**1. Introduction**

Sexual violence, rape in particular against girls and women, is a sad reality in Nigeria in particular and some parts of Africa. Like other crimes that go unreported, rape is mostly unreported to formal agencies of social control in Nigeria partly due to trust gap, associated stigma against the victims, fear of re-victimization, cultural barriers, religious sentiments, and the powerlessness of the victims in pursuing justice. Nonetheless, the media continues to play key roles in tracking rape cases in Nigeria by foregrounding rape episodes in their reportage. Through their coverage of rape stories, the "private problem" as experienced by a victim is made "public trouble" by eliciting societal reactions from state and non-state actors. In other words, rape is not only reported as crime or social problem, but also as an item that questions current state of morality and calling for moral awakening and vigilance [1]. In understanding deviance and crime, characterization of the act (Rape), actors (who they are), social situation (context of the crime) and the definers (reactions of the law and the public) of such actions become important not only in appreciating the magnitude of the problem but in devising prevention strategies and victim therapy. In this paper, we analyze a corpus of newspaper coverage of rape in Nigeria. We sought answers to: how do print media characterize rape offenders and victims?

In Nigeria, the criminal and the penal codes view rape as a serious offense based on how they defined the crime. Thus rape is defined under Section 357 of the Nigerian criminal code which is applicable to the southern part of Nigeria as:

*Any person who has unlawful canal knowledge of a woman or girl without her consent, if the consent is obtained by force or by means of threats or intimidation*  *of any kind or by fear of harm, or by means of false and fraudulent representation as to the nature of the act, or in The case of a married woman, by personating her husband is guilty of An offense which is called rape.*

In the Northern part of Nigeria, rape is defined under Section 282 of the penal code as:


The two definitions show that in Nigeria, the conception of rape is seen as being perpetuated only by men against women and not vice versa. In other places, this is not the case because it has also been recognized that a man can also be victim to rape and it may be perpetuated by any person including a woman or a man. The definitions also never factored in non-penetrative rape such as oral sex and use of objects or other instrument aside from the organs as rape. This puts into context what could be adjudicated upon in Nigeria owing to existing laws. Not minding Nigeria law, literature recognizes date rape, anger rape, prison rape, war rape, spousal rape, gang rape, sadistic rape, statutory rape, elderly rape, rape of children and rape by deception [2].

In Nigeria, Lagos state Police Command recorded 678 rape cases between March 2012 and March 2013 alone. Despite these statistics, few are convicted while many withdraw their cases [3]. Making up for the unrecorded and unreported are the media through their coverage of rape cases. A few examples of such will suffice here: a 55-year-old man was reported to have abducted and raped a 14-year-old girl for 4 days [4]. Also a pastor was reported to have raped his neighbors' daughter aged 12 after luring her with biscuits and money [5]. Equally, a 15 year old girl was also raped by a tricycle rider after which he gave her N200 [6]. Similarly, a teacher was arrested after he defiled his 3 year old student [7]. Also at least 100 cases of rape were also reported in court in Kano in 2013, in which only about 40 offenders were convicted. Similarly, in Anambra state, about 155 incidences and complaints on rape were recorded by some NGOs that worked on sexual violence in the state. However, only 12 out of the 155 cases were taken up by the police and surprisingly none of them was successfully prosecuted.

While rape statistics are crucial to showcase the enormity of rape, it nonetheless, does not capture the social reality of rape in those countries. This is because victims of rape or sexual violence as it is called elsewhere often do not report and therefore do not get captured in criminal statistics. A number of studies attest to the fact that police statistics never capture the magnitude of rape reality [8, 9]. Furthermore, statistics are figures which do not capture narratives of perpetrators and victims. Existing data do not show such vital demographics which can be used in characterizing victims and their offenders. In other words, figures hide actualities and the "flesh" of the phenomenon needed for qualitative analysis. It is in this light that we add to existing body of researches on rape by filling this gap.

**21**

*Characterizing Rapists and Their Victims in Select Nigeria Newspapers*

Oduah [10] gave the following as factors that may lead to or be the cause of increase in rape cases in the Nigerian society, they are; gaps that are embedded in the laws of the country and the strict adherence by the law court for the provision of burden of proof by the victim and the prosecutors; delays in the judicial system; corruption of the judiciary; stigmatization; family ties (in situations where rape/ child rape was committed by people who are close relatives of the victims as a result the family settles the case among themselves and therefore not report these crimes to the police for prosecution); fear of attacks and intimidation (in the sense that the victims most times are afraid that if they report, the perpetrator or rapist may re-attack them and in some cases these rapists are deadly and cruel) immoral dressing on the part of the girls and inadequate parental care. It is however important to note that in a situation where the victim fails to provide the above proof of rape, the accused then has the privilege to walk free even if the act was indeed committed. As noted by Musbau [11] rape offenders are having a jolly ride because the burden of proof lies with the victim. The victim alone bears the burden of providing the bed sheets used to rape, providing her underwear and not washing herself before going to the police station or the hospital. Further challenge being faced by victims of rape includes delays in getting and providing the medical reports of the test. This is due to the poor state of health facilities and inadequate finance to quicken the process-

Acts of rape is widespread elsewhere in Africa. For instance, rape is ubiquitous in South Africa (SA). In terms of statistics, SA recorded a total of 39,828 cases of rape (under the sexual offenses categorization of crime) between 2016 and 2017 [12]. In another African country, Zimbabwe, at least one woman is raped every 90 min while 500 women are sexually abused monthly. This means that at least 16 women get raped daily. Elsewhere in East Africa, Kenya recorded a total of 2648

Media construction of rape has produced different consequences in other climes. Nagar [14] stressed the factors underlying social construction of rape in India. He notes that the importation of "loan" words by the media in constructing rape marginalizes other sufferers other than the middle class or upwardly mobile women. Using loan words, media outlets depict class categories of victims by underscoring gender norms as well as the barriers facing raped women in India. In other words, rape construction is affected by the social-cultural contexts and ideological prisms of reporters. Furthermore, Nagar [14] questions the deification of rape victims in India which suppresses their victimhood and suffering. It follows that victims of rape or sexual violence in India are mythically characterized. We argue therefore that the portrayals of rape stories by the media more often than not, reflect power

Scholars note that media depiction of rape victims devotes much attention to the victims and overlooks the rapist thereby presenting the victim as lacking agency and powerless. In reporting violence against women, the media are also accused of justifying the myths of sexual violence. This becomes clearer when one activates Butler's [15] notion of gender performativity and the consequences of failing to execute assigned gender roles of being submissive. Thus, it is believed that women cause rape by failing to submit their bodies. Further to this, Bonnes [3] notes that the way a South African newspaper (Grocott's Mail) reports rape perpetuates gender and racial stereotyping. While not all rape catches media attention, those in the media sustains rape myths. In the United States, Sacks et.al [16] found that local media reporting "on sexual assault might directly reinforce some of the commonly known rape myths." Meanwhile, rape myths can also discourage reportage. The perpetuation of rape myths in the media coverage of rape can engender negative

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.91705*

ing of such medical reports.

rape cases as at 2015 [13].

relationship in headline casting and story narration.

#### *Characterizing Rapists and Their Victims in Select Nigeria Newspapers DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.91705*

*Psycho-Social Aspects of Human Sexuality and Ethics*

code as:

unsound mind."

deception [2].

has attained to puberty."

them was successfully prosecuted.

add to existing body of researches on rape by filling this gap.

*husband is guilty of An offense which is called rape.*

*of any kind or by fear of harm, or by means of false and fraudulent representation as to the nature of the act, or in The case of a married woman, by personating her* 

In the Northern part of Nigeria, rape is defined under Section 282 of the penal

1. "A man is said to commit rape who…has sexual intercourse With a woman in any of the following circumstances: (a) against Her will; (b) obtained by putting her in fear of death or of hurt; (c) With her consent when the man knows that he is not her husband And that her consent is given because she believes that he is the Man to whom she is or believes herself to be lawfully married; (d) With or without her consent when she is under fourteen years Of age or of

2. "Sexual intercourse by a man with his own wife is not considered as rape, if she

The two definitions show that in Nigeria, the conception of rape is seen as being perpetuated only by men against women and not vice versa. In other places, this is not the case because it has also been recognized that a man can also be victim to rape and it may be perpetuated by any person including a woman or a man. The definitions also never factored in non-penetrative rape such as oral sex and use of objects or other instrument aside from the organs as rape. This puts into context what could be adjudicated upon in Nigeria owing to existing laws. Not minding Nigeria law, literature recognizes date rape, anger rape, prison rape, war rape, spousal rape, gang rape, sadistic rape, statutory rape, elderly rape, rape of children and rape by

In Nigeria, Lagos state Police Command recorded 678 rape cases between March 2012 and March 2013 alone. Despite these statistics, few are convicted while many withdraw their cases [3]. Making up for the unrecorded and unreported are the media through their coverage of rape cases. A few examples of such will suffice here: a 55-year-old man was reported to have abducted and raped a 14-year-old girl for 4 days [4]. Also a pastor was reported to have raped his neighbors' daughter aged 12 after luring her with biscuits and money [5]. Equally, a 15 year old girl was also raped by a tricycle rider after which he gave her N200 [6]. Similarly, a teacher was arrested after he defiled his 3 year old student [7]. Also at least 100 cases of rape were also reported in court in Kano in 2013, in which only about 40 offenders were convicted. Similarly, in Anambra state, about 155 incidences and complaints on rape were recorded by some NGOs that worked on sexual violence in the state. However, only 12 out of the 155 cases were taken up by the police and surprisingly none of

While rape statistics are crucial to showcase the enormity of rape, it nonetheless, does not capture the social reality of rape in those countries. This is because victims of rape or sexual violence as it is called elsewhere often do not report and therefore do not get captured in criminal statistics. A number of studies attest to the fact that police statistics never capture the magnitude of rape reality [8, 9]. Furthermore, statistics are figures which do not capture narratives of perpetrators and victims. Existing data do not show such vital demographics which can be used in characterizing victims and their offenders. In other words, figures hide actualities and the "flesh" of the phenomenon needed for qualitative analysis. It is in this light that we

**20**

Oduah [10] gave the following as factors that may lead to or be the cause of increase in rape cases in the Nigerian society, they are; gaps that are embedded in the laws of the country and the strict adherence by the law court for the provision of burden of proof by the victim and the prosecutors; delays in the judicial system; corruption of the judiciary; stigmatization; family ties (in situations where rape/ child rape was committed by people who are close relatives of the victims as a result the family settles the case among themselves and therefore not report these crimes to the police for prosecution); fear of attacks and intimidation (in the sense that the victims most times are afraid that if they report, the perpetrator or rapist may re-attack them and in some cases these rapists are deadly and cruel) immoral dressing on the part of the girls and inadequate parental care. It is however important to note that in a situation where the victim fails to provide the above proof of rape, the accused then has the privilege to walk free even if the act was indeed committed. As noted by Musbau [11] rape offenders are having a jolly ride because the burden of proof lies with the victim. The victim alone bears the burden of providing the bed sheets used to rape, providing her underwear and not washing herself before going to the police station or the hospital. Further challenge being faced by victims of rape includes delays in getting and providing the medical reports of the test. This is due to the poor state of health facilities and inadequate finance to quicken the processing of such medical reports.

Acts of rape is widespread elsewhere in Africa. For instance, rape is ubiquitous in South Africa (SA). In terms of statistics, SA recorded a total of 39,828 cases of rape (under the sexual offenses categorization of crime) between 2016 and 2017 [12]. In another African country, Zimbabwe, at least one woman is raped every 90 min while 500 women are sexually abused monthly. This means that at least 16 women get raped daily. Elsewhere in East Africa, Kenya recorded a total of 2648 rape cases as at 2015 [13].

Media construction of rape has produced different consequences in other climes. Nagar [14] stressed the factors underlying social construction of rape in India. He notes that the importation of "loan" words by the media in constructing rape marginalizes other sufferers other than the middle class or upwardly mobile women. Using loan words, media outlets depict class categories of victims by underscoring gender norms as well as the barriers facing raped women in India. In other words, rape construction is affected by the social-cultural contexts and ideological prisms of reporters. Furthermore, Nagar [14] questions the deification of rape victims in India which suppresses their victimhood and suffering. It follows that victims of rape or sexual violence in India are mythically characterized. We argue therefore that the portrayals of rape stories by the media more often than not, reflect power relationship in headline casting and story narration.

Scholars note that media depiction of rape victims devotes much attention to the victims and overlooks the rapist thereby presenting the victim as lacking agency and powerless. In reporting violence against women, the media are also accused of justifying the myths of sexual violence. This becomes clearer when one activates Butler's [15] notion of gender performativity and the consequences of failing to execute assigned gender roles of being submissive. Thus, it is believed that women cause rape by failing to submit their bodies. Further to this, Bonnes [3] notes that the way a South African newspaper (Grocott's Mail) reports rape perpetuates gender and racial stereotyping. While not all rape catches media attention, those in the media sustains rape myths. In the United States, Sacks et.al [16] found that local media reporting "on sexual assault might directly reinforce some of the commonly known rape myths." Meanwhile, rape myths can also discourage reportage. The perpetuation of rape myths in the media coverage of rape can engender negative

attitude towards the victims or complete violence against women. This may further the suffering of victims of rape by refusing to report when violated.

Writing on the consequences of rape for return migration, Patil and Purkayastha [17] found that due to the permissive rape culture of girls and women in India, Indians in Diaspora, particularly those with girl-child are discouraged to return to their homeland. Indians in Diaspora view the rape culture as an expression of Indian patriarchy. This may be true depending on the perspective of the reporters of the story and whether she/he is from within the social cultural context or from without. Expatiating on this point, Bradley et al. [18] aver that writers within cultural context of rape are more likely to understand rape than the use of colonial lens in reporting rape by the western media. In deploying such colonial lens, western media are accused of privileging urban and middle class victims while marginalizing rural, poor and male victims in their reportage. They argue that the colonial view of rape constructed from western media narrowly captured the victims and perpetrators of rape in India.

To sum this review, we argue that the treatment of rape victims depend to a larger extent on the ideological leanings of different societies, the shaming culture, the spirit and form of the criminal law and the law enforcement agencies and how the media signposts a rape story.

On the nature, patterns and dynamics of rape and sexual assault, a research that was carried out by the National Crime Victim Survey (NCVS) on the Rape in America Study and The Extent, Nature, and Consequences of Rape Victimization discovered that: non-stranger or acquaintance rape was more common than stranger rape. Statistics from their findings showed that 78% of rapes/sexual assaults were perpetrated by someone known to the victims. Further investigation of perpetrator/victim relationship from their study showed that 9% of victims were raped by husbands or ex-husbands, 11% by fathers or step fathers, 10% by boyfriends or ex-boyfriends, 16% by other relatives and 29% by other non-relatives such as friends and neighbors [19]. Their findings also showed that few rapes/sexual assaults involve the use of weapon. Only about 4% of rapes/sexual assault involved the presence of fire arm and only 2% involved the use of knife. The finding suggested that rapists are more likely to gain control of their victims through deception, manipulation and betrayal of their victim's trust [19]. The report also further revealed that it was even rare for rape victims to sustain any visible physical injuries in addition to the rape and the report also stated that majority of rape go unreported as only 16% of rape was reported to the police [19]. In recent times, these figures are increasing at a geometrical rate. On perpetrators of rape, it was discovered that males constituted 99% of the offenders [19].
