisfy her basic needs and her objectives in life of returning to school.

Bernard was a BTS holder from the Institute Universitaire de Technologie of Douala who worked as an electrician in a construction site in Makepe. Although he earned about 4000 frs CFA per day, he considered his salary "disappointing, derisory. It cannot even be enough considering the size of the company." According to him, it did not permit him to express his intrinsic values—that is, it is lower than his qualification. According to him, he ought to study the system, control and conserve it but as he put it "I only execute." It disturbs him because he cannot express what he wanted to do by anticipating but only have to follow "the dictatorship of the enterprise." He did not have any job satisfaction and was looking for a job that suited his level.

#### *3.2.5 Second pay check and sacrifice*

This means empowering ones wife by enabling her to operate a small business which can increase the household income rather than depending only on the man. According to Aert et al. [15], the inactivity of women is only possible when the other members of the household bring enough resources for the up-keep of the family. In a situation of insufficient resources, women contribute to the house comfort by working in the informal sector: doing petty business or operating a call box business.

Romeo who earned about 90000 frs CFA per month considered it insufficient to pay rent, bills and feed his family. To ameliorate his household comfort, he opened a shop for his wife where she sold Chinese sandals. He would invest about 7000 frs CFA every week in her business which help her to buy more food for the household. She saved 5000 frs CFA every week in a meeting in order to increase the size of her shop. Romeo had four trucks on rent managed by his wife which yielded her 1200 frs CFA per day which she would use to buy her personal and household needs such as detergents and their child's needs, etc. They made a lot of sacrifices by eating twice rather than thrice in order to invest more money in their business.

Equally at times too Romeo like many other petit traders would sell their goods at a loss in order not to fail their contribution or to give food money at home. They are bound to do this because such gatherings do not have pity on the poor. Failure to contribute is often sanctioned by a fine. That is the little the poor has is further extorted by the association which will be later shared as accrued interest at the end of the year or session. Therefore the poor who join such associations do everything even to their own detriment to have their *Njangi* money.

They are also conscious of the fact that they equally have to feed their family and will do everything possible to have money for food. "What will you tell a child when he is hungry; it means you have failed as a father," said Romeo—so they are conscious of their parental role. This is an indication that the poor youths have not develop the culture of poverty because they are conscious of the mainstream value of handwork which they think could bring them success. They are very hard working because they believe or are convince that they will make it 1 day in life. The question is whether they can develop the culture of poverty if failure comes after continuous struggles to survive—the sign of learned helplessness.

**49**

*The Survival Strategies of Poor Youth in the Metropolitan City of Douala, Cameroon*

Some despite their slow-paced business do not have any other activity that they could do to earn extra money because they have just started. Some said if their business declined, they would be obliged to be motor-taxi drivers in the evening—they would rent it because they did not have enough money to buy one. Similarly Ayissi was raising money for her husband to start an ambulant second-hand shoes business. It was quite a reversal of role for the woman to be the one fighting for the man

Since the amount the poor make from their business is so insufficient, they borrow from friends to buy their goods such as cigarettes, biscuit, air-time credits, chips, bonbons, cool water, etc. to retail them. If it happens that they have not got the money yet and their creditors want the money, they will borrow from another friend to pay the creditor and the chain continues until they have made some profits from their business to pay back. Survival for the poor is really an uphill task and a lot of risk-taking. They keep on juggling while hoping that 1 day they will make enough money in order not to take credit but it is often difficult because the amount they gain from their business is often very little as compared to the problems they have to solve: paying children's school fees, feeding them and even taking care of them. At times some of the women even use their business capital to feed the family

About 10% of friends live together in order to save money by jointly paying their rents. They share the bills together and help each other whenever one of them is hard-up. When one is agonized, the other put a smile on his face by telling him stories—he helps to communicate with him thereby breaking the silence. He shares his problems with him and gets his advice. However, others consider living with an unemployed friend a disadvantage because they pay the bills alone. Their friends may lack the means although he may work as a petit trader in the market or do other petit jobs. Most often they do not have any choice because they have taken the decision to live with them. Mathias did not initially want to live with his friend because he wanted a quiet life to read the Bible and understand it due to his low education. His friend distracted him but he could not send him away. He prayed that God should provide his friend the means to rent his own room. He said things were always in disorder—he did not care about the house. Mathias did everything alone. His friend did not do the washing up. Living with him was not helpful to him—it instead brought him down. He hardly would switch off the television and hardly closed the door allowing rats to enter the house. Whenever he told him he thought

because their husbands are not working. What a reversal of role!

he hated him. His friend did not care because he did not pay the bills.

Many things disturb the youths of Douala because they have limited resources to satisfy their needs. We asked them what they have done or were doing to solve them and their answers vary from total resignation to their fate to some actions taken to ameliorate their situation. The fact is that if they were more prosperous, they would solve their problems and as a consequence liberate themselves from psychological tortures. Seigni was doing nothing to solve his psychological problems except his mechanic

work where he was making maximum effort to succeed. He concluded by saying "what will I do?" Tchuigoua did not allow himself to be disturbed psychologically

**3.4 The management of psychological problems**

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.87152*

and not the reversal.

*3.2.6 Long linked borrowing*

**3.3 Sharing the same room**

#### *The Survival Strategies of Poor Youth in the Metropolitan City of Douala, Cameroon DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.87152*

Some despite their slow-paced business do not have any other activity that they could do to earn extra money because they have just started. Some said if their business declined, they would be obliged to be motor-taxi drivers in the evening—they would rent it because they did not have enough money to buy one. Similarly Ayissi was raising money for her husband to start an ambulant second-hand shoes business. It was quite a reversal of role for the woman to be the one fighting for the man and not the reversal.

#### *3.2.6 Long linked borrowing*

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

*3.2.5 Second pay check and sacrifice*

box business.

pains of poverty.

frustrating but they have got no choice-they have to accept it or suffer the worst

Bernard was a BTS holder from the Institute Universitaire de Technologie of Douala who worked as an electrician in a construction site in Makepe. Although he earned about 4000 frs CFA per day, he considered his salary "disappointing, derisory. It cannot even be enough considering the size of the company." According to him, it did not permit him to express his intrinsic values—that is, it is lower than his qualification. According to him, he ought to study the system, control and conserve it but as he put it "I only execute." It disturbs him because he cannot express what he wanted to do by anticipating but only have to follow "the dictatorship of the enterprise." He did

satisfy her basic needs and her objectives in life of returning to school.

not have any job satisfaction and was looking for a job that suited his level.

twice rather than thrice in order to invest more money in their business.

even to their own detriment to have their *Njangi* money.

continuous struggles to survive—the sign of learned helplessness.

This means empowering ones wife by enabling her to operate a small business which can increase the household income rather than depending only on the man. According to Aert et al. [15], the inactivity of women is only possible when the other members of the household bring enough resources for the up-keep of the family. In a situation of insufficient resources, women contribute to the house comfort by working in the informal sector: doing petty business or operating a call

Romeo who earned about 90000 frs CFA per month considered it insufficient to pay rent, bills and feed his family. To ameliorate his household comfort, he opened a shop for his wife where she sold Chinese sandals. He would invest about 7000 frs CFA every week in her business which help her to buy more food for the household. She saved 5000 frs CFA every week in a meeting in order to increase the size of her shop. Romeo had four trucks on rent managed by his wife which yielded her 1200 frs CFA per day which she would use to buy her personal and household needs such as detergents and their child's needs, etc. They made a lot of sacrifices by eating

Equally at times too Romeo like many other petit traders would sell their goods at a loss in order not to fail their contribution or to give food money at home. They are bound to do this because such gatherings do not have pity on the poor. Failure to contribute is often sanctioned by a fine. That is the little the poor has is further extorted by the association which will be later shared as accrued interest at the end of the year or session. Therefore the poor who join such associations do everything

They are also conscious of the fact that they equally have to feed their family and will do everything possible to have money for food. "What will you tell a child when he is hungry; it means you have failed as a father," said Romeo—so they are conscious of their parental role. This is an indication that the poor youths have not develop the culture of poverty because they are conscious of the mainstream value of handwork which they think could bring them success. They are very hard working because they believe or are convince that they will make it 1 day in life. The question is whether they can develop the culture of poverty if failure comes after

Anne is a 30 year old unemployed single lady who has a professional degree in touristic industries management and whose parents have been helping her for long. She said "my parents are very tired financially." Having changed her jobs four times because of too much work and little salary which could not help her to save, she decided to do what she called "small work" such as placing "grafts," plaiting women's hair at their homes. She earned about 74000 frs CFA which was not enough to

**48**

Since the amount the poor make from their business is so insufficient, they borrow from friends to buy their goods such as cigarettes, biscuit, air-time credits, chips, bonbons, cool water, etc. to retail them. If it happens that they have not got the money yet and their creditors want the money, they will borrow from another friend to pay the creditor and the chain continues until they have made some profits from their business to pay back. Survival for the poor is really an uphill task and a lot of risk-taking. They keep on juggling while hoping that 1 day they will make enough money in order not to take credit but it is often difficult because the amount they gain from their business is often very little as compared to the problems they have to solve: paying children's school fees, feeding them and even taking care of them. At times some of the women even use their business capital to feed the family because their husbands are not working. What a reversal of role!

#### **3.3 Sharing the same room**

About 10% of friends live together in order to save money by jointly paying their rents. They share the bills together and help each other whenever one of them is hard-up. When one is agonized, the other put a smile on his face by telling him stories—he helps to communicate with him thereby breaking the silence. He shares his problems with him and gets his advice. However, others consider living with an unemployed friend a disadvantage because they pay the bills alone. Their friends may lack the means although he may work as a petit trader in the market or do other petit jobs. Most often they do not have any choice because they have taken the decision to live with them. Mathias did not initially want to live with his friend because he wanted a quiet life to read the Bible and understand it due to his low education. His friend distracted him but he could not send him away. He prayed that God should provide his friend the means to rent his own room. He said things were always in disorder—he did not care about the house. Mathias did everything alone. His friend did not do the washing up. Living with him was not helpful to him—it instead brought him down. He hardly would switch off the television and hardly closed the door allowing rats to enter the house. Whenever he told him he thought he hated him. His friend did not care because he did not pay the bills.

#### **3.4 The management of psychological problems**

Many things disturb the youths of Douala because they have limited resources to satisfy their needs. We asked them what they have done or were doing to solve them and their answers vary from total resignation to their fate to some actions taken to ameliorate their situation. The fact is that if they were more prosperous, they would solve their problems and as a consequence liberate themselves from psychological tortures.

Seigni was doing nothing to solve his psychological problems except his mechanic work where he was making maximum effort to succeed. He concluded by saying "what will I do?" Tchuigoua did not allow himself to be disturbed psychologically

because of lack of means. "I am happy with my situation and I live with it. What ought I have done? Go and steal? I don't have any choice ---I am obliged to accept. After the death of my father, I have understood that life is not easy … I am happy with my situation. I cannot go and break a bank because I need money." Djonfack added that he was disturbed because his activity was stagnant and he needed to survive. He said "What will I do? I have not yet undertaken a solution." Nineteen years old Kamdem did not diversify his activity to make money and did not often have enough money to live on, he said "Whether money suffices or not I am already used to it, if I have my two hundred francs, it is enough for me."

Mbengate on his part said "in my life when some problems confront me—I have the means to solve. I will solve and if I do not have the means I will stay because I am tired of begging." Michou added that "I struggle with what I have" which still means he does not have any option and cannot expect more than he can afford. Therefore he put the little he had in maximum use. Without any other option, the 27 years old Northerner said "At certain month, I don't have money. I just have to work. I can't go and borrow money from people. At a given time I took 10 000 frs CFA and pay back 16 000 frs CFA from a brother." However, Mokoro said "it just worries me and I have to borrow money from friends to meet-up." Twenty-eight years old Romeo put it as such "What does not kill us make us stronger." He is in a way valorizing poverty since poverty cannot kill them it instead empowers them. He concluded by saying "I am mentally very strong—if I had not been psychologically strong, I would have fallen in the River Wouri." He accepted his situation which was full of battles since his childhood and acknowledged that he was already used to it—some sort of overcoming it and is no longer afraid of it although his daily battle for survival was still a very tough one.

Another category of youths are very combative. They do not want to accept their situation. "I say to myself, I must do all to change my situation," Herman added by saying " I am a struggler—I can do all to survive." He always had difficult periods in his life and had always tried to overcome them in one way or the other." "I must work," Doumbé confirmed "I have struggled as I could." This means he did not give in to psychological torment; he went out there and worked as much as he could. He acknowledged that "When I am in need, I put all in the hands of God." Mathew too confirmed that work alone was insufficient "I always struggle to resolve my problems. I always ask God and He always answers my prayers." Ngantchieu too said "I try to multiply the sources of revenue to pray to God that He gives me His grace and that find a good job."

Alain solved his psychological problems by trying to have more money and to have jobs elsewhere. They even revolted at their place of work to force their master pay their 4 months arrears. According to Bissai the 31 years Old Catholic secondary school teacher, he permanently made sacrifices; revisited his management skills by economizing in order to manage spontaneous problems. "I am foresighted," he concluded in the same light. Nora ensured to pay her rent and on time. She informed her debtors before time that she may not pay them on time in order to avoid problem with them.

Equally 26 years old Thierry who was a teacher said that students disrespected him and he would feel useless in front of them and as a result decided to be very hard on them and not to smile with them. One of our respondents decided to ameliorate his social relation by often visiting his friends and relations in order to communicate with them. Others are struggling not to miss death celebration which they do not often attend because of lack of means.

Others manage their psychological problems by being violent Mathias put it as follows: "I do that because I think if I don't react they may walk over me because

**51**

*The Survival Strategies of Poor Youth in the Metropolitan City of Douala, Cameroon*

make them understand their hardship, they tend to be hard on them.

to their fate although they do not give up working.

**3.5 Strategies to improve feeding habit**

they always want me to fulfil their plan first and not mine. I will become angry and will speak rudely and maybe someone will come out from them and say that I should stop. Whenever I speak they will hala only at that moment and stop, realizing that I also have right somewhere. I have tried many ways not to be hard but they always try to provoke me. I have prayed God not to speak to them hardly but I have noticed that when I speak to them hard they cool down their temper." How frustrating it is for these poor youths with limited resources, who are unable to take care of themselves and whose family members are also pressuring them for help. In order to

Bernard is also trying to "reactivate" himself, hoping and searching because he believes in the adage which states that, "if you search without finding, you will find without searching." He said he is not lazy and he has hope. In a way, one should keep on working hard for one will not go empty handed, one will end up finding some-

Most of the female folks receive help from friends and family members. This indicates women's dependence on others unlike their male counterparts who resign

One of the questions we asked our respondents is what they were doing to better

feed themselves considering that they were poor and could not feed themselves appropriately. We still repeat some of them for clarity sake and to better perceive and analyse it. There are four categories of poor youths: those who try to vary their meals, those who make an effort to consume fruits, those who cannot determine their feeding habits because of lack of means and those who think they feed them-

Ngantchieu said "I try to vary meals—to consume fruits." "I vary meals" Ngo Hiol confirmed "I balance my meals," Pierre added. Romeo explained this further by saying "I try to vary my nutrition but it is not of the best quality since it is cheap in the market—it is the second class and not the first quality. For example good tomatoes cost more than cheap tomatoes but because of lack of means one is

However, taking a variety of meals does not necessarily mean that one feeds very well because they may be of very bad quality as Romeo put it or the same class of food. Since the poor eat to fill their stomach, they mostly eat carbohydrates and hardly will they take protein and vitamin because they are expensive. Only 15% of

About 19% will take the substitute of meat and fish which are the source of protein. Nasser said "I buy cheap food like beans which replaces meat" A good number will take soya beans. Ouembe said he tried to ameliorate his feeding by consuming fruits. Alain confirmed this by saying "from time to time one buys fruits." The 8% of respondents who take fruits buy them from the roadside for about 100 francs or

About 15% are very calculative in the number of meals they eat considering that they do not have enough resources and the next day meal is a mystery. As a result they have to make sacrifices in order not to stay hungry. This is neatly put by Calem by saying "I cannot go out of the house knowing that I am going to work, one juggles. If I eat a lot tomorrow what will I do. I eat on calculation much reflection before eating." Their eating habit is determined by the amount of money they have worked that day. If it is good they eat vegetables too if it is not they go without and

even spent days without eating. They do not have a fix eating calendar.

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.87152*

thing. What optimism!

selves very well.

contented with the rotten ones."

the respondents said they vary their meals.

so and as Alain put it, it was not consistent and heavy.

#### *The Survival Strategies of Poor Youth in the Metropolitan City of Douala, Cameroon DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.87152*

they always want me to fulfil their plan first and not mine. I will become angry and will speak rudely and maybe someone will come out from them and say that I should stop. Whenever I speak they will hala only at that moment and stop, realizing that I also have right somewhere. I have tried many ways not to be hard but they always try to provoke me. I have prayed God not to speak to them hardly but I have noticed that when I speak to them hard they cool down their temper." How frustrating it is for these poor youths with limited resources, who are unable to take care of themselves and whose family members are also pressuring them for help. In order to make them understand their hardship, they tend to be hard on them.

Bernard is also trying to "reactivate" himself, hoping and searching because he believes in the adage which states that, "if you search without finding, you will find without searching." He said he is not lazy and he has hope. In a way, one should keep on working hard for one will not go empty handed, one will end up finding something. What optimism!

Most of the female folks receive help from friends and family members. This indicates women's dependence on others unlike their male counterparts who resign to their fate although they do not give up working.

#### **3.5 Strategies to improve feeding habit**

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

still a very tough one.

that find a good job."

avoid problem with them.

they do not often attend because of lack of means.

because of lack of means. "I am happy with my situation and I live with it. What ought I have done? Go and steal? I don't have any choice ---I am obliged to accept. After the death of my father, I have understood that life is not easy … I am happy with my situation. I cannot go and break a bank because I need money." Djonfack added that he was disturbed because his activity was stagnant and he needed to survive. He said "What will I do? I have not yet undertaken a solution." Nineteen years old Kamdem did not diversify his activity to make money and did not often have enough money to live on, he said "Whether money suffices or not I am already

Mbengate on his part said "in my life when some problems confront me—I have the means to solve. I will solve and if I do not have the means I will stay because I am tired of begging." Michou added that "I struggle with what I have" which still means he does not have any option and cannot expect more than he can afford. Therefore he put the little he had in maximum use. Without any other option, the 27 years old Northerner said "At certain month, I don't have money. I just have to work. I can't go and borrow money from people. At a given time I took 10 000 frs CFA and pay back 16 000 frs CFA from a brother." However, Mokoro said "it just worries me and I have to borrow money from friends to meet-up." Twenty-eight years old Romeo put it as such "What does not kill us make us stronger." He is in a way valorizing poverty since poverty cannot kill them it instead empowers them. He concluded by saying "I am mentally very strong—if I had not been psychologically strong, I would have fallen in the River Wouri." He accepted his situation which was full of battles since his childhood and acknowledged that he was already used to it—some sort of overcoming it and is no longer afraid of it although his daily battle for survival was

Another category of youths are very combative. They do not want to accept their situation. "I say to myself, I must do all to change my situation," Herman added by saying " I am a struggler—I can do all to survive." He always had difficult periods in his life and had always tried to overcome them in one way or the other." "I must work," Doumbé confirmed "I have struggled as I could." This means he did not give in to psychological torment; he went out there and worked as much as he could. He acknowledged that "When I am in need, I put all in the hands of God." Mathew too confirmed that work alone was insufficient "I always struggle to resolve my problems. I always ask God and He always answers my prayers." Ngantchieu too said "I try to multiply the sources of revenue to pray to God that He gives me His grace and

Alain solved his psychological problems by trying to have more money and to have jobs elsewhere. They even revolted at their place of work to force their master pay their 4 months arrears. According to Bissai the 31 years Old Catholic secondary school teacher, he permanently made sacrifices; revisited his management skills by economizing in order to manage spontaneous problems. "I am foresighted," he concluded in the same light. Nora ensured to pay her rent and on time. She informed her debtors before time that she may not pay them on time in order to

Equally 26 years old Thierry who was a teacher said that students disrespected him and he would feel useless in front of them and as a result decided to be very hard on them and not to smile with them. One of our respondents decided to ameliorate his social relation by often visiting his friends and relations in order to communicate with them. Others are struggling not to miss death celebration which

Others manage their psychological problems by being violent Mathias put it as follows: "I do that because I think if I don't react they may walk over me because

used to it, if I have my two hundred francs, it is enough for me."

**50**

One of the questions we asked our respondents is what they were doing to better feed themselves considering that they were poor and could not feed themselves appropriately. We still repeat some of them for clarity sake and to better perceive and analyse it. There are four categories of poor youths: those who try to vary their meals, those who make an effort to consume fruits, those who cannot determine their feeding habits because of lack of means and those who think they feed themselves very well.

Ngantchieu said "I try to vary meals—to consume fruits." "I vary meals" Ngo Hiol confirmed "I balance my meals," Pierre added. Romeo explained this further by saying "I try to vary my nutrition but it is not of the best quality since it is cheap in the market—it is the second class and not the first quality. For example good tomatoes cost more than cheap tomatoes but because of lack of means one is contented with the rotten ones."

However, taking a variety of meals does not necessarily mean that one feeds very well because they may be of very bad quality as Romeo put it or the same class of food. Since the poor eat to fill their stomach, they mostly eat carbohydrates and hardly will they take protein and vitamin because they are expensive. Only 15% of the respondents said they vary their meals.

About 19% will take the substitute of meat and fish which are the source of protein. Nasser said "I buy cheap food like beans which replaces meat" A good number will take soya beans. Ouembe said he tried to ameliorate his feeding by consuming fruits. Alain confirmed this by saying "from time to time one buys fruits." The 8% of respondents who take fruits buy them from the roadside for about 100 francs or so and as Alain put it, it was not consistent and heavy.

About 15% are very calculative in the number of meals they eat considering that they do not have enough resources and the next day meal is a mystery. As a result they have to make sacrifices in order not to stay hungry. This is neatly put by Calem by saying "I cannot go out of the house knowing that I am going to work, one juggles. If I eat a lot tomorrow what will I do. I eat on calculation much reflection before eating." Their eating habit is determined by the amount of money they have worked that day. If it is good they eat vegetables too if it is not they go without and even spent days without eating. They do not have a fix eating calendar.

Nora said she eats one type of food for about two to 3 days. "I can't use food for three days in one day. How can I buy pufpuf for 300 frs CFA whereas I can use the three hundred francs to buy three cups of rice to feed the whole family for the whole day?" The problem here is not trying to ameliorate one's feeding habit but trying to avoid hunger. This category of respondents do not have enough to feed themselves with, even their daily meals are uncertain so they ensure that the little resources that they have are well-used in order to avoid hunger the next day.

Although Mathias is planning to better feed himself he considers other things more important, he said he can sacrifice feeding in order to buy a phone. Bissai said he sacrifices money or send money to the village so that they can buy him food there because they are natural and cheaper. Some make an effort to eat a good meal "I am happy with a good meal once a week." Others careless of whatever thing they eat Mathew put it thus: "It is necessary to have money. If I eat banana nobody will disturb at the end of the month." Those who are living in a family house do not know whether they feed themselves very well or not because they eat only what is eaten—what is available.

Mbengate said he did not feed himself very well because he did not eat what he liked. He ate what he saw or what he could afford with the little money he had. He was not making any plan to better feed himself because his system was already adapted to his type of food so it did not disturb him. Kamdem said he ate whatever pleased himself according to the amount of money he had. Therefore he was contented with his feeding habit. Those who said they fed very well said so according to their standard meaning that there is another standard which they cannot attain. Some sort of resignation to their situation. Serge thought he worked very hard to feed himself and Tcheugoua ate a heavy breakfast everyday at home and tried elsewhere during the day.

#### **3.6 Strategies to possess durable goods**

Youth poverty is situational and not cultural because they also wish to integrate the main stream values of their society but they are constrained—They equally wish to live like others and are making efforts either by economizing money or are saving in the course of their daily struggles. We can put them in two categories those who are already making an effort and those who are dreaming about it.

As concerning owing a home about 34% are thinking of making an enormous sacrifice in the future to own a home that was why Oumbe called it a long term project because they did not have enough money to become a homeowner. They could not have them then because the little money they had was for their daily needs even if they bought them, they would have problems paying the bills. Nora further added that what was necessary at the moment was to feed herself, educate her children and she would only own a home if her life changed. She considered it a far-fetched project because she was making no effort.

So, those who are not working do not dream of owning neither a home nor any durable goods. Those who are living with their parents especially female youth do not have the project of renting but to either buy or build a house because they are at ease at their family house and nothing is pushing them to leave. After all they do not have enough resources to rent. Although they do not have any short term project to own a home, they neither do not have projects to buy some durable goods because their houses are small and they lack the resources. That is why Mathew said "It is enough for me on rentage like this." He meant that the things that he had were sufficient for him so far as he continued renting. So what he had was sufficient for him not because he did not want to have more but because they cannot do otherwise.

The others are making desperate efforts to be homeowners and it is common to hear them say: "I am struggling as I can," "I try to keep some money aside or to economize," "I economize but it is not easy for I often lack to keep aside," "I work in

**53**

*The Survival Strategies of Poor Youth in the Metropolitan City of Douala, Cameroon*

order to economize," "I work a lot and I try to save," "I put them in future projects," I am saving now to be a home owner. It needs a lot of money so I will take more time to have. I will have to; it is not always good to copy from others." "Saving from time to time even when problems come and ravage all." "What disturbs me the more is to have my own house. It is a real problem more than having other goods," "we struggle

The above are good testimonies of desperate youths who are making effort to be like others they see in the city of Douala—homeowners with homes full of durable goods. They also dream and as a result are working very hard to change their fate. Serge says "I am thinking of buying a land. I know that one day God will give me." What a sign of hope. It is such a hope that forces them to work harder especially the Bamileke youths. Some are just let by the wind without any sense of direction. Some are saving money quite alright but building a house is a difficult task, that is, they do not have any precise idea of building a house. Tchuigoue said "I live with it like that." The *like that* means a lack of precision although he is saving money. Only 3% of them have bought a house in a swampy area and certainly most of them also will end up buying houses in such areas because of lack of means to buy land in good areas. They have not constructed yet, however, they are saving money to do so.

It is true that the poor suffer from low-income because they are unable to provide for their needs but they are not unwilling to provide adequately for their own well-being as the individualist theory states. If the youth of Douala were lazy, they would not be working so hard to change their fate. This theory erroneously states that neither the society nor the social groups to which individuals belong are accountable, and therefore should not help the poor. This is wrong because the poor youths in the city of Douala are victims of circumstances. They did not choose to be born in the third generation of a polygamous family, nor poor monogamous families which failed to empower them socially and economically, nor in the region

They are not lazy as such: a good number of them are quite hard working to change their lot. They are very hard working and creative; that is the reason why they diversify their activities in the informal sector and take advantage of every least opportunity that comes their way to make some money for themselves. This theory also states that, by increasing public expenditures they take money away from investment in industry and thus hinder the production of wealth. This is not the case with Douala where public investment and job creation is very low. Most of this youth would not have suffered from chronic poverty if the government had invested in the productive sector that could help employ them. Therefore the individualistic theory is not an appropriate theory that can be used to explain youth poverty in the city of Douala. Youth poverty is more a characteristic of a social

group: a family or a community and not a characteristic of individuals.

The youth in the city of Douala go about their everyday activities interpreting the harsh world in which they live. Their symbolic environment mediates the physical environment so that they do not only experience a stimulus, but rather a definition of the situation. A definition of the situation is the interpretation or meaning

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.87152*

to economize."

**4. Theoretical implication**

**4.1 The individualistic approach**

or harsh area where they were born.

**4.2 Symbolic interactionism**

#### *The Survival Strategies of Poor Youth in the Metropolitan City of Douala, Cameroon DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.87152*

order to economize," "I work a lot and I try to save," "I put them in future projects," I am saving now to be a home owner. It needs a lot of money so I will take more time to have. I will have to; it is not always good to copy from others." "Saving from time to time even when problems come and ravage all." "What disturbs me the more is to have my own house. It is a real problem more than having other goods," "we struggle to economize."

The above are good testimonies of desperate youths who are making effort to be like others they see in the city of Douala—homeowners with homes full of durable goods. They also dream and as a result are working very hard to change their fate. Serge says "I am thinking of buying a land. I know that one day God will give me." What a sign of hope. It is such a hope that forces them to work harder especially the Bamileke youths. Some are just let by the wind without any sense of direction. Some are saving money quite alright but building a house is a difficult task, that is, they do not have any precise idea of building a house. Tchuigoue said "I live with it like that." The *like that* means a lack of precision although he is saving money. Only 3% of them have bought a house in a swampy area and certainly most of them also will end up buying houses in such areas because of lack of means to buy land in good areas. They have not constructed yet, however, they are saving money to do so.

#### **4. Theoretical implication**

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

**3.6 Strategies to possess durable goods**

project because she was making no effort.

Nora said she eats one type of food for about two to 3 days. "I can't use food for three days in one day. How can I buy pufpuf for 300 frs CFA whereas I can use the three hundred francs to buy three cups of rice to feed the whole family for the whole day?" The problem here is not trying to ameliorate one's feeding habit but trying to avoid hunger. This category of respondents do not have enough to feed themselves with, even their daily meals are uncertain so they ensure that the little resources

Although Mathias is planning to better feed himself he considers other things more important, he said he can sacrifice feeding in order to buy a phone. Bissai said he sacrifices money or send money to the village so that they can buy him food there because they are natural and cheaper. Some make an effort to eat a good meal "I am happy with a good meal once a week." Others careless of whatever thing they eat Mathew put it thus: "It is necessary to have money. If I eat banana nobody will disturb at the end of the month." Those who are living in a family house do not know whether they feed themselves very well or not because they eat only what is eaten—what is available. Mbengate said he did not feed himself very well because he did not eat what he liked. He ate what he saw or what he could afford with the little money he had. He was not making any plan to better feed himself because his system was already adapted to his type of food so it did not disturb him. Kamdem said he ate whatever pleased himself according to the amount of money he had. Therefore he was contented with his feeding habit. Those who said they fed very well said so according to their standard meaning that there is another standard which they cannot attain. Some sort of resignation to their situation. Serge thought he worked very hard to feed himself and Tcheugoua ate a heavy breakfast everyday at home and tried elsewhere during the day.

Youth poverty is situational and not cultural because they also wish to integrate the main stream values of their society but they are constrained—They equally wish to live like others and are making efforts either by economizing money or are saving in the course of their daily struggles. We can put them in two categories those who

As concerning owing a home about 34% are thinking of making an enormous sacrifice in the future to own a home that was why Oumbe called it a long term project because they did not have enough money to become a homeowner. They could not have them then because the little money they had was for their daily needs even if they bought them, they would have problems paying the bills. Nora further added that what was necessary at the moment was to feed herself, educate her children and she would only own a home if her life changed. She considered it a far-fetched

So, those who are not working do not dream of owning neither a home nor any durable goods. Those who are living with their parents especially female youth do not have the project of renting but to either buy or build a house because they are at ease at their family house and nothing is pushing them to leave. After all they do not have enough resources to rent. Although they do not have any short term project to own a home, they neither do not have projects to buy some durable goods because their houses are small and they lack the resources. That is why Mathew said "It is enough for me on rentage like this." He meant that the things that he had were sufficient for him so far as he continued renting. So what he had was sufficient for him not because he did not want to have more but because they cannot do otherwise. The others are making desperate efforts to be homeowners and it is common to hear them say: "I am struggling as I can," "I try to keep some money aside or to economize," "I economize but it is not easy for I often lack to keep aside," "I work in

are already making an effort and those who are dreaming about it.

that they have are well-used in order to avoid hunger the next day.

**52**

#### **4.1 The individualistic approach**

It is true that the poor suffer from low-income because they are unable to provide for their needs but they are not unwilling to provide adequately for their own well-being as the individualist theory states. If the youth of Douala were lazy, they would not be working so hard to change their fate. This theory erroneously states that neither the society nor the social groups to which individuals belong are accountable, and therefore should not help the poor. This is wrong because the poor youths in the city of Douala are victims of circumstances. They did not choose to be born in the third generation of a polygamous family, nor poor monogamous families which failed to empower them socially and economically, nor in the region or harsh area where they were born.

They are not lazy as such: a good number of them are quite hard working to change their lot. They are very hard working and creative; that is the reason why they diversify their activities in the informal sector and take advantage of every least opportunity that comes their way to make some money for themselves. This theory also states that, by increasing public expenditures they take money away from investment in industry and thus hinder the production of wealth. This is not the case with Douala where public investment and job creation is very low. Most of this youth would not have suffered from chronic poverty if the government had invested in the productive sector that could help employ them. Therefore the individualistic theory is not an appropriate theory that can be used to explain youth poverty in the city of Douala. Youth poverty is more a characteristic of a social group: a family or a community and not a characteristic of individuals.

#### **4.2 Symbolic interactionism**

The youth in the city of Douala go about their everyday activities interpreting the harsh world in which they live. Their symbolic environment mediates the physical environment so that they do not only experience a stimulus, but rather a definition of the situation. A definition of the situation is the interpretation or meaning

we give to our immediate circumstances. Berger states that a person finds out who he is as he learns what society is ([16], p. 78). According to Zenden facts do not have an inherent or uniform existence apart from the person who observes and assigns meanings to them. Real fact is the ways people define various situations. The youths of Douala form various identities in the course of struggling to survive.

First of all they acknowledge the fact that they live in a very difficult environment where the prizes of basic goods are very high and at the same time most of them are low-salary earners. More so, they are school drop outs, or have just halted their education in order to save some money that they are even unable to raise because their salary and the little profit they make from their petit businesses is used to satisfy their immediate needs. Their families have abandoned them to their fate because they are not the only children or because they are too poor to take care of their children. They therefore have formed various concepts about who they are, what sociologists call the self which emerges in the course of interacting with other people.

The concept they have of themselves is one of the strugglers who is fighting to break the iron bars of poverty which is independent of their will, because they did not choose their family nor the order of their birth, they are just victims. There is nobody neither from their family nor the society in which they live ready to reinforce their capital building. Instead they are being exploited by those who have the least opportunity to do so. Therefore they must have the stamina to look for a way to survive. They often say: "I am a struggler because I can do all to survive." They have difficulties in getting the required satisfaction however, they must live by creating other means the society may consider illegal. They deceive the vigilance of the gatekeepers those who restrict them from getting certain favours, in entering in certain neighbourhoods, etc.

The concept they have of themselves is that of helplessness in getting the mainstream values of their society. Just like any other person in their society they will also like to be homeowners and own durable goods but they do not have the means. They seem resigned to their fate as they see their fellow friends and countrymen of their generation possessing what to them is far-fetched "It is difficult, one juggles only to live. What will I do?" "I am happy with my situation and I live with it, what ought I have done, go and steal? I do not have choice. One cannot do things that other people do, one is oblige to accept." "What will I do, we know already that there is nothing," etc.

The third is that of uncertainty. Their future is very blur; there is no clarity of what will happen the next day. As a result they have to be cautious because if the worst comes to the worst, their poor parents nor the government will not be able to help them neither will they go to the tontines which exploit them by giving them loan on interest basis. "I cannot go out of the house knowing that I will work—one juggles. If I eat a lot tomorrow what will I do?"

Thus with low educational level they define themselves as underachievers because they think they do not have the necessary academic backing them to pursue higher studies. Ayissi said "For my level what type of job can I have where I no get book. My job is equivalent to my level, I don't expect more." Alain meets people who can help him have a better employment but he has is not even a *Probatoire* holder.

After struggling to live by managing the little resources that they have, they may alienate themselves from what obtains in the outer world. They are always spontaneously awkward when they come in contact with it. Some confuse breakfast and lunch because they are not used to it not because they do not want it but because they do not have the means to have one. They are so used to not taking breakfast so much so that it has lost its importance. To them the perception of a meal is different from that of the rich. All what they care for is to fill their stomach and not to take light meal for taking sake.

**55**

*The Survival Strategies of Poor Youth in the Metropolitan City of Douala, Cameroon*

The poor youth of Douala do many precarious economic activities. When in financial difficulties, they walked out of their zone of expertise and do many other activities whether related to their field of specialization or not. So for them to survive, they must be very smart and tactful, flexible and creative in diversifying their businesses and other activities. When one business is not doing well, they can easily switch to another or do another activity. They do not wait to have a proper training in something before doing it. They are daring and very adaptive and some learn very fast on the spot because they have no choice. It is some sort of disorder but it saves its purpose. Men also diversify by empowering their wives to operate

Survival for the poor is really an uphill task and a lot of risk-taking. They keep on juggling while hoping that 1 day they will make enough money in order not to take credit but it is often difficult because the amount they gain from their business is often very little as compared to the problems they have to solve: therefore they

Many things disturb them because they have limited resources to satisfy their needs. Their solution is that of total resignation to their fate although they take some actions to ameliorate their situations. The fact is that if they were more prosperous, they would solve their problems and as a consequence liberate themselves

Poor youth try to vary their meals, some make an effort to consume fruits while others cannot determine their feeding habits because of lack of means. Their eating habit is influenced by the amount of money they earn daily. If it is good they eat vegetables too if it is not they go without and even spent days without eating. They do not have a fix eating calendar. Those who said they feed very well said so according to their standard meaning that there is another standard which they cannot

In the course of struggling for survival, they form various identities of themselves: those of strugglers, helplessness, uncertainty, underachievers, alienated people, etc. Youth poverty is situational and not cultural because they also wish to integrate the main stream values of their society but they are constrained—they equally wish to live like others and are making efforts to save in the course of their

Department of Sociology, Anthropology and Social Sciences for Development, Faculty of Arts, Letters and Social Sciences, University of Maroua, Cameroon

© 2020 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium,

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.87152*

small businesses which increase the household income.

attain. Some sort of resignation to their situation.

\*Address all correspondence to: nanchefile@yahoo.co.uk

provided the original work is properly cited.

engage in long-linked borrowing.

from psychological tortures.

daily struggles.

**Author details**

Nanche Billa Robert

**5. Conclusion**

*The Survival Strategies of Poor Youth in the Metropolitan City of Douala, Cameroon DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.87152*

#### **5. Conclusion**

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

certain neighbourhoods, etc.

there is nothing," etc.

light meal for taking sake.

juggles. If I eat a lot tomorrow what will I do?"

we give to our immediate circumstances. Berger states that a person finds out who he is as he learns what society is ([16], p. 78). According to Zenden facts do not have an inherent or uniform existence apart from the person who observes and assigns meanings to them. Real fact is the ways people define various situations. The youths

First of all they acknowledge the fact that they live in a very difficult environment where the prizes of basic goods are very high and at the same time most of them are low-salary earners. More so, they are school drop outs, or have just halted their education in order to save some money that they are even unable to raise because their salary and the little profit they make from their petit businesses is used to satisfy their immediate needs. Their families have abandoned them to their fate because they are not the only children or because they are too poor to take care of their children. They therefore have formed various concepts about who they are, what sociologists call the self which emerges in the course of interacting with other people. The concept they have of themselves is one of the strugglers who is fighting to break the iron bars of poverty which is independent of their will, because they did not choose their family nor the order of their birth, they are just victims. There is nobody neither from their family nor the society in which they live ready to reinforce their capital building. Instead they are being exploited by those who have the least opportunity to do so. Therefore they must have the stamina to look for a way to survive. They often say: "I am a struggler because I can do all to survive." They have difficulties in getting the required satisfaction however, they must live by creating other means the society may consider illegal. They deceive the vigilance of the gatekeepers those who restrict them from getting certain favours, in entering in

The concept they have of themselves is that of helplessness in getting the mainstream values of their society. Just like any other person in their society they will also like to be homeowners and own durable goods but they do not have the means. They seem resigned to their fate as they see their fellow friends and countrymen of their generation possessing what to them is far-fetched "It is difficult, one juggles only to live. What will I do?" "I am happy with my situation and I live with it, what ought I have done, go and steal? I do not have choice. One cannot do things that other people do, one is oblige to accept." "What will I do, we know already that

The third is that of uncertainty. Their future is very blur; there is no clarity of what will happen the next day. As a result they have to be cautious because if the worst comes to the worst, their poor parents nor the government will not be able to help them neither will they go to the tontines which exploit them by giving them loan on interest basis. "I cannot go out of the house knowing that I will work—one

Thus with low educational level they define themselves as underachievers because they think they do not have the necessary academic backing them to pursue higher studies. Ayissi said "For my level what type of job can I have where I no get book. My job is equivalent to my level, I don't expect more." Alain meets people who can help him have a better employment but he has is not even a *Probatoire* holder. After struggling to live by managing the little resources that they have, they may alienate themselves from what obtains in the outer world. They are always spontaneously awkward when they come in contact with it. Some confuse breakfast and lunch because they are not used to it not because they do not want it but because they do not have the means to have one. They are so used to not taking breakfast so much so that it has lost its importance. To them the perception of a meal is different from that of the rich. All what they care for is to fill their stomach and not to take

of Douala form various identities in the course of struggling to survive.

**54**

The poor youth of Douala do many precarious economic activities. When in financial difficulties, they walked out of their zone of expertise and do many other activities whether related to their field of specialization or not. So for them to survive, they must be very smart and tactful, flexible and creative in diversifying their businesses and other activities. When one business is not doing well, they can easily switch to another or do another activity. They do not wait to have a proper training in something before doing it. They are daring and very adaptive and some learn very fast on the spot because they have no choice. It is some sort of disorder but it saves its purpose. Men also diversify by empowering their wives to operate small businesses which increase the household income.

Survival for the poor is really an uphill task and a lot of risk-taking. They keep on juggling while hoping that 1 day they will make enough money in order not to take credit but it is often difficult because the amount they gain from their business is often very little as compared to the problems they have to solve: therefore they engage in long-linked borrowing.

Many things disturb them because they have limited resources to satisfy their needs. Their solution is that of total resignation to their fate although they take some actions to ameliorate their situations. The fact is that if they were more prosperous, they would solve their problems and as a consequence liberate themselves from psychological tortures.

Poor youth try to vary their meals, some make an effort to consume fruits while others cannot determine their feeding habits because of lack of means. Their eating habit is influenced by the amount of money they earn daily. If it is good they eat vegetables too if it is not they go without and even spent days without eating. They do not have a fix eating calendar. Those who said they feed very well said so according to their standard meaning that there is another standard which they cannot attain. Some sort of resignation to their situation.

In the course of struggling for survival, they form various identities of themselves: those of strugglers, helplessness, uncertainty, underachievers, alienated people, etc. Youth poverty is situational and not cultural because they also wish to integrate the main stream values of their society but they are constrained—they equally wish to live like others and are making efforts to save in the course of their daily struggles.

#### **Author details**

Nanche Billa Robert

Department of Sociology, Anthropology and Social Sciences for Development, Faculty of Arts, Letters and Social Sciences, University of Maroua, Cameroon

\*Address all correspondence to: nanchefile@yahoo.co.uk

© 2020 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

### **References Chapter 6**

[1] Ortiz I et al. When the Global Crisis and Youth Bulge Collide. Double the Jobs Trouble for Youth. Social and Economic Working Paper. UNICEF; 2012

[2] ILO. Global Employment Trends 2011. Geneva: ILO; 2012

[3] World Bank. Cameroon Economic Update: Unlocking the Labour Force; 2012

[4] Institute National de la Statistique. Insertion des Jeunes sur le Marche du Travail au Cameroun; 2013a

[5] Institute National de la Statistique. Caracteristiques et Determinants du Sous-emploi; 2013b

[6] ILO. Global Wage Report 2010/2011 Wage Policies in Times of Crises. Geneva: ILO; 2010

[7] Burgess S et al. The class of 1981: The effects of early career unemployment on subsequent unemployment experiences. Labour Economics. 2003;**10**(3):291-309

[8] Holborn B et al. Sociology; Themes and Perspectives. Hammersmith London: Harper Collins Publisher; 1991

[9] Creswell J. Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative and Mixed Methods Approaches. 4th ed. Los Angeles: Sage Publication Ltd; 2014

[10] Zanden et al. Sociology: The Core. 4th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc; 1996

[11] Nanche R. Urban poverty distribution and age in the City of Douala. The International Journal of Aging and Society. 2016;**6**(4):47-56

[12] Nanche R. Gender difference and poverty in the City of Douala. Journal of International Women's Studies. 2014;**15**(2):227-240

[13] Nanche R. In: Schuttz C, editor. Income Inequality, Poverty and Economic Reforms in Douala-Cameroon in Poverty Global Perspectives, Challenges and Issues of the 21st Century. New York: Nova Publishers; 2016

Mexican Migrant Smugglers and

Human smuggling and terrorism are seen as two related activities because the first is a potential source of funding for the last and it could facilitate the clandestine transportation of terrorists. Accordingly, the White House has stated that terrorists are among those who illegally enter from the Mexican border. Engaging a qualitative methodology that included in-depth interviews conducted between 2011 and 2018 with 144 Mexican migrant smugglers, this chapter proceeds from the following research question: Have Mexican migrant smugglers and foreign terrorists built alliances in order for the latter to enter into the United States? This chapter concludes that Mexican migrant smugglers have not built alliances with foreign terrorists. However, while migrant smugglers involved in simple networks were more inclined to think that foreign terrorists could not be smuggled into the United States, migrant smugglers involved in complex networks were more inclined to

**Keywords:** terrorism, migrant smugglers, foreign terrorists, Mexico, US

Migrant smuggling has increasingly been framed as associated with transnational terrorism [1, 2]. However, migrant smugglers and terrorists have opposite motivations and goals, and migrant smuggling and terrorism are different phenomena [2, 3]. Migrant smugglers are driven mainly by selfish motivations as they are seeking for a material gain. On the contrary, terrorists are ideologically driven. The latter aim to overhaul existing governance structures or influence public opinion through criminal acts [2, 4]. The involvement of violent non-state actors, including insurgent and terrorist groups, in drugs smuggling has been known for some time. Many scholars have pointed out that the narcotic trade facilitates terrorism [5–10]. On the contrary, there is a lack of empirical evidence concerning the involvement of migrant smugglers in terrorist activities. In places where human smuggling represents a significant portion of organized criminal activity, a link with terrorism is suspected [11], but not proved. In some cases insurgent and terrorist groups have driven drug cartels out of the market to supplant them themselves [12]. However, nothing indicates that migrant smugglers have been supplanted neither by drug

US authorities have been concerned about a possible collusion between Mexican migrant smugglers and foreign terrorists from the mid-1950s [17]. The global threat

Foreign Terrorists

*Simón Pedro Izcara Palacios*

**Abstract**

think the opposite.

Southwestern border

traffickers [13–16] nor terrorist groups [3].

**1. Introduction**

**57**

[14] Gormly A et al. Understanding Psychology. 4th ed. New York: Random House; 1986

[15] Aert J et al. L'Economie Camerounaise Un Espoir Evanoui. Paris: Edition Karthala; 2000

[16] Kurt F et al. Sources: Notable Selections in Sociology. 2nd ed. Connecticut: Dushkin Publishing Group; 1996

#### **References Chapter 6**

## Mexican Migrant Smugglers and Foreign Terrorists

*Simón Pedro Izcara Palacios*

#### **Abstract**

Human smuggling and terrorism are seen as two related activities because the first is a potential source of funding for the last and it could facilitate the clandestine transportation of terrorists. Accordingly, the White House has stated that terrorists are among those who illegally enter from the Mexican border. Engaging a qualitative methodology that included in-depth interviews conducted between 2011 and 2018 with 144 Mexican migrant smugglers, this chapter proceeds from the following research question: Have Mexican migrant smugglers and foreign terrorists built alliances in order for the latter to enter into the United States? This chapter concludes that Mexican migrant smugglers have not built alliances with foreign terrorists. However, while migrant smugglers involved in simple networks were more inclined to think that foreign terrorists could not be smuggled into the United States, migrant smugglers involved in complex networks were more inclined to think the opposite.

**Keywords:** terrorism, migrant smugglers, foreign terrorists, Mexico, US Southwestern border

#### **1. Introduction**

Migrant smuggling has increasingly been framed as associated with transnational terrorism [1, 2]. However, migrant smugglers and terrorists have opposite motivations and goals, and migrant smuggling and terrorism are different phenomena [2, 3]. Migrant smugglers are driven mainly by selfish motivations as they are seeking for a material gain. On the contrary, terrorists are ideologically driven. The latter aim to overhaul existing governance structures or influence public opinion through criminal acts [2, 4]. The involvement of violent non-state actors, including insurgent and terrorist groups, in drugs smuggling has been known for some time. Many scholars have pointed out that the narcotic trade facilitates terrorism [5–10]. On the contrary, there is a lack of empirical evidence concerning the involvement of migrant smugglers in terrorist activities. In places where human smuggling represents a significant portion of organized criminal activity, a link with terrorism is suspected [11], but not proved. In some cases insurgent and terrorist groups have driven drug cartels out of the market to supplant them themselves [12]. However, nothing indicates that migrant smugglers have been supplanted neither by drug traffickers [13–16] nor terrorist groups [3].

US authorities have been concerned about a possible collusion between Mexican migrant smugglers and foreign terrorists from the mid-1950s [17]. The global threat

**56**

1996

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

2012

2012

[1] Ortiz I et al. When the Global Crisis and Youth Bulge Collide. Double the Jobs Trouble for Youth. Social and Economic Working Paper. UNICEF;

of International Women's Studies.

[13] Nanche R. In: Schuttz C, editor. Income Inequality, Poverty and

in Poverty Global Perspectives, Challenges and Issues of the 21st Century. New York: Nova Publishers;

[14] Gormly A et al. Understanding Psychology. 4th ed. New York: Random

Camerounaise Un Espoir Evanoui. Paris:

[15] Aert J et al. L'Economie

[16] Kurt F et al. Sources: Notable Selections in Sociology. 2nd ed. Connecticut: Dushkin Publishing

Edition Karthala; 2000

Economic Reforms in Douala-Cameroon

2014;**15**(2):227-240

2016

House; 1986

Group; 1996

[2] ILO. Global Employment Trends

[3] World Bank. Cameroon Economic Update: Unlocking the Labour Force;

[4] Institute National de la Statistique. Insertion des Jeunes sur le Marche du

[5] Institute National de la Statistique. Caracteristiques et Determinants du

[6] ILO. Global Wage Report 2010/2011 Wage Policies in Times of Crises.

[7] Burgess S et al. The class of 1981: The effects of early career unemployment on subsequent unemployment experiences. Labour Economics. 2003;**10**(3):291-309

[8] Holborn B et al. Sociology; Themes and Perspectives. Hammersmith London: Harper Collins Publisher; 1991

[10] Zanden et al. Sociology: The Core. 4th ed. New York: McGraw-Hill, Inc;

[12] Nanche R. Gender difference and poverty in the City of Douala. Journal

[9] Creswell J. Research Design: Qualitative, Quantitative and Mixed Methods Approaches. 4th ed. Los Angeles: Sage Publication Ltd; 2014

[11] Nanche R. Urban poverty distribution and age in the City of Douala. The International Journal of Aging and Society. 2016;**6**(4):47-56

Travail au Cameroun; 2013a

Sous-emploi; 2013b

Geneva: ILO; 2010

2011. Geneva: ILO; 2012

of terrorism was acknowledged in the 1981 Executive Order 12333 [18], and in the aftermath of 9/11 attacks, these concerns were further accentuated [18, 19]. The thinking was that foreign terrorists seeking US entry through the Southwestern border would require the highly specialized Mexican smugglers who uniquely understood how to navigate the complexities of clandestine travel. In an effort to reduce the threat of terrorist infiltration at the US Southwest border, the US Government has focused its attention on international smuggling networks transporting special interest or other than Mexican aliens [7]. On December 16, 2002, President Bush signed the National Security Directive 22, the connection between migrant smuggling and terrorism being made explicit. Two years later, the Human Smuggling and Trafficking Center was established in order to facilitate the exchange of information to support the investigation and prosecution of migrant smugglers, and in 2005, the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act developed an interagency task force to study the interrelationship between human trafficking and terrorism, including the use of profits from the former to finance the latter [3, 12, 20].

the characteristics of simple networks and complex networks are analyzed. Finally, I go on to examine the opinions of migrant smugglers involved in simple and complex networks about the possibility of foreign terrorists being crossed through

This research is based on a qualitative methodology. Qualitative interviews were conducted with a guide, all interviews being recorded and transcribed literally. On the other hand, contact with interviewees was made via social networks and

Fieldwork was conducted between 2011 and 2018, and 144 migrant smugglers ranging from 21 to 48 years were interviewed. All had considerable experience in the business of human smuggling. They started working as migrant smugglers between the ages of 16 and 45 years and are dedicated to this activity for 9.5 years on average. Respondents had 0–17 years of schooling, and the age at which they

More than two-thirds of the interviewees were born in Tamaulipas, a Mexican state located in the northeast of the country. However, interviewees originated from almost half of Mexico's states. Only one of the interviewees was not born in

Age 36.8 35 37 21 48 5.2 Years of schooling 5.7 6 6 0 17 3.5 Age when started working 10.1 10 10 5 23 3.33

**Average Mode Median Min Max Standard**

27.2 29 28 16 45 5.1

9.5 7 9 3 21 4.0

**n % n %**

Tamaulipas 60 41.7 Tabasco 3 2.1 Veracruz 15 10.4 State of Mexico 2 1.4 Mexico City 13 9.0 Guanajuato 2 1.4 Nuevo León 13 9.0 Oaxaca 2 1.4 San Luis Potosí 12 8.3 Sonora 2 1.4 Chiapas 10 6.9 Chihuahua 1 0.7 Puebla 4 2.8 Guerrero 1 0.7 Coahuila 3 2.1 California (United States) 1 0.7

**deviation**

the US Southwestern border with the help of Mexican migrant smugglers.

**2. Methodology**

Mexico (see **Table 2**).

smugglers

smuggling

**Table 1.**

**Table 2.**

**59**

Age when started working as migrant

Number of years involved in human

*Characteristics of the interviewees.*

snowballing in different Mexican states.

*Mexican Migrant Smugglers and Foreign Terrorists DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88427*

started working ranges from 5 to 23 years (see **Table 1**).

*Source: Compiled by the author from data recorded in the interviews. n = 144.*

*Source: Compiled by the author from data recorded in the interviews. n = 144.*

*Place of origin of migrant smugglers interviewed.*

The United States has been insulated from international terrorism since 9/11, and no migrant has committed an attack on US soil, to date [21]. Accordingly, some studies suggest that more migration into a country is associated with a lower level of terrorist attacks [22]. However, migration control for the control of terrorism is a widely used instrument in the United States. The threat of terrorism provided a pretext for a rigorous application of entry restrictions and deportations, the enforcement of stricter migration controls being legitimized [23]. As Slack et al. have pointed out: "the mission statement for CBP does not mention immigration at all, but rather focuses explicitly on terrorism" [24]. Departing from the argument that several terrorist attacks in the western part of continental Europe were perpetrated by immigrants who were smuggled and camouflaged among millions of asylum seekers, every migrant or refugee has become a potential terrorist [4, 25]. If foreign-based terrorists were successful in using migrant smuggling networks to reach European targets, which also could reach the US Southwestern border in the same manner. On the other hand, the migrant smuggling industry is seen as a potential source of income for terrorist groups [1]. Consequently, building a wall along the southern border in order to keep the country safe from terrorists and illegal immigrants was a key promise of Trump's presidential campaign. This promise has been repeated with conviction and consistency. On January 25, 2017, just 8 days since taking office, President Trump signed an executive order defining illegal immigration as a "clear and present danger to the interests of the United States." Two days later, on January 27, a new executive order "Protecting the Nation from Terrorist Attacks by Foreign Nationals" was issued, the entry of nationals of Iran, Iraq, Sudan, Syria, Libya, Somalia, and Yemen being suspended [25]. Accordingly, in order to prevent human smuggling and acts of terrorism, the construction of a contiguous physical wall between Mexico and the United States was ordered.

This chapter is underpinned in the following research question: Have Mexican migrant smugglers and foreign terrorists built alliances in order for the latter to enter into the United States? On the other hand, this research centers on the hypothesis that Mexican migrant smugglers involved in simple networks do not help foreign terrorists to enter the US soil as they carry only labor migrants from their hometown or region; on the contrary, those smugglers involved in complex networks could inadvertently help terrorists to cross the border as they do not know their clientele.

This chapter, based on interviews with 144 Mexican migrant smugglers, examines if Mexican migrant smugglers have built alliances with foreign terrorists. The paper proceeds as follows: I first provide a description of the methodology. Next,

the characteristics of simple networks and complex networks are analyzed. Finally, I go on to examine the opinions of migrant smugglers involved in simple and complex networks about the possibility of foreign terrorists being crossed through the US Southwestern border with the help of Mexican migrant smugglers.

### **2. Methodology**

of terrorism was acknowledged in the 1981 Executive Order 12333 [18], and in the aftermath of 9/11 attacks, these concerns were further accentuated [18, 19]. The thinking was that foreign terrorists seeking US entry through the Southwestern border would require the highly specialized Mexican smugglers who uniquely understood how to navigate the complexities of clandestine travel. In an effort to reduce the threat of terrorist infiltration at the US Southwest border, the US Government has focused its attention on international smuggling networks transporting special interest or other than Mexican aliens [7]. On December 16, 2002, President Bush signed the National Security Directive 22, the connection between migrant smuggling and terrorism being made explicit. Two years later, the Human Smuggling and Trafficking Center was established in order to facilitate the exchange of information to support the investigation and prosecution of migrant smugglers, and in 2005, the Trafficking Victims Protection Reauthorization Act developed an interagency task force to study the interrelationship between human trafficking and terrorism, including the use of profits from the former to finance the latter

The United States has been insulated from international terrorism since 9/11, and no migrant has committed an attack on US soil, to date [21]. Accordingly, some studies suggest that more migration into a country is associated with a lower level of terrorist attacks [22]. However, migration control for the control of terrorism is a widely used instrument in the United States. The threat of terrorism provided a pretext for a rigorous application of entry restrictions and deportations, the enforcement of stricter migration controls being legitimized [23]. As Slack et al. have pointed out: "the mission statement for CBP does not mention immigration at all, but rather focuses explicitly on terrorism" [24]. Departing from the argument that several terrorist attacks in the western part of continental Europe were perpetrated by immigrants who were smuggled and camouflaged among millions of asylum seekers, every migrant or refugee has become a potential terrorist [4, 25]. If foreign-based terrorists were successful in using migrant smuggling networks to reach European targets, which also could reach the US Southwestern border in the same manner. On the other hand, the migrant smuggling industry is seen as a potential source of income for terrorist groups [1]. Consequently, building a wall along the southern border in order to keep the country safe from terrorists and illegal immigrants was a key promise of Trump's presidential campaign. This promise has been repeated with conviction and consistency. On January 25, 2017, just 8 days since taking office, President Trump signed an executive order defining illegal immigration as a "clear and present danger to the interests of the United States." Two days later, on January 27, a new executive order "Protecting the Nation from Terrorist Attacks by Foreign Nationals" was issued, the entry of nationals of Iran, Iraq, Sudan, Syria, Libya, Somalia, and Yemen being suspended [25]. Accordingly, in order to prevent human smuggling and acts of terrorism, the construction of a contiguous physical wall between Mexico and the United States was ordered. This chapter is underpinned in the following research question: Have Mexican migrant smugglers and foreign terrorists built alliances in order for the latter to enter into the United States? On the other hand, this research centers on the hypothesis that Mexican migrant smugglers involved in simple networks do not help foreign terrorists to enter the US soil as they carry only labor migrants from their hometown or region; on the contrary, those smugglers involved in complex networks could inadvertently help terrorists to cross the border as they do not know

This chapter, based on interviews with 144 Mexican migrant smugglers, examines if Mexican migrant smugglers have built alliances with foreign terrorists. The paper proceeds as follows: I first provide a description of the methodology. Next,

[3, 12, 20].

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

their clientele.

**58**

This research is based on a qualitative methodology. Qualitative interviews were conducted with a guide, all interviews being recorded and transcribed literally. On the other hand, contact with interviewees was made via social networks and snowballing in different Mexican states.

Fieldwork was conducted between 2011 and 2018, and 144 migrant smugglers ranging from 21 to 48 years were interviewed. All had considerable experience in the business of human smuggling. They started working as migrant smugglers between the ages of 16 and 45 years and are dedicated to this activity for 9.5 years on average. Respondents had 0–17 years of schooling, and the age at which they started working ranges from 5 to 23 years (see **Table 1**).

More than two-thirds of the interviewees were born in Tamaulipas, a Mexican state located in the northeast of the country. However, interviewees originated from almost half of Mexico's states. Only one of the interviewees was not born in Mexico (see **Table 2**).


*Source: Compiled by the author from data recorded in the interviews. n = 144.*

#### **Table 1.**

*Characteristics of the interviewees.*


#### **Table 2.**

*Place of origin of migrant smugglers interviewed.*

Ethical approval was obtained from the Ethics Committee of Tamaulipas University research group on "Migration, development and human rights" [26]. Informed oral consent was obtained from the respondents, and participants were provided with verbal information about the study purpose in simple language. Interviewees were informed about the voluntary nature of their participation in the study and were told that the information they shared was confidential. Participants were assured that individual names would not be collected or used in any study findings.

#### **3. Simple networks and complex networks**

Mexican migrant smuggling networks can be divided by their degree of complexity. Those networks composed of one cell led by a migrant smuggler can be defined as simple, while those consisting of one or more lines, with two or more cells per line, can be defined as complex [27–29]. A cell is a structure lead by a migrant smuggler supported by a small number of assistants, who transport migrants from the point A to the point B. A line is the group of actors involved in the transportation of a group of migrants from the point A in the country of origin to the point B in the country of destination. In simple networks a unique cell transports migrants from the point of origin to the point of destination. In complex networks usually a line is composed of several cells. Simple networks are composed only of a line, while complex networks usually involve several lines.

Simple networks are composed of one cell led by a migrant smuggler, with the support of a small number of assistants. Migrant smugglers involved in simple networks are autonomous entrepreneurs who lead the network. Some of them satisfy the labor demand of US employers and receive an economic compensation from them; others tend to work primarily for migrant social networks.

Complex networks are composed of one or more lines; each line has several cells, and each cell appears to be led by a migrant smuggler who has the support of several assistants. Migrant smugglers involved in complex networks are salaried workers. They lead the cell but not the network they are involved in. The one who leads the network is a person that the smugglers call "patron." Smugglers receive orders from the "patron" who manages the network and receive a salary that is paid by their patron [30].

by Mexican migrant smuggling networks. Almost one-third (30%) answered that they never witnessed the crossing of terrorist. Interviewees pointed out that they had witnessed how labor migrants from many different countries had crossed the US Southwestern border. Some of them also pointed out that drugs were being smuggled through the border day in and day out, during day and night times. However, during the many years they had been working as migrant smugglers, they never witnessed Arab terrorists being smuggled to the United States. This was reflected in expressions such as: "I haven't seen Arabs; I have only seen Mexicans and Central Americans" (migrant smuggler from Tamaulipas interviewed in 2011); "I haven't seen any Arabs; I've seen Cubans, Central Americans, people from Brazil

Total 80 100

**Argument n %**

also can terrorists.

smuggled.

terrorists.

If illegal immigrants can cross the border

If weapons and drugs are smuggled into the United States, also terrorists can be

Migrant smugglers are unaware of the

Terrorists can enter the United States

They had never witnessed the crossing of

The US Government blames Mexico for

Terrorists cannot cross through territories

Terrorists can enter the United States

Terrorists can cross through the customs situated at the southwestern border.

Total 43 53.8

They did not have an extensive knowledge of the border.

controlled by the drug cartels.

Total 37 46.2

intentions of their clients.

because of corruption.

all of their problems.

through its airports.

28 35

2 2.5

5 6.2

2 2.5

24 30

12 15

2 2.5

1 1.3

3 3.7

1 1.3

Terrorists could enter the United States by using established migrant smuggling networks

*Mexican Migrant Smugglers and Foreign Terrorists DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88427*

Terrorists could not be smuggled into the United States by using Mexican migrant

*Source: Compiled by the author from data recorded in the interviews.*

*Arguments expressed by migrant smugglers involved in simple networks.*

smuggling networks

**Table 3.**

or Belize; but I haven't seen any Arabs" (migrant smuggler from Puebla

not very relevant.

**61**

interviewed in 2012); "Here I didn't see that. I've seen many immigrants crossing the border; but they are Mexicans or they come from Central America" (migrant smuggler from Tamaulipas interviewed in 2014); or "Terrorists don't cross, the only thing crossing are drugs, always, every day, and at every hour of the day" (migrant smuggler from Coahuila interviewed in 2015). On the other hand, less than one-sixth (15%) indicated that they thought terrorist were not crossing through the Mexico-US border; but, they pointed out that they did not have an extensive knowledge of the border. Therefore, they indicated that their opinion was

#### **4. Migrant smugglers in simple networks**

Migrant smugglers involved in simple networks answered to the question if foreign terrorists could be smuggled into the United States by using the services provided by Mexican migrant smuggling networks, by using two lines of argumentation to describe the possible links between smugglers and foreign terrorists:


Migrant smugglers involved in simple networks tend to believe that foreign terrorists cannot be smuggled into the United States by using the services provided


#### **Table 3.**

Ethical approval was obtained from the Ethics Committee of Tamaulipas University research group on "Migration, development and human rights" [26]. Informed oral consent was obtained from the respondents, and participants were provided with verbal information about the study purpose in simple language. Interviewees were informed about the voluntary nature of their participation in the study and were told that the information they shared was confidential. Participants were assured that individual names would not be collected or used in any study

Mexican migrant smuggling networks can be divided by their degree of complexity. Those networks composed of one cell led by a migrant smuggler can be defined as simple, while those consisting of one or more lines, with two or more cells per line, can be defined as complex [27–29]. A cell is a structure lead by a migrant smuggler supported by a small number of assistants, who transport migrants from the point A to the point B. A line is the group of actors involved in the transportation of a group of migrants from the point A in the country of origin to the point B in the country of destination. In simple networks a unique cell transports migrants from the point of origin to the point of destination. In complex networks usually a line is composed of several cells. Simple networks are composed

Simple networks are composed of one cell led by a migrant smuggler, with the support of a small number of assistants. Migrant smugglers involved in simple networks are autonomous entrepreneurs who lead the network. Some of them satisfy the labor demand of US employers and receive an economic compensation

Complex networks are composed of one or more lines; each line has several cells, and each cell appears to be led by a migrant smuggler who has the support of several assistants. Migrant smugglers involved in complex networks are salaried workers. They lead the cell but not the network they are involved in. The one who leads the network is a person that the smugglers call "patron." Smugglers receive orders from the "patron" who manages the network and receive a salary that is paid by their

Migrant smugglers involved in simple networks answered to the question if foreign terrorists could be smuggled into the United States by using the services provided by Mexican migrant smuggling networks, by using two lines of argumentation to describe the possible links between smugglers and foreign terrorists:

• Less than half (46.2%) of the respondents thought that terrorists could enter

• More than half (53.8%) of the respondents did not believe that terrorists could be smuggled into the United States by using Mexican migrant smuggling

Migrant smugglers involved in simple networks tend to believe that foreign terrorists cannot be smuggled into the United States by using the services provided

the United States by using established human smuggling networks.

only of a line, while complex networks usually involve several lines.

from them; others tend to work primarily for migrant social networks.

**3. Simple networks and complex networks**

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

**4. Migrant smugglers in simple networks**

networks (see **Table 3**).

findings.

patron [30].

**60**

*Arguments expressed by migrant smugglers involved in simple networks.*

by Mexican migrant smuggling networks. Almost one-third (30%) answered that they never witnessed the crossing of terrorist. Interviewees pointed out that they had witnessed how labor migrants from many different countries had crossed the US Southwestern border. Some of them also pointed out that drugs were being smuggled through the border day in and day out, during day and night times. However, during the many years they had been working as migrant smugglers, they never witnessed Arab terrorists being smuggled to the United States. This was reflected in expressions such as: "I haven't seen Arabs; I have only seen Mexicans and Central Americans" (migrant smuggler from Tamaulipas interviewed in 2011); "I haven't seen any Arabs; I've seen Cubans, Central Americans, people from Brazil or Belize; but I haven't seen any Arabs" (migrant smuggler from Puebla interviewed in 2012); "Here I didn't see that. I've seen many immigrants crossing the border; but they are Mexicans or they come from Central America" (migrant smuggler from Tamaulipas interviewed in 2014); or "Terrorists don't cross, the only thing crossing are drugs, always, every day, and at every hour of the day" (migrant smuggler from Coahuila interviewed in 2015). On the other hand, less than one-sixth (15%) indicated that they thought terrorist were not crossing through the Mexico-US border; but, they pointed out that they did not have an extensive knowledge of the border. Therefore, they indicated that their opinion was not very relevant.

### **5. Migrant smugglers in complex networks**

Migrant smugglers involved in complex networks answered to the question if foreign terrorists could be smuggled into the United States by using the services provided by Mexican migrant smuggling networks, by using two lines of argumentation to describe the possible links between smugglers and foreign terrorists:

by many interviewees indicating that anything could occur at the border. This was reflected in expressions such as: "It could be possible, because many things happen from here to there, from there to here also happen" (migrant smuggler from Mexico City interviewed in 2012); "Probably they could cross; many people are going to the north, people that we don't know, they are not from here, they are not Central Americans" (migrant smuggler from Veracruz interviewed in 2013); "It could happen; so many illegals cross through Mexico that sometimes you don't know where they are coming from" (migrant smuggler from Sonora interviewed in 2014); "So many things happen at the border, that terrorist could cross the frontier and nobody would notice" (migrant smuggler from Tamaulipas interviewed in 2014); "There is so much smuggling that everything can be true. It could be possible that Mexico is used by terrorists to cross to the United States" (migrant smuggler from Coahuila interviewed in 2015); "I think that it is possible because Mexico is the US entrance; from Mexico many things cross: drugs, illegals and more" (migrant smuggler from Mexico City interviewed in 2018); or "It is possible that they could cross; it is said that there is so much vigilance, it is not true. I didn't see them, but there is so much free passage to the US" (migrant smuggler from Tamaulipas interviewed in 2018). Moreover, almost 1 in 10 (7.8%) thought that if weapons and drugs were smuggled

*Mexican Migrant Smugglers and Foreign Terrorists DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88427*

into the United States, also terrorists could be smuggled (**Table 4**).

Migrant smugglers interviewed had never witnessed terrorists to cross the border by using the services provided by Mexican migrant smuggling networks. However, there was a difference between the answers responded by migrant smugglers involved in simple networks and those involved in complex networks. The former were more inclined to express arguments denying the existence of connections between foreign terrorists and Mexican migrant smugglers, while the latter were more predisposed to think that foreign terrorist could enter the United States by using the same channels employed by migrant smugglers to smuggle labor migrants or by drug traffickers to smuggle weapons or drugs. We conclude that migrant smugglers involved in simple networks are more inclined to think that foreign terrorist cannot be smuggled to the United States because they come from the same hometown or region of their clientele and gained their knowledge of entering the United States illegally from their own experiences as migrants. Therefore, they personally know that their customers are not terrorists. On the contrary, migrant smugglers involved in complex networks do not come from the same hometown or region of their clientele. Their customers come from different countries; and they do not know personally any of them. Therefore, they could not be completely sure if

This article presents the results from the Research Project A1-S-24697 entitled "Las redes de tráfico sexual en la region de América del Norte," financed by the

National Council of Science and Technology (SEP/CONACYT).

The author declares no conflict of interest.

**6. Conclusion**

any of them was a terrorist.

**Acknowledgements**

**Conflict of interest**

**63**


Migrant smugglers involved in complex networks tend to believe that foreign terrorists can be smuggled into the United States by using the services provided by Mexican migrant smuggling networks. More than one-third (37.5%) thought that if illegal immigrants could cross the border also could terrorists. Interviewees pointed out that they were helping anybody to cross the US Southwestern border who paid a fee. Respondents had helped people from many different countries to cross the border. Therefore, they could not know if some of these people were terrorists or not. Respondents had the impression that the US Southwestern border was not an orderly inspected place; on the contrary, they used to think that the border was a place poorly protected where migrants, drugs, and so on were crossing over at every moment [30]. The expression "so many things happen at the border" were repeated


*Mexican Migrant Smugglers and Foreign Terrorists DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88427*

by many interviewees indicating that anything could occur at the border. This was reflected in expressions such as: "It could be possible, because many things happen from here to there, from there to here also happen" (migrant smuggler from Mexico City interviewed in 2012); "Probably they could cross; many people are going to the north, people that we don't know, they are not from here, they are not Central Americans" (migrant smuggler from Veracruz interviewed in 2013); "It could happen; so many illegals cross through Mexico that sometimes you don't know where they are coming from" (migrant smuggler from Sonora interviewed in 2014); "So many things happen at the border, that terrorist could cross the frontier and nobody would notice" (migrant smuggler from Tamaulipas interviewed in 2014); "There is so much smuggling that everything can be true. It could be possible that Mexico is used by terrorists to cross to the United States" (migrant smuggler from Coahuila interviewed in 2015); "I think that it is possible because Mexico is the US entrance; from Mexico many things cross: drugs, illegals and more" (migrant smuggler from Mexico City interviewed in 2018); or "It is possible that they could cross; it is said that there is so much vigilance, it is not true. I didn't see them, but there is so much free passage to the US" (migrant smuggler from Tamaulipas interviewed in 2018). Moreover, almost 1 in 10 (7.8%) thought that if weapons and drugs were smuggled into the United States, also terrorists could be smuggled (**Table 4**).

#### **6. Conclusion**

**5. Migrant smugglers in complex networks**

networks (**Table 4**).

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

Terrorists could enter the United States by using established migrant smuggling networks

Terrorists could not be smuggled into the United States by using Mexican migrant smuggling networks

*Source: Compiled by the authors from data recorded in the interviews.*

*Arguments expressed by migrant smugglers involved in complex networks.*

**Table 4.**

**62**

Migrant smugglers involved in complex networks answered to the question if foreign terrorists could be smuggled into the United States by using the services provided by Mexican migrant smuggling networks, by using two lines of argumentation to describe the possible links between smugglers and foreign terrorists:

• More than half (56.3%) of the respondents thought that terrorists could enter

• Less than half (43.7%) of the respondents did not believe that terrorists could be smuggled into the United States by using Mexican migrant smuggling

Migrant smugglers involved in complex networks tend to believe that foreign terrorists can be smuggled into the United States by using the services provided by Mexican migrant smuggling networks. More than one-third (37.5%) thought that if illegal immigrants could cross the border also could terrorists. Interviewees pointed out that they were helping anybody to cross the US Southwestern border who paid a fee. Respondents had helped people from many different countries to cross the border. Therefore, they could not know if some of these people were terrorists or not. Respondents had the impression that the US Southwestern border was not an orderly inspected place; on the contrary, they used to think that the border was a place poorly protected where migrants, drugs, and so on were crossing over at every moment [30]. The expression "so many things happen at the border" were repeated

**Argument n %**

terrorists.

of their clients.

corruption.

terrorists.

border.

airports.

Total 64 100

their problems.

If illegal immigrants can cross the border also can

Migrant smugglers are unaware of the intentions

Terrorists can enter the United States because of

They did not have an extensive knowledge of the

Terrorists can enter the United States through its

Terrorists can cross through the customs situated

Total 28 43.7

The US Government blames Mexico for all of

Terrorists can't cross through territories controlled by the drug cartels.

at the southwestern border.

They had never witnessed the crossing of

Total 36 56.3

If weapons and drugs are smuggled into the United States, also terrorists can be smuggled. 24 37.5

5 7.8

6 9.4

1 1.6

8 12.5

4 6.2

1 1.6

4 6.2

9 14.1

2 3.1

the United States by using established human smuggling networks.

Migrant smugglers interviewed had never witnessed terrorists to cross the border by using the services provided by Mexican migrant smuggling networks. However, there was a difference between the answers responded by migrant smugglers involved in simple networks and those involved in complex networks. The former were more inclined to express arguments denying the existence of connections between foreign terrorists and Mexican migrant smugglers, while the latter were more predisposed to think that foreign terrorist could enter the United States by using the same channels employed by migrant smugglers to smuggle labor migrants or by drug traffickers to smuggle weapons or drugs. We conclude that migrant smugglers involved in simple networks are more inclined to think that foreign terrorist cannot be smuggled to the United States because they come from the same hometown or region of their clientele and gained their knowledge of entering the United States illegally from their own experiences as migrants. Therefore, they personally know that their customers are not terrorists. On the contrary, migrant smugglers involved in complex networks do not come from the same hometown or region of their clientele. Their customers come from different countries; and they do not know personally any of them. Therefore, they could not be completely sure if any of them was a terrorist.

#### **Acknowledgements**

This article presents the results from the Research Project A1-S-24697 entitled "Las redes de tráfico sexual en la region de América del Norte," financed by the National Council of Science and Technology (SEP/CONACYT).

#### **Conflict of interest**

The author declares no conflict of interest.




**Case Age Education**

**65**

19

20

21

22

23

24

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

 41

 9

 Tamaulipas

 35

 9

 Tamaulipas

 37

 6

 Nuevo León

 45

 4

 San Luis Potosí

 39

 6

 Nuevo León

 33

 6

 Tamaulipas

 41

 8

 Tamaulipas

 45

 4

 Tamaulipas

 25

 9

 Nuevo León

 41

 6

 Coahuila

 35

 6

 Nuevo León

 38

 9

 Tamaulipas

 36

 9

 Chiapas

 40

 4

 Tamaulipas

 32

 6

 Tamaulipas

 45

 9

 San Luis Potosí

 29

 6

 Tamaulipas

 30

 9

 Tamaulipas

 39

 0

 Chiapas

 25

 9

 Nuevo León

 30

 6

 San Luis Potosí

Arizona

Texas Alabama

Texas South Carolina

Florida North Carolina

Texas Texas Texas Texas Texas Texas Texas Texas Texas Texas Oklahoma

Texas Texas Louisiana

11

 2001

 1

 4/12

 18–35

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.1

15

 1997

 1/2

 5/10

 20–40

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.1

11

 2001

 2

 4/8

 18–50

 No

 Yes

 No

 Simple

 2.1

20

 1992

 1

 7/15

 15–35

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.3

12

 2000

 1

 8/15

 20–40

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.3

10

 2002

 2

 7/15

 20–35

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

11

 2001

 1

 20/25

 15–40

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.1

17

 1995

 2

 10

 20–50

 No

 Yes

 No

 Simple

 2.1

6

 2006

 4

 7/9

 20–40

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.3

7

 2005

 1

 10/15

 10–40

 Yes

 No Yes

 Simple

 1.1

6

 2006

 8/10

 6

 20–40

 No

 No

 No Complex

 2.3

7

 2004

 12

 10/40

5

 2006

 3/5

 3/20

> 5

 Yes Yes

 Yes Yes Complex

 Yes Yes Complex

16

 1995

 1

 7/9

 14–40

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 3.2

 3.2

 2.3

11

8

 2003

 1

 10/20

 20–40

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.1

 2000

 1

 7/15

 13–50

 Yes

 Yes

 No

 Simple

 2.1

4

6

 2005

 1

 10/20

 16–50

 Yes

 Yes

 No

 Simple

 2.1

 2007

 1

 10/15

 15–40

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

*Mexican Migrant Smugglers and Foreign Terrorists DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88427*

10

 2001

 2

 8/15

 12–60

 Yes

 Yes Yes

 Simple

 2.1

5

 2006

 12

 7/12

 1–60

 Yes

 Yes Yes

 Simple

 2.1

6

 2005

 1

 15/25

 18–30

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.1

 **Origin**

**Destination**

**Experience**

**Years Initiation**

 **Crossings/**

**People/**

**Age Women >50**

**year**

**crossing**

 **as human smuggler**

**Profile of migrants**

 **Type of**

**Argument**

**network**


#### *Mexican Migrant Smugglers and Foreign Terrorists DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88427*

**Case Age Education**

**Appendices**

**64**

**Appendix**

 **1:** 

**Information**

 **about the** 

**interviewees**

1

2

3

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

 37

 6

 San Luis Potosí

 39

 6

 San Luis Potosí

 37

 6

 San Luis Potosí

 21

 9

 Tamaulipas

 28

 12

 Nuevo León

 40

 6

 Nuevo León

 43

 9

 Tamaulipas

 45

 6

 Mexico City

 39

 4

 Tamaulipas

 46

 6

 Tamaulipas

 33

 6

 Tamaulipas

 44

 9

 Chiapas

 40

 9

 Tamaulipas

 39

 6

 Veracruz

 35

 1

 Tamaulipas

 45

 5

 Tamaulipas

 38

 9

 Tamaulipas

 39

 7

 Tamaulipas

Virginia

Texas Idaho Texas Florida

Texas Virginia North Carolina

Texas North Carolina

Oregon

Texas, Canada

Texas, California

Arizona South Carolina

California Colorado

Texas

7

 2004

 2

 17/20

 15–55

 Yes

 Yes

 No

 Simple

 2.1

5

 2006

 1

 10/15

 18–50

 Yes

 Yes

 No

 Simple

 2.1

16

 1995

 1

 5/15

 20–50

 Yes

 Yes

 No

 Simple

 2.1

4

4

 2007

 1

 8/10

 15–40

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.2

 2007

 12

 6/10

 16–35

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.2

5

14

5

 2006

 2

 10/20

 1997

 1

 9/20

 12–55

 Yes Yes

 Yes Yes

 Simple

 3.1

 Yes Yes

 Simple

 2.1

 2006

 2

 15/20

 15–35

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

5

8

 2003

 2

 10/15

 2006

 4/6

 10/20

 16–40

 No Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.2

4

7

 2004

 2/3

 12/18

 20–40

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

 2007

 6

 8/12

 10–45

 Yes

 No Yes Complex

11

 2000

 6

 13

 16–30

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 3.1

 2.2

10

 2001

 2

 20/25

 20–40

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.4

6

 2005

 2/3

 6/12

 20–35

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.2

21

 1990

 0/1

 8/10

 16–40

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

11

 2000

 1

 10/15

 20–50

 Yes

 Yes

 No

 Simple

 1.3

4

 2007

 2

 13/18

 25–45

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.3

 **Origin**

**Destination**

**Experience**

**Years Initiation**

 **Crossings/**

**People/**

**Age Women >50**

**year**

**crossing**

 **as human smuggler**

**Profile of migrants**

 **Type of**

**Argument**

**network**

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*


**Case Age Education**

**67**

61

62

63

64

65

66

67

68

69

70

71

72

73

74

75

76

77

78

79

 32

 0

 Mexico City

 37

 6

 Mexico City

 35

 4

 Mexico City

 40

 3

Coatzacoalcos

Texas, Florida, North Carolina,

South Carolina

Texas Florida

Texas

9

 2004

 3/4

 6/8

 17–40

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 3.1

8

 2005

 6/24

 6/10

 15–30

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 3.1

16

 1997

 24/36

 5/8

 13–35

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 1.1

Veracruz

 36

 3

 San Luis Potosí

 37

 3

 Tamaulipas

 41

 12

 San Luis Potosí

 35

 3

Puebla

 32

 9

 Veracruz

 42

 9

 Tamaulipas

 36

 6

 San Luis Potosí

 38

 6

 San Luis Potosí

 40

 9

 Mexico city

 32

 0

Puebla

 35

 5

 Mexico City

 37

 6

 Mexico City

 36

 9

 Mexico City

 Texas, New Mexico, New

Orleans, Florida, Virginia,

California

Texas Texas California

Texas Texas Illinois

Texas Texas Texas Texas Texas Texas

9

16

 1997

 6

 10/12

 13–50

 Yes

 Yes

 No Complex

 3.1

 2004

 4

 7/10

 15–30

 only

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

8

 2004

 2

 7

 17–30

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.2

6

 2006

 12

 11

 3–40

 Yes

 Yes Yes Complex

7

 2005

 4

 10

 15–30

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

 2.1

6

 2002

 12/24

 15/20

 14–40

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 1.2

9

 2003

 2

 7

 18–25

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.2

11

 2001

 4

 7/20

 15–40

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.2

9

 2003

 3

 7/15

 15–30

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.1

12

 2000

 9/12

 7/20

 15–40

 Yes

 Yes

 No Complex

 1.1

7

 2005

 12

 8

 13–45

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 1.1

15

 1997

 12/24

 5/10

 5–40

 Yes

 No Yes Complex

5

 2007

 24

 20/25

 16–40

 Yes

 No Yes Complex

 2.1

 3.1

 45

 6

 Tamaulipas

 34

 6

 Guanajuato

 Texas, North Carolina, Virginia

Texas

 8 10

4

 2008

 12/15

 15/20

 2002

 1/2

 8/30

 13–50

 Yes Yes

 Yes Yes Complex

 Yes

 No

 Simple

 1.1

 2.1

*Mexican Migrant Smugglers and Foreign Terrorists DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88427*

> 2004

 9/15

 15/20

 15–60

 Yes

 Yes

 No Complex

 1.4

 **Origin**

**Destination**

**Experience**

**Years Initiation**

 **Crossings/**

**People/**

**Age Women >50**

**year**

**crossing**

 **as human smuggler**

**Profile of migrants**

 **Type of**

**Argument**

**network**


#### *Mexican Migrant Smugglers and Foreign Terrorists DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88427*

**Case Age Education**

**66**

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

58

59

60

 40

 6

 Tamaulipas

 45

 6

 Tamaulipas

 35

 3

 Tamaulipas

 39

 6

 Mexico City

 43

 8

 Tamaulipas

 40

 4

 Tamaulipas

 30

 12

 Tamaulipas

 36

 6

 Tamaulipas

 38

 9

 Tamaulipas

 41

 6

 Tamaulipas

 28

 6

 Tamaulipas

 39

 2

 Tamaulipas

 45

 9

 Tamaulipas

 37

 5

 Tamaulipas

 40

 9

 Tamaulipas

 40

 6

 Tamaulipas

 35

 9

 Nuevo León

 32

 6

 Tamaulipas

 30

 9

 Tamaulipas

 35

 6

 Tamaulipas

 48

 9

 Tamaulipas

Florida Louisiana

Texas Texas Texas Texas Virginia Florida Louisiana Louisiana

Texas Texas Florida

Texas Illinois Virginia

Texas Florida Arizona North Carolina

Texas

8

 2004

 2

 7/10

 15–35

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.1

10

9

 2003

 3/4

 12/30

 20–50

 No

 Yes

 No

 Simple

 1.1

 2002

 3

 7/15

 20–40

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.3

10

 2002

15

 1997

 2

 10/20

25

 20–40

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.1

10

 2002

 2

 7/10

 18–40

 Yes Yes

 Yes Yes

 Simple

 1.1

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

5

 2007

 6

 7/10

 20–35

 Yes

 Yes

 No

 Simple

 2.1

6

 2006

 6

8

 2004

 3

 10

 13–35 16–40

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.1

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.2

10

 2002

 2

 7/10

 15–45

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.1

8

 2004

 12/15

 10/15

 15–35

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 1.1

10

 2002

12

 2000

 3

 10/20 10/20

 18–40

 Yes

 Yes

 No

 Simple

 2.1

 15–35

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

10

 2002

 2

 6/10

 15–40

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.2

17

 1995

 2

 8/15

 15–50

 Yes

 Yes

 No

 Simple

 1.2

12

 2000

 7/11

 5/15

 20–30

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

7

 2005

 6/12

 5/15

 18–40

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.1

12

 2000

 1/2

 5/9

 35–40

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

4

 2008

 1

 4/9

 20–35

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.1

11

 2001

 1/2

 4/10

 20–40

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.1

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

14

 1998

 1

 7/10

 15–50

 Yes

 Yes

 No

 Simple

 1.1

 **Origin**

**Destination**

**Experience**

**Years Initiation**

 **Crossings/**

**People/**

**Age Women >50**

**year**

**crossing**

 **as human smuggler**

**Profile of migrants**

 **Type of**

**Argument**

**network**


**Case Age Education**

**69**

100 25 101 35 102 42 103 42 104 28 105 35 106 29

107 36 108 39 109 37

110

111 40 112 34

113

114 45

115

116

117 45

118

119

 35

 0

 Veracruz

 38

 6

 Chiapas

 0

 Veracruz

 32

 6

Sonora

 Texas, Florida, California, New

York, Louisiana, Colorado

Texas California

Texas

6

 2008

 4/6

 10/12

 14–20

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

17

 1997

 4/5

 5/7

 16–23

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

15

 1999

 4/5

 10/12

 15–25

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.4

 39

 9

 State of Mexico

 5

 Tabasco

 39

 5

 Tamaulipas

 2

 Tamaulipas

 9

 Tamaulipas

 37

 17

 Tamaulipas

 0

 Tamaulipas

 0

 Tamaulipas

 5

 Tamaulipas

 6

 Nuevo León

 0

Puebla

 8

 Tamaulipas

 6

 San Luis Potosí

 6

 Veracruz

 Texas, California, Louisiana

Louisiana

Texas Texas Florida Missouri

Texas Texas Oklahoma

Iowa Texas Texas Texas California

8

12

 1995

 6/12

 7

 14–20

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

 2006

 2

 8/10

 15–27

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.4

17

 1987

 4

 10

 16–25

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

10

 2004

 2

 9/10

4

 2010

 2

 72

 20–35

 No No

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.4

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

5

 2009

 3

 12

 17–35

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

7

 2006

 4

 13

 20–40

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.2

6

 2007

 12

 10/15

 16–35

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 1.3

11

 2002

 8/12

 10/15

 20–40

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.2

7

 2006

 6/7

 15

 16–35

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 1.1

4

 2009

 12

 8/12

13

 2000

 8/10

 8/10

5

 2008

 8/10

 7/8

 16–25

 Yes Yes

Yes

 No

 No Complex

 3.1

 Yes Yes

 Simple

 1.1

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

 9

 Veracruz

 0

Puebla

Texas Texas

15

 9 9

 2004

 6/12

 10

 16–40

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.1

*Mexican Migrant Smugglers and Foreign Terrorists DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88427*

> 2004

 6

 15

 18–32

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 1.2

 1998

 4/6

 15

 16–25

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.2

7

 2006

 4

 10/11

 10–40

 Yes

 Yes Yes Complex

 2.1

 **Origin**

**Destination**

**Experience**

**Years Initiation**

 **Crossings/**

**People/**

**Age Women >50**

**year**

**crossing**

 **as human smuggler**

**Profile of migrants**

 **Type of**

**Argument**

**network**


#### *Mexican Migrant Smugglers and Foreign Terrorists DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88427*

**Case Age Education**

**68**

80

81

82

83

84

85

86

87

88

89

90

91

92

93

94

95

96

97

98

99

 33

 0

 Veracruz

 41

 4

 Veracruz

 36

 6

 Veracruz

 38

 0

 Guerrero

 25

 0

 Veracruz

 40

 0

 Tamaulipas

 37

 4

 Veracruz

 31

 0

 Veracruz

 35

 0

 Chiapas

Virginia

Texas Texas Texas

Texas, Florida

Texas Texas California

Arizona

12

 2001

 9/12

 20/25

8

 2005

 6

 10

 18–35

 Yes Yes

 No Yes Complex

 No

 No Complex

 3.1

 3.2

13

 2000

 5

 10/12

 20–40

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.1

9

 2004

 12

 8/10

 14–35

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

12

6

 2007

 6

 8/10

< 40

 No

 No

 No Complex

 2.2

 2001

 4

 13/15

 16–30

 Yes

 Yes

 No Complex

 2.1

7

 2006

 4/12

 10

 20–40

 Yes

 Yes

 No Complex

 2.1

11

 2002

 4/6

 15/20

 15–35

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

 32

 9

 Chihuahua

 Texas, New Mexico, California

 30

 0

 Chiapas

 37

 6

 Chiapas

 Texas, Colorado, Kansas,

Oklahoma,

 Florida

California

7

 10 7

 2006

 6/12

 15

 20–40

 No

 No

 No Complex

 1.2

 1997

 4/12

 12

 18–25

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 3.1

 2006

 4

 12/15

 20–25

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

 42

 6

 Chiapas

 27

 6

 Veracruz

 38

 0

 Chiapas

 36

 0

 Tamaulipas

 40

 9

 Mexico City

 35

 0

 Mexico City

 23

 6

 Mexico City

 28

 6

 State of Mexico

California

Texas Texas Texas Oklahoma

Texas Texas Oregon

20

15

 1998

 4/6

 12

 20–40

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.3

 1993

 6

 8/12

 21–35

 No

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

7

 2006

 3/6

 10

 18–40

 No

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

8

 2005

 3/4

 10

 15–30

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 3.1

9

 2004

 4

 10

 18–35

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.2

16

 1997

 3/4

 15/20

 15–40

 No

 No

 No Complex

 1.2

8

 2005

 6/12

 8/10

 20–40

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

7

 2006

 6

 9/15

 18–30

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

10

 2003

 3/4

 10

 20–27

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

 **Origin**

**Destination**

**Experience**

**Years Initiation**

 **Crossings/**

**People/**

**Age Women >50**

**year**

**crossing**

 **as human smuggler**

**Profile of migrants**

 **Type of**

**Argument**

**network**


**Case Age Education**

**71**

141 39 142 24 143 40 144 32 *Source: Compiled by the author from data recorded in the interviews.*

*Education: Years of education of the interviewee.*

*Origin: Place where the interviewee originates from.*

*Destination:*

*Experience as a migrant smuggler: Years: years of experience as a human smuggler.*

*Initiation: Year when interviewees*

*at every crossing.* *Profile of migrants: Age: age of the migrants transported by the interviewee;*

*Argument:*

*1.1. They had never witnessed the crossing of terrorists.*

*1.2. They didn't have an extensive knowledge of the border.*

*1.3. The US Government*

*1.4. Terrorists can't cross through territories controlled by the drug cartels.*

*2.1. If illegal immigrants can pass also can terrorists.*

*2.2. If weapons and drugs are smuggled also terrorists can be smuggled.*

*2.3. Human smugglers are unaware of the intentions of their clients.*

*2.4. Terrorists can enter the United States because of corruption.*

*3.1. Terrorists cross by airports.*

*3.2. Terrorists pass through the border customs.*

 *blames Mexico for all of their problems.*

 *began to work as human smugglers;* 

*Crossings/year:*

 *Women: Transport women; > 50: Transport people 50 years old and older; < 12: Transport children of less than 12 years old.*

 *Number of times that the interviewee crosses the border each year;* 

*People/crossing:*

 *Number of migrants transported*

 *Place in the United States where the migrants are transported by human smuggling networks.*

 16

 Tamaulipas

 6

 Mexico City

 9

 Nuevo Leon

 6

 California

California

Texas Texas Texas

8

 2010

 3

 8/10

 16–25

 No

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

*Mexican Migrant Smugglers and Foreign Terrorists DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88427*

11

 2007

 ¾

 8/10

 16–25

 No

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

3

 2015

 2

 10

< 20

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 3.1

9

 2008

 3/4

 10/13

 14–30

 Yes

 Yes

 No Complex

 2.3

 **Origin**

**Destination**

**Experience**

**Years Initiation**

 **Crossings/**

**People/**

**Age Women >50**

**year**

**crossing**

 **as human smuggler**

**Profile of migrants**

 **Type of**

**Argument**

**network**


#### *Mexican Migrant Smugglers and Foreign Terrorists DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.88427*

**Case Age Education**

**70**

120 39 121 30

122

123 41

124 36 125 40 126 42 127 33 128 42 129 39 130 35

131

132 41

133 38 134 35 135 43 136 42 137 38 138 39

139 36 140 40

 12

 Nuevo León

 6

Oaxaca

Texas, Georgia

Texas

12

 2005

 2/3

 10/13

 16–30

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.3

 0

 Tamaulipas

 9

 Tabasco

 6

 Veracruz

 4

 Tamaulipas

 9

 Guanajuato

 9

 Nuevo León

 0

Oaxaca

 36

 8

 Coahuila

 6

 Tamaulipas

 8

 Tabasco

 0

 Chiapas

 4

 Nuevo León

 6

Sonora

Arizona, Canada

Texas, Canada

Texas California South Carolina

Texas Florida

Texas Texas Texas Texas Texas Texas

12

7

 2010

 2/3

 10/11

 16–40

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 1.1

 2005

 2

 8

 17–25

 No

 No

 No Complex

 2.3

6

 2010

 3

 10

 16–24

 No

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

10

 2006

 3/4

 8/10

 14–40

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.2

9

 2007

 2

 15

 17–30

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.3

8

 2008

 2/3

 12/15

 14–35

 Yes

 No Yes Complex

5

 2010

 3

 10

< 20

 Yes

 No Yes Complex

15

 2000

 4

 12/15

 15–20

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

 2.1

 1.4

5

 2010

 3

 15/20

 15–22

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

16

8

 2007

 2/3

 14/20

 16–30

 No

 No

 No Complex

 1.1

 1999

 3/5

 8/12

 15–45

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 3.1

15

 2000

 2

 10

 16–30

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.2

 9

 Coahuila

 0

 Tamaulipas

 3

 San Luis Potosí

 35

 0

 Tamaulipas

 12

 Tamaulipas

 5

 Tamaulipas

South Carolina

Texas Texas Missouri

Texas Texas

20

18

8

 2007

 3

 10

 16–24

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 1.4

 1997

 2

 10

 17–35

 No

 No

 No Complex

 1.1

 1995

 3

 12/15

12

 1991

 2/3

 8/10

 15–20

 Yes Yes

 No Yes

 Simple

 1.1

 No

 No Complex

 1.4

9

 2005

 2

 12

 16–22

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.1

10

 2004

 2

 8/12

 16–20

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 2.1

5

 2009

 1

 10

 14–22

 Yes

 No

 No Complex

 2.1

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

6

 2008

 1

 8/10

 13–20

 Yes

 No

 No

 Simple

 1.2

 **Origin**

**Destination**

**Experience**

**Years Initiation**

 **Crossings/**

**People/**

**Age Women >50**

**year**

**crossing**

 **as human smuggler**

**Profile of migrants**

 **Type of**

**Argument**

**network**

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

### **Author details**

Simón Pedro Izcara Palacios Tamaulipas University, Ciudad Victoria, Mexico

\*Address all correspondence to: sizcara@uat.edu.mx

© 2020 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

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[7] Bensman T. Terrorist Infiltration Threat at the Southwest Border. Center for Immigration Studies. Backgrounder;

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**Author details**

**72**

Simón Pedro Izcara Palacios

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

Tamaulipas University, Ciudad Victoria, Mexico

provided the original work is properly cited.

\*Address all correspondence to: sizcara@uat.edu.mx

© 2020 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium,

[20] General Accounting Office. Alien Smuggling. DHS Needs to Better Leverage Investigative Resources and Measure Program Performance along the Southwest Border. United States Government Accountability Office; Report to Congressional Requesters GAO-10-328; 2010

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[22] Bove V, Böhmelt T. Does immigration induce terrorism? The Journal of Politics. 2016;**78**(2):572-588

[23] Izcara-Palacios SP, Yamamoto Y. Trafficking in US agriculture. Antipode. 2017;**49**(5):1306-1328

[24] Slack J, Martínez DE, Lee AE, Whiteford S. The geography of border militarization: Violence, death and health in Mexico and the United States. Journal of Latin American Geography. 2016;**15**(1):7-32

[25] Martin PL. President trump and US migration after 100 days. Migration Letters. 2017;**14**(2):319-328

[26] Universidad Autónoma de Tamaulipas Protocolo del Comité de ética de la investigación. 2009. Available from: https://www.researchgate.net/ publication/316554261\_Protocolo\_del\_ Comite\_de\_etica\_de\_la\_investigac ion\_del\_CAC\_UAT-CA-73

[27] Izcara-Palacios SP. Contrabandistas de migrantes a pequeña escala de Tamaulipas, México. Perfiles Latinoamericanos. 2013;**42**:109-134

[28] Izcara-Palacios SP. La contracción de las redes de contrabando de migrantes en México. Revista de Estudios Sociales. 2014;**48**:84-99

[29] Izcara-Palacios SP. Migrant smuggling on Mexico's gulf route: The actors involved. Latin American Perspectives. 2017;**44**(6):16-30

[30] Izcara-Palacios SP. Corruption at the border: Intersections between US labour demands, border control, and human smuggling economies. Antipode. 2019. DOI: 10.1111/anti.12527. In press

[20] General Accounting Office. Alien Smuggling. DHS Needs to Better Leverage Investigative Resources and Measure Program Performance along the Southwest Border. United States Government Accountability Office; Report to Congressional Requesters

*Terrorism and Developing Countries*

The actors involved. Latin American Perspectives. 2017;**44**(6):16-30

[30] Izcara-Palacios SP. Corruption at the border: Intersections between US labour demands, border control, and human smuggling economies. Antipode. 2019. DOI: 10.1111/anti.12527. In press

[21] Keen D, Andersson R. Double games: Success, failure and the relocation of risk in fighting terror, drugs and migration. Political Geography. 2018;**67**:100-110

[22] Bove V, Böhmelt T. Does immigration induce terrorism? The Journal of Politics. 2016;**78**(2):572-588

2017;**49**(5):1306-1328

2016;**15**(1):7-32

[23] Izcara-Palacios SP, Yamamoto Y. Trafficking in US agriculture. Antipode.

[24] Slack J, Martínez DE, Lee AE, Whiteford S. The geography of border militarization: Violence, death and health in Mexico and the United States. Journal of Latin American Geography.

[25] Martin PL. President trump and US migration after 100 days. Migration

[27] Izcara-Palacios SP. Contrabandistas de migrantes a pequeña escala de Tamaulipas, México. Perfiles Latinoamericanos. 2013;**42**:109-134

[28] Izcara-Palacios SP. La contracción de las redes de contrabando de migrantes en México. Revista de Estudios Sociales. 2014;**48**:84-99

[29] Izcara-Palacios SP. Migrant smuggling on Mexico's gulf route:

**74**

Letters. 2017;**14**(2):319-328

ion\_del\_CAC\_UAT-CA-73

[26] Universidad Autónoma de Tamaulipas Protocolo del Comité de ética de la investigación. 2009. Available from: https://www.researchgate.net/ publication/316554261\_Protocolo\_del\_ Comite\_de\_etica\_de\_la\_investigac

GAO-10-328; 2010

### *Edited by Syed Abdul Rehman Khan and Zhang Yu*

Bioterrorism is terrorism involving the intentional dissemination of biological agents. As in biological warfare, bioterrorism agents can be viruses, fungi, bacteria, toxins, insects or any other number of naturally occurring or synthetic agents. Therefore, it can be difficult for clinicians to discriminate between an act of terrorism and a naturally occurring outbreak.Written by distinguished researchers in the field, this book examines the effects of bioterrorism and terrorism on the socioeconomic sustainability of different countries around the globe.

Published in London, UK © 2020 IntechOpen © namfang / iStock

Terrorism and Developing Countries

Terrorism and Developing

Countries

*Edited by Syed Abdul Rehman Khan and Zhang Yu*