**1. Introduction: local leadership and the nature of urban dynamics in disadvantaged peripheral areas**

When speaking about the nature and qualities of place-based leadership, we can outline three main approaches.

The second and contradictory theoretical perspective is one that may be called a humanistic approach or 'the personality thesis' [1]. Scholars who take this viewpoint tend to empower the abilities of local leaders, while putting aside or ignoring objective material conditions. Such studies analyze leadership qualities by emphasizing personalities, values, characteristics and perceptions, presuming these leaders to be "a problem-solver, crisis-handler and the manto-blame" [6]. As such, the extent to which a local leader appears on the political scene as an innovator, arbitrator, or mediator, this is not the outcome of particular objective circumstances nor of the municipal circumstances within which that local leader functions, but rather the outcome of that individual person's 'conception of office' [6]. In other words, scholars who follow 'the personality thesis' ignore or minimize the role of structural forces as autonomous

Understanding Leadership in Disadvantaged Peripheral Areas: The Case of Mayors and Local…

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.76047

63

powers that shape urban order and determine the wellbeing of the local residents.

mously reshaping them at the same time.

sphere?

socio-political environment.

**2. The context: Israeli geographical peripheries**

The current study follows a third approach, which I suggest labeling 'the humanistic-interpretational approach' for analyzing local leadership. Scholars, who follow this approach [1, 5, 7–13] accept the notion that certain structural situations of disadvantaged places may have a negative impact and restrict the abilities of local leaders to accomplish their desired goals. Furthermore, unlike 'the personality thesis' (which is often correlated with conservative views), these scholars view real politics, material and macro structural conditions as being frequently manipulated by politicians and certain economic interests. However, unlike 'the structural-contextual thesis', they incorporate the leader as the one who *interprets* context and has the potential to become a powerful actor within the system. In other words, these scholars consider the local leader as an *independent variable,* shaped by structural forces and autono-

Based on this humanistic-interpretational framework, the current study seeks to empirically examine and analyze the case of certain Israeli mayors and local leaders, who represent and lead relatively disadvantaged urban areas, by examining how they interpret and manage their difficult situations. This analysis addresses the following specific questions: To what extent have these local leaders succeeded in improving the wellbeing and quality-of-life of their resident citizens? What practical added value or improvement did their actions and policies provide? Were certain aspects of their personalities (e.g., perceptions, values, charisma, visions, political narratives or biographies) recognized and disseminated in the public

To address these questions, the present study summarizes a series of empirical studies that explored different types of Israeli mayors and local leaders in some peripheral Israeli municipalities during the period from 1983 to 2017. It also discusses the relationship and the dialog conducted between the examined local leaders and their constituents, as well as their entire

The local leaders under discussion in this article were, and some still are, leading Israeli medium-sized towns located in the peripheries of the State of Israel, categorized as having a

The first is a structural approach or 'the contextual thesis' [1]. Scholars who follow this line of thought, as political economists or Marxists (with its various theoretical extensions1 ), tend to highlight and empower major objective forces in politics, sociology and geography, in a manner that reduces the potential of local leaders to shape their own environments. Accordingly, the structural conditions within which certain local leaders are embedded and engaged (e.g., power relations, class structure, their actual location within the national, spatial hierarchy), together mold and fix a context that substantially influences the volume of their deeds, and the quality and effectiveness of local leaders. In this view, disadvantaged places, such as peripheral towns or poor neighborhoods in marginal areas, that suffer under macro contextual forces, such as globalization and neo-liberalization, negatively affect and worsen the welfare and living standards in their vicinities. Such conditions significantly restrict the abilities of local leaders, no matter who they are and what their cultural or biographical sources. In a structural analysis, such forces operate in a one-way direction: they redirect and shape the policy and decisions taken by local leaders, while the latter are unable to control theses forces. This structural mechanism may be even more rigid when it comes to municipal leadership. Beyond global or national forces, the fundamental nature of city politics is much more complicated and rife with conflictual and contradictory interests and values, as in: [5] real estate, community life, and municipal administration. Hence, leaders who represent disadvantaged communities are forced to face many exogenous problems and conflicts in a limited, by-the-book manner; they have almost no freedom to insert their visions, values, personalities, biographies and personal narratives. At best, they can solve problems reactively or sufficiently to cope by exchanging resources. As those who lack material, financial and political resources, and frequently face severe social problems, such local leaders are compelled to produce a distinct and narrow pattern of policy making, one that is oriented towards trouble shooting (i.e., finding immediate, short-term solutions), often producing poor strategies, rather than designing long-term, sustainable plans. Furthermore, seen from a Marxist viewpoint, local leaders, situated in places in desperate need of financial resources, will attempt to gain help by means of flexible, survivalist politics, shifting from one politician to another and turning to various ministries and philanthropic institutions. Their fundamental situation manipulates them to adopt and internalize a hierarchical and subjective politics—a position that obliges them to become integral parts of problem. Even those local leaders who are aware of this and make honest efforts to formulate policies designed to break the vicious cycle, will probably, eventually fall into a Sisyphean logic.

<sup>1</sup> See: [2]; for the Israeli context see [3, 4]. Tzfadia and Grinberg do point to active position taken by local leaders. However, in line with collective structuralism base of Marxist thinking, such reaction, shifts and other movements are not analyzed as they were an outcome of individual reaction but rather as a collective action that directed to challenge the capitalist super-structure.

The second and contradictory theoretical perspective is one that may be called a humanistic approach or 'the personality thesis' [1]. Scholars who take this viewpoint tend to empower the abilities of local leaders, while putting aside or ignoring objective material conditions. Such studies analyze leadership qualities by emphasizing personalities, values, characteristics and perceptions, presuming these leaders to be "a problem-solver, crisis-handler and the manto-blame" [6]. As such, the extent to which a local leader appears on the political scene as an innovator, arbitrator, or mediator, this is not the outcome of particular objective circumstances nor of the municipal circumstances within which that local leader functions, but rather the outcome of that individual person's 'conception of office' [6]. In other words, scholars who follow 'the personality thesis' ignore or minimize the role of structural forces as autonomous powers that shape urban order and determine the wellbeing of the local residents.

**1. Introduction: local leadership and the nature of urban dynamics** 

thought, as political economists or Marxists (with its various theoretical extensions1

the vicious cycle, will probably, eventually fall into a Sisyphean logic.

See: [2]; for the Israeli context see [3, 4]. Tzfadia and Grinberg do point to active position taken by local leaders. However, in line with collective structuralism base of Marxist thinking, such reaction, shifts and other movements are not analyzed as they were an outcome of individual reaction but rather as a collective action that directed to challenge the capitalist

When speaking about the nature and qualities of place-based leadership, we can outline three

The first is a structural approach or 'the contextual thesis' [1]. Scholars who follow this line of

highlight and empower major objective forces in politics, sociology and geography, in a manner that reduces the potential of local leaders to shape their own environments. Accordingly, the structural conditions within which certain local leaders are embedded and engaged (e.g., power relations, class structure, their actual location within the national, spatial hierarchy), together mold and fix a context that substantially influences the volume of their deeds, and the quality and effectiveness of local leaders. In this view, disadvantaged places, such as peripheral towns or poor neighborhoods in marginal areas, that suffer under macro contextual forces, such as globalization and neo-liberalization, negatively affect and worsen the welfare and living standards in their vicinities. Such conditions significantly restrict the abilities of local leaders, no matter who they are and what their cultural or biographical sources. In a structural analysis, such forces operate in a one-way direction: they redirect and shape the policy and decisions taken by local leaders, while the latter are unable to control theses forces. This structural mechanism may be even more rigid when it comes to municipal leadership. Beyond global or national forces, the fundamental nature of city politics is much more complicated and rife with conflictual and contradictory interests and values, as in: [5] real estate, community life, and municipal administration. Hence, leaders who represent disadvantaged communities are forced to face many exogenous problems and conflicts in a limited, by-the-book manner; they have almost no freedom to insert their visions, values, personalities, biographies and personal narratives. At best, they can solve problems reactively or sufficiently to cope by exchanging resources. As those who lack material, financial and political resources, and frequently face severe social problems, such local leaders are compelled to produce a distinct and narrow pattern of policy making, one that is oriented towards trouble shooting (i.e., finding immediate, short-term solutions), often producing poor strategies, rather than designing long-term, sustainable plans. Furthermore, seen from a Marxist viewpoint, local leaders, situated in places in desperate need of financial resources, will attempt to gain help by means of flexible, survivalist politics, shifting from one politician to another and turning to various ministries and philanthropic institutions. Their fundamental situation manipulates them to adopt and internalize a hierarchical and subjective politics—a position that obliges them to become integral parts of problem. Even those local leaders who are aware of this and make honest efforts to formulate policies designed to break

), tend to

**in disadvantaged peripheral areas**

main approaches.

62 Leadership

1

super-structure.

The current study follows a third approach, which I suggest labeling 'the humanistic-interpretational approach' for analyzing local leadership. Scholars, who follow this approach [1, 5, 7–13] accept the notion that certain structural situations of disadvantaged places may have a negative impact and restrict the abilities of local leaders to accomplish their desired goals. Furthermore, unlike 'the personality thesis' (which is often correlated with conservative views), these scholars view real politics, material and macro structural conditions as being frequently manipulated by politicians and certain economic interests. However, unlike 'the structural-contextual thesis', they incorporate the leader as the one who *interprets* context and has the potential to become a powerful actor within the system. In other words, these scholars consider the local leader as an *independent variable,* shaped by structural forces and autonomously reshaping them at the same time.

Based on this humanistic-interpretational framework, the current study seeks to empirically examine and analyze the case of certain Israeli mayors and local leaders, who represent and lead relatively disadvantaged urban areas, by examining how they interpret and manage their difficult situations. This analysis addresses the following specific questions: To what extent have these local leaders succeeded in improving the wellbeing and quality-of-life of their resident citizens? What practical added value or improvement did their actions and policies provide? Were certain aspects of their personalities (e.g., perceptions, values, charisma, visions, political narratives or biographies) recognized and disseminated in the public sphere?

To address these questions, the present study summarizes a series of empirical studies that explored different types of Israeli mayors and local leaders in some peripheral Israeli municipalities during the period from 1983 to 2017. It also discusses the relationship and the dialog conducted between the examined local leaders and their constituents, as well as their entire socio-political environment.
