**The Contribution of Handwriting and Spelling Remediation to Overcoming Dyslexia**

Diane Montgomery

*Middlesex University, London and Learning Difficulties Research Project, Essex, UK* 

#### **1. Introduction**

108 Dyslexia – A Comprehensive and International Approach

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This research details results of casework, interviews, observations and case history analysis of over 1000 dyslexics and those in schools who have not been referred. Their skills have been compared with similar numbers of control subjects.

Subjects referred to English Dyslexia Centres tend to be those with the most severe problems. Normal provision has failed with them. Remedial help within class and as an additional support has also failed. In the English system the diagnosis of need for referral for specialist tuition thus comes late, often at the transfer age of 10/11 years when the pupil is about to leave primary and enter secondary school. The delay in diagnosis is due to the Statementing system needed to gain additional resources, the specialist tuition, and lack of agreed diagnostic indicators in the early years.

In the UK up to the age of 7 or 8 years additional support within school is given. If it has not worked then a formal diagnosis is sought and expertise from a specialist tutor is applied for. What this chapter will seek to show is that:


#### **2. What casework shows that experiments may not**

Experimental research requires that the researcher comes to cases with a hypothesis about the condition that is then tested and accepted or rejected. The hypothesis is based upon detailed research of the relevant literature but this can mean that it is defined by that

The Contribution of Handwriting and Spelling Remediation to Overcoming Dyslexia 111

read, self-taught at an early age or had an earlier reading difficulty that had cleared up. In these latter cases the residual signs were slow reading and difficulties in skimming and scanning text. All had poor writing and compositional skills. Very few had been referred for

**Pattern 3: Developmental dysgraphia**– 30% of the sample had difficulties in the area of **handwriting** as a result of a motor coordination problem in the fine skills of penmanship. This was often in the absence of reading difficulties but appeared to have caused problems

**Pattern 4: Developmental Coordination Difficulties (DCD - dyspraxia)** – these had a difficulty with motor skills, even after a reasonable period of skill acquisition. Those with gross motor difficulties usually also had fine motor coordination difficulties especially with

**Pattern 5: Specific Language Impairment (SLI)** – these cases had a record of early speech therapy, late speech development, articulation difficulties or stuttering. Mild speech difficulties may go undetected well into school age and in their more subtle forms have also been implicated in dyslexia (Snowling and Stackhouse et al 1985). In each of her 20 pupils the dyslexia tutor (McMahon, 1988) found a previously unrecorded history of speech

**Pattern 6: Developmental dyscalculia** – in some cases there was a recorded difficulty in acquiring arithmetic skills and concepts especially in reciting tables and mental arithmetic (Miles, 1993). Many of these difficulties could be accounted for by the difficulties in reading and writing and with the dyslexic problems in establishing verbal codes (Montgomery

**Pattern 7: Complex specific learning difficulties** – in some unlucky cases there were several conditions, dyslexia, dyspraxia, dyscalculia and SLI. The complex condition made their educational needs difficult to deal with in mainstream or in the remedial setting. In these cases a school that specialised in dyslexia provision was essential to meet their needs but was not always available. Severe cases are also likely to find their way to specialist clinics and research centres and it is also the case that their complex difficulties often define

**Pattern 8: Comorbidity** – Dyslexia was often found associated with other specific learning difficulties such as Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) Asperger Syndrome and dyspraxia (Kutscher 2005). Research by Montgomery, (2000); and Silverman, (2004) showed that **handwriting difficulty** is an underlying problem in underachievement and can be overlooked. It is comorbid in dyslexia (30-63% Kaplan 2000; Montgomery 2007), ADHD

The ratio of boys to girls in mainstream with dyslexia (N=537) was 1.2 to 1, respectively (Montgomery, 2008). In the remedial centres it was 4 to 1 and even 5 to 1 (Montgomery 1997a) boys to girls. This data was consistent with the findings of Rutter and Caspi et al. (2004) of a ratio across Europe of 1.4 to 1 in many thousands of cases. Montgomery (1997a)

(50% Kaplan, 2000) and Asperger Syndrome (90% Henderson and Green, 2001).

remedial help in school.

2011c).

in spelling development through lack of writing practice.

therapy, subtle word finding or slight articulation difficulties.

the way research on dyslexia is pursued and the results it obtains.

handwriting and problems with spelling.

**2.2 Ratio of boys to girls with dyslexia** 

research and the prevailing paradigm or 'zeitgeist' (Snow, 1973). In case work the researcher observes the case behaviours and tries to identify patterns that might lead to a hypothesis. For example:

James is a 6.5 year old with an IQ of 147 on the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC). He has failed to learn to read and does not know any of the sounds or names of the alphabet. He can read some familiar common words and appears to know some of his reading books off by heart.

The school has given him extra phonics and some one-on-one tuition. Because his parents are informed about dyslexia and well-off they have had him tested privately and this has enabled him to be more rapidly referred to the specialist tuition centre. The school has supported this because James was becoming very disruptive.

What the researcher puzzles over in this case and others like it is how such a bright child who can discuss God and the universe in great detail and is an expert on prehistoric monsters can fail to learn the 26 names and / or sounds of the alphabet. He has also failed to learn the names of the days of the week and the months in order and confuses left and right. On WISC his digit span and Coding scores were typically low compared with his overall results.

We might infer from this data as many do, the popular conclusion that he has a short term or working memory problem or a sequencing and orientation deficit. It follows from this that the remedial programme would focus upon improving memory and sequencing skills. Unfortunately it would be found to have little effect (Vellutino, 1979) as the inference from fact to theory is not quite so straightforward. In addition, there is a further problem in that training on hypothesised sub skills such as working memory (McGhee, 2010) and visual sequencing does not necessarily transfer to the skills of reading (Smith and Marx, 1972). This is often because the assumed subskills are not correctly defined (Montgomery, 1997a).

Our example case, James shows that his long term memory is very good as indicated by his general knowledge of astronomy and dinosaurs. Vellutino (1987) demonstrated that dyslexics' performance on visual memory items might be good but as soon as they had to verbalise or name the items as in some digit span tests performance was significantly poorer. Koppitz (1977) had found similar results in her Aural – Visual - Digit Span (VADS) test. She also showed that as reading improved so did the performance on the digit span test. Montgomery (1997a) showed similar results. What we can conclude is that working memory, sequencing deficits and failure to learn symbol-sound-correspondence or alphabetic knowledge are associated problems in dyslexia but are not necessarily the cause of it. They could all arise from a deeper problem.

#### **2.1 Case study patterns**

The case reports of more than 1000 dyslexics were recorded and analysed for patterns.

**Pattern 1: Developmental dyslexia** *–* these cases had a severe difficulty in learning to **read and spell**. None of them had a severe reading difficulty without a severe spelling problem.

**Pattern 2: Developmental dysorthographia** - these had a severe difficulty in learning to **spell** in the absence of a similar difficulty with reading. Some of the pupils had learned to

research and the prevailing paradigm or 'zeitgeist' (Snow, 1973). In case work the researcher observes the case behaviours and tries to identify patterns that might lead to a hypothesis.

James is a 6.5 year old with an IQ of 147 on the Wechsler Intelligence Scale for Children (WISC). He has failed to learn to read and does not know any of the sounds or names of the alphabet. He can read some familiar common words and appears to know some of his

The school has given him extra phonics and some one-on-one tuition. Because his parents are informed about dyslexia and well-off they have had him tested privately and this has enabled him to be more rapidly referred to the specialist tuition centre. The school has

What the researcher puzzles over in this case and others like it is how such a bright child who can discuss God and the universe in great detail and is an expert on prehistoric monsters can fail to learn the 26 names and / or sounds of the alphabet. He has also failed to learn the names of the days of the week and the months in order and confuses left and right. On WISC his digit

We might infer from this data as many do, the popular conclusion that he has a short term or working memory problem or a sequencing and orientation deficit. It follows from this that the remedial programme would focus upon improving memory and sequencing skills. Unfortunately it would be found to have little effect (Vellutino, 1979) as the inference from fact to theory is not quite so straightforward. In addition, there is a further problem in that training on hypothesised sub skills such as working memory (McGhee, 2010) and visual sequencing does not necessarily transfer to the skills of reading (Smith and Marx, 1972). This is often because the assumed subskills are not correctly defined (Montgomery, 1997a).

Our example case, James shows that his long term memory is very good as indicated by his general knowledge of astronomy and dinosaurs. Vellutino (1987) demonstrated that dyslexics' performance on visual memory items might be good but as soon as they had to verbalise or name the items as in some digit span tests performance was significantly poorer. Koppitz (1977) had found similar results in her Aural – Visual - Digit Span (VADS) test. She also showed that as reading improved so did the performance on the digit span test. Montgomery (1997a) showed similar results. What we can conclude is that working memory, sequencing deficits and failure to learn symbol-sound-correspondence or alphabetic knowledge are associated problems in dyslexia but are not necessarily the cause

The case reports of more than 1000 dyslexics were recorded and analysed for patterns.

**Pattern 1: Developmental dyslexia** *–* these cases had a severe difficulty in learning to **read and spell**. None of them had a severe reading difficulty without a severe spelling problem. **Pattern 2: Developmental dysorthographia** - these had a severe difficulty in learning to **spell** in the absence of a similar difficulty with reading. Some of the pupils had learned to

supported this because James was becoming very disruptive.

of it. They could all arise from a deeper problem.

**2.1 Case study patterns** 

span and Coding scores were typically low compared with his overall results.

For example:

reading books off by heart.

read, self-taught at an early age or had an earlier reading difficulty that had cleared up. In these latter cases the residual signs were slow reading and difficulties in skimming and scanning text. All had poor writing and compositional skills. Very few had been referred for remedial help in school.

**Pattern 3: Developmental dysgraphia**– 30% of the sample had difficulties in the area of **handwriting** as a result of a motor coordination problem in the fine skills of penmanship. This was often in the absence of reading difficulties but appeared to have caused problems in spelling development through lack of writing practice.

**Pattern 4: Developmental Coordination Difficulties (DCD - dyspraxia)** – these had a difficulty with motor skills, even after a reasonable period of skill acquisition. Those with gross motor difficulties usually also had fine motor coordination difficulties especially with handwriting and problems with spelling.

**Pattern 5: Specific Language Impairment (SLI)** – these cases had a record of early speech therapy, late speech development, articulation difficulties or stuttering. Mild speech difficulties may go undetected well into school age and in their more subtle forms have also been implicated in dyslexia (Snowling and Stackhouse et al 1985). In each of her 20 pupils the dyslexia tutor (McMahon, 1988) found a previously unrecorded history of speech therapy, subtle word finding or slight articulation difficulties.

**Pattern 6: Developmental dyscalculia** – in some cases there was a recorded difficulty in acquiring arithmetic skills and concepts especially in reciting tables and mental arithmetic (Miles, 1993). Many of these difficulties could be accounted for by the difficulties in reading and writing and with the dyslexic problems in establishing verbal codes (Montgomery 2011c).

**Pattern 7: Complex specific learning difficulties** – in some unlucky cases there were several conditions, dyslexia, dyspraxia, dyscalculia and SLI. The complex condition made their educational needs difficult to deal with in mainstream or in the remedial setting. In these cases a school that specialised in dyslexia provision was essential to meet their needs but was not always available. Severe cases are also likely to find their way to specialist clinics and research centres and it is also the case that their complex difficulties often define the way research on dyslexia is pursued and the results it obtains.

**Pattern 8: Comorbidity** – Dyslexia was often found associated with other specific learning difficulties such as Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder (ADHD) Asperger Syndrome and dyspraxia (Kutscher 2005). Research by Montgomery, (2000); and Silverman, (2004) showed that **handwriting difficulty** is an underlying problem in underachievement and can be overlooked. It is comorbid in dyslexia (30-63% Kaplan 2000; Montgomery 2007), ADHD (50% Kaplan, 2000) and Asperger Syndrome (90% Henderson and Green, 2001).

#### **2.2 Ratio of boys to girls with dyslexia**

The ratio of boys to girls in mainstream with dyslexia (N=537) was 1.2 to 1, respectively (Montgomery, 2008). In the remedial centres it was 4 to 1 and even 5 to 1 (Montgomery 1997a) boys to girls. This data was consistent with the findings of Rutter and Caspi et al. (2004) of a ratio across Europe of 1.4 to 1 in many thousands of cases. Montgomery (1997a)

The Contribution of Handwriting and Spelling Remediation to Overcoming Dyslexia 113

Definitions, as Snow (1973) showed, can define the research, the practice and the way we think about problems and can limit our propensity for appropriate action. For example the most widely held definition that emerged in the dyslexia field was based upon the extensive surveys of Clements (1966,). He formed the view that dyslexia was a difficulty in learning to read despite conventional instruction, adequate intelligence and sociocultural opportunity.

As can be seen, there are a number of problems with this definition. It is a definition by exclusion where once we have excluded low intelligence, poor teaching, disadvantaging backgrounds and so on then the problem we have left must be dyslexia. But '*dys-lexis'* simply means a difficulty with words, particularly in their written form, a circular definition. The fact that the difficulty is defined as a problem in 'learning to read' and 'words in their written form' focuses us upon reading; not literacy skills as a whole, and in particular ignores spelling. This focus has given reading difficulties a primacy over spelling that may not have been justified. It perhaps reflects the era when the definition was formed and the emphasis on reading in education that was opposed to methods that were regarded as 'the spelling grind'. It certainly reflects the situation in the UK both then and now and it has created problems both for teaching and for research and practice. It has directed remedial provision for five decades. In the document *Excellence for All Children* (DfEE, 1997, p. 15) it firmly states:"As teachers become increasingly adept at tackling reading difficulties children with specific learning difficulties (such as dyslexia) should in all but exceptional circumstances be catered for in mainstream schools". Teachers in the UK are thus

In addition, Clements' use of the word 'disorder' carries with it another whole set of assumptions and attitudes that may not be justified. It suggests that the system from which dyslexia emanates is disordered and dysfunctional, (Regrettably some medics have prescribed drug treatments). In the end it can suggest that dyslexia is not remediable but

More recently, the British Psychological Society established an expert group from amongst its members researching dyslexia to advise the Society. In 1989 it offered the following definition of dyslexia: "A specific difficulty in learning, constitutional in origin, in one or more of reading, spelling and written language which may be accompanied by a difficulty in number work. It is particularly related to mastering and using written language (alphabetic, numerical and

This definition covered the main areas of dyslexic difficulties that research had identified since Clements and tried to give focus to the key issues. Implicitly it tells us now that dyslexia may be found across the ability range and that written language or coded symbols

My main concern with this definition is that it suggests that a dyslexic might be thought to have only **one** of the areas of difficulty i.e. reading or spelling or number and this does not fit with the case histories of dyslexics already described. They do have reading AND spelling difficulties, but rarely if ever, reading without spelling difficulties, although a significant number seem to have spelling with no reading difficulties. For example, one cohort of dyslexics (N=288; Montgomery, 2007) in the case studies referred to a Dyslexia Centre all had significant reading and spelling problems (2.8 years below chronological age).

might be patched up or be compensated for, developmental delay is not considered.

He concluded that it was a disorder that was frequently constitutional in origin.

indoctrinated with this belief and target their practices accordingly.

musical notation) although often affecting oral language to some degree".

applies to text, number and musical scores.

found that girls were referred a year later than boys and their problems were more intractable. It was more common that boys' records revealed a history of behaviour problems as a response to their difficulties and thus it was likely that help for them would be requested sooner.

Dyslexic girls' needs appear to be overlooked in many situations and this was also borne out by 18 female teachers on a Master's programme in SpLD who had had dyslexic difficulties (personal communication, 2006). They reported that they had not received any specialist help and had been left to manage their problems and been regarded as slower learners. This helped them understand their pupils' needs and brought them to the programme. They had residual problems with spelling and composition that we could use the programme itself to remediate. This meant that as they taught strategic approaches to spelling to their pupils they could learn to apply them to their own misspellings rather than use the rote methods they had adopted from their earlier schooling.

#### **2.3 Patterns and definition**

Developing definitions of reading, literacy and dyslexia is problematic in that although we can observe outcomes we cannot see the processes that lead to them. These processes have to be inferred from performance on tasks. When it was thought that dyslexics were 'Word Blind' it was inferred that they must have visual perceptual and visual memory problems for words so visual training was important in remedial reading programmes. The teaching method that fitted with this was 'Look and Say' for whole words. Only after a sight vocabulary of 50 words was known was it thought appropriate to teach some sounds or phonics to support word attack skills. But it was this regime that appeared to cause 4 per cent of children to become dyslexic in England (Rutter and Tizard et al. 1970) and only 1.5 per cent in Scotland (Clark, 1970) where the 'Phonics First' method had been retained. In her extensive research on the effects of Phonics First versus Look and Say teaching methods, Chall (1967, 1985) found similar results. What seems surprising is that these studies had so little impact for so long in the UK until phonics was promoted in Government reports (National Literacy Strategy; DfEE, 1998; Rose Report, 2006).

Reading sub skills are not clearly defined either. The processes in the **acquisition** of reading and spelling skills may not be the same as reading and spelling **development** when basic skills have been acquired and need to be practised and extended. Most children appear to be able to learn by any method that is well-structured and sequential, dyslexics do not. Most dyslexics these days do eventually learn to read and write but the delay can cause skills deficits of 2 to 5 years (Montgomery 2007) and it could be the effects of this that is what we observe and cause what some call disordered or 'bizarre'. Although much research has concentrated on early screening, if the definitions it operates on are imprecise, the results will be equivocal and fail to predict to later problems accurately.

It is necessary to consider the effect on teaching methods for acquisition. Already differential effects of Phonics versus Look and Say have been identified (Chall, 1967, 1985; Rose 2006). This might also have a bearing on theories of literacy development some of which suggest that logographic items appear first unrelated to sound properties in children's writing (Frith,, 1980). Could this be extended as a function of a teaching method that starts with Look and Say and is this true of Phonics First systems? Can children's scribbles tell us more than a little about dyslexia, theory and practice?

found that girls were referred a year later than boys and their problems were more intractable. It was more common that boys' records revealed a history of behaviour problems as a response to their difficulties and thus it was likely that help for them would

Dyslexic girls' needs appear to be overlooked in many situations and this was also borne out by 18 female teachers on a Master's programme in SpLD who had had dyslexic difficulties (personal communication, 2006). They reported that they had not received any specialist help and had been left to manage their problems and been regarded as slower learners. This helped them understand their pupils' needs and brought them to the programme. They had residual problems with spelling and composition that we could use the programme itself to remediate. This meant that as they taught strategic approaches to spelling to their pupils they could learn to apply them to their own misspellings rather than use the rote methods

Developing definitions of reading, literacy and dyslexia is problematic in that although we can observe outcomes we cannot see the processes that lead to them. These processes have to be inferred from performance on tasks. When it was thought that dyslexics were 'Word Blind' it was inferred that they must have visual perceptual and visual memory problems for words so visual training was important in remedial reading programmes. The teaching method that fitted with this was 'Look and Say' for whole words. Only after a sight vocabulary of 50 words was known was it thought appropriate to teach some sounds or phonics to support word attack skills. But it was this regime that appeared to cause 4 per cent of children to become dyslexic in England (Rutter and Tizard et al. 1970) and only 1.5 per cent in Scotland (Clark, 1970) where the 'Phonics First' method had been retained. In her extensive research on the effects of Phonics First versus Look and Say teaching methods, Chall (1967, 1985) found similar results. What seems surprising is that these studies had so little impact for so long in the UK until phonics was promoted in Government reports

Reading sub skills are not clearly defined either. The processes in the **acquisition** of reading and spelling skills may not be the same as reading and spelling **development** when basic skills have been acquired and need to be practised and extended. Most children appear to be able to learn by any method that is well-structured and sequential, dyslexics do not. Most dyslexics these days do eventually learn to read and write but the delay can cause skills deficits of 2 to 5 years (Montgomery 2007) and it could be the effects of this that is what we observe and cause what some call disordered or 'bizarre'. Although much research has concentrated on early screening, if the definitions it operates on are imprecise, the results

It is necessary to consider the effect on teaching methods for acquisition. Already differential effects of Phonics versus Look and Say have been identified (Chall, 1967, 1985; Rose 2006). This might also have a bearing on theories of literacy development some of which suggest that logographic items appear first unrelated to sound properties in children's writing (Frith,, 1980). Could this be extended as a function of a teaching method that starts with Look and Say and is this true of Phonics First systems? Can children's

be requested sooner.

they had adopted from their earlier schooling.

(National Literacy Strategy; DfEE, 1998; Rose Report, 2006).

will be equivocal and fail to predict to later problems accurately.

scribbles tell us more than a little about dyslexia, theory and practice?

**2.3 Patterns and definition** 

Definitions, as Snow (1973) showed, can define the research, the practice and the way we think about problems and can limit our propensity for appropriate action. For example the most widely held definition that emerged in the dyslexia field was based upon the extensive surveys of Clements (1966,). He formed the view that dyslexia was a difficulty in learning to read despite conventional instruction, adequate intelligence and sociocultural opportunity. He concluded that it was a disorder that was frequently constitutional in origin.

As can be seen, there are a number of problems with this definition. It is a definition by exclusion where once we have excluded low intelligence, poor teaching, disadvantaging backgrounds and so on then the problem we have left must be dyslexia. But '*dys-lexis'* simply means a difficulty with words, particularly in their written form, a circular definition. The fact that the difficulty is defined as a problem in 'learning to read' and 'words in their written form' focuses us upon reading; not literacy skills as a whole, and in particular ignores spelling. This focus has given reading difficulties a primacy over spelling that may not have been justified. It perhaps reflects the era when the definition was formed and the emphasis on reading in education that was opposed to methods that were regarded as 'the spelling grind'. It certainly reflects the situation in the UK both then and now and it has created problems both for teaching and for research and practice. It has directed remedial provision for five decades. In the document *Excellence for All Children* (DfEE, 1997, p. 15) it firmly states:"As teachers become increasingly adept at tackling reading difficulties children with specific learning difficulties (such as dyslexia) should in all but exceptional circumstances be catered for in mainstream schools". Teachers in the UK are thus indoctrinated with this belief and target their practices accordingly.

In addition, Clements' use of the word 'disorder' carries with it another whole set of assumptions and attitudes that may not be justified. It suggests that the system from which dyslexia emanates is disordered and dysfunctional, (Regrettably some medics have prescribed drug treatments). In the end it can suggest that dyslexia is not remediable but might be patched up or be compensated for, developmental delay is not considered.

More recently, the British Psychological Society established an expert group from amongst its members researching dyslexia to advise the Society. In 1989 it offered the following definition of dyslexia: "A specific difficulty in learning, constitutional in origin, in one or more of reading, spelling and written language which may be accompanied by a difficulty in number work. It is particularly related to mastering and using written language (alphabetic, numerical and musical notation) although often affecting oral language to some degree".

This definition covered the main areas of dyslexic difficulties that research had identified since Clements and tried to give focus to the key issues. Implicitly it tells us now that dyslexia may be found across the ability range and that written language or coded symbols applies to text, number and musical scores.

My main concern with this definition is that it suggests that a dyslexic might be thought to have only **one** of the areas of difficulty i.e. reading or spelling or number and this does not fit with the case histories of dyslexics already described. They do have reading AND spelling difficulties, but rarely if ever, reading without spelling difficulties, although a significant number seem to have spelling with no reading difficulties. For example, one cohort of dyslexics (N=288; Montgomery, 2007) in the case studies referred to a Dyslexia Centre all had significant reading and spelling problems (2.8 years below chronological age).

The Contribution of Handwriting and Spelling Remediation to Overcoming Dyslexia 115

The deficit is in the millisecond range and could be due to cell size differences in the left language hemisphere which are smaller in dyslexics (Holmes, 1994, p. 27). But is this size a cause or a result? The processing difficulty, it is argued would create problems in 'b' and d' perception for example which last only 40 milliseconds. When the sounds were separated by

The question we need to ask is why, when pupils are taught sounds of the letters in isolation and they hear, see and write them in Reception that dyslexics fail to learn them, why is speed an issue? It appears to become an issue only if we teach by 'Look and Say' or the sentence reading methods alone. Even if methods begin with Look and Say, why is it that the introduction of symbol-sound correspondence or phonics work later does not overcome the 'dyslexic' problem? Why does dyslexia also occur in languages such as Italian, which have closer symbol-to-sound correspondence than English? Galaburda (1993) argued that this deficit does not indicate a cause of dyslexia but is a secondary effect associated with a

It would appear that the research has not concentrated enough upon the early acquisition processes in literacy where much time in classrooms is also spent on saying and writing single sounds using the popular 'Letterland' approach (Manson and Wendon, 1997). Although young children have better ability than adults to discriminate between sounds, what we do know according to Liberman, Shankweiler et al. (1967) is that the human ear is incapable of distinguishing the sounds in syllables. Most often the initial sound is accompanied by a stronger burst of energy and thus is easier than the rest of the syllable to become aware of (for reading) then to segment (for spelling). The rest of the letters are shingled on top of each other making them impossible to separate out. Thus teaching 'c - a t', 'cat' is set for failure. But teaching of onset and rime makes sense 'c - at'. Especially when we have a picture clue to help us. The 'I Spy something beginning with' - game is thus a very important part of early learning in school. Dyslexics were asked which segmentation format was easiest for them to remember and said that 'c / at' was much easier for them than 'ca / t' or 'c–a–t' (Montgomery 1997a). The point this illustrates is that if early reading skills are supported by spelling skills that include segmentation, especially onset and rime methods (Bryant and Bradley 1985) then speed of processing is irrelevant in the acquisition period.

Working memory as already noted, appears to increase as literacy skills improve (Koppitz, 1977). Recent research by Gathercole (2008) has shown that training working memory improves concentration and attention in ADHD. However, it did not enhance the literacy skills of a group of dyslexics (McGhee, 2010). Vellutino (1987) showed that the verbal encoding required in many memory tasks produced deficits in dyslexic performance even on visual items because of attempts to sub-vocalise or name the items. This was confirmed by Montgomery, (1997a) when dyslexics were asked to tell how they remembered a set of visual symbols such as the Coding tasks on WISC and Digit Span. Giving some sort of label assisted their recall thus it is not just a visual or visuo motor recall task but a verbal-visuo-motor task.

This theory (Wolf and Bowers, 1999) holds that there is a deficit in phonological processing in addition to slowness in naming and decoding fluency (Wren, 2005). The evidence used is

100 milliseconds dyslexics could discriminate them.

deeper cause.

**3.2 Working memory hypothesis** 

**3.3 Double deficit hypothesis** 

On the waiting group of 90 pupils one third of the group appeared to have spelling problems alone.

A general guideline was in operation based on government approved SEN training that reading itself must be 20 per cent lower than the pupil's chronological age to secure specialist remedial support. This ignored the issue that if the child was well above average ability 'mental age' we could expect them to have reading that is advanced towards this level. This meant that bright children with dyslexia might be put on a waiting list for remedial help but were less likely to receive support. Moreover, those whose reading was adequate but had severe spelling problems would not be referred but remain on the waiting list.

 The British Dyslexia Association's (BDA, 2004) definition was somewhat influenced by that of the BPS but went on to extend it, to cover what teachers might observe in their dyslexics and touches on the old theories of origin: "Dyslexia is best described as a combination of abilities and difficulties, which affect the learning process in one or more of reading, spelling and writing. Accompanying weaknesses may be identified in areas of speed of processing, short term memory, sequencing, auditory and or visual perception, spoken language and motor skills. It is particularly related to mastering and using written language, which may include alphabetic, numeric and musical notation. Some children have outstanding creative skills, others have strong oral skills. Dyslexia occurs despite normal teaching, and is independent of socio-economic background or intelligence. It is, however, more easily detected in those with average or above average intelligence".

#### **2.4 British Dyslexia Association definition, 2011**

"Dyslexia is a specific learning difficulty which mainly affects the development of literacy and language related skills. It is likely to be present at birth and to be lifelong in its effects. It is characterised by difficulties with phonological processing, rapid naming, working memory, processing speed, and the automatic development of skills that may not match up to an individual's other cognitive abilities. It tends to be resistant to conventional teaching methods, but its effects can be mitigated by appropriately specific intervention, including the application of information technology and supportive counseling".

In this definition we can see a 'work in progress' and a move to include the current main definitions on the nature and possible origins of the difficulty e.g. phonological processing, rapid naming, working memory, etc. It does however now include matching against other higher cognitive abilities not just chronological age – 'may not match up to an individual's other cognitive abilities', this will help some gifted dyslexics. There is a vast body of research on phonological difficulties in dyslexia and a strong belief in it as a theory of origin and it is now the prevailing paradigm (Frederickson and Frith et al, 1998; Snowling 2000, Vellutino, 1979). The argument goes that if the underlying phonological difficulties are addressed then the dyslexia will be remediated. But is this so?

#### **3. An examination of some contrary views of dyslexia theory and research**

#### **3.1 Speed of auditory processing hypothesis**

Tallal (1980; 1994) suggested that the dyslexic problem lies in an inability to process sensory input rapidly, particularly the auditory information contained in speech (Goswami, 2008).

On the waiting group of 90 pupils one third of the group appeared to have spelling

A general guideline was in operation based on government approved SEN training that reading itself must be 20 per cent lower than the pupil's chronological age to secure specialist remedial support. This ignored the issue that if the child was well above average ability 'mental age' we could expect them to have reading that is advanced towards this level. This meant that bright children with dyslexia might be put on a waiting list for remedial help but were less likely to receive support. Moreover, those whose reading was adequate but had

 The British Dyslexia Association's (BDA, 2004) definition was somewhat influenced by that of the BPS but went on to extend it, to cover what teachers might observe in their dyslexics and touches on the old theories of origin: "Dyslexia is best described as a combination of abilities and difficulties, which affect the learning process in one or more of reading, spelling and writing. Accompanying weaknesses may be identified in areas of speed of processing, short term memory, sequencing, auditory and or visual perception, spoken language and motor skills. It is particularly related to mastering and using written language, which may include alphabetic, numeric and musical notation. Some children have outstanding creative skills, others have strong oral skills. Dyslexia occurs despite normal teaching, and is independent of socio-economic background or intelligence. It is, however, more easily

"Dyslexia is a specific learning difficulty which mainly affects the development of literacy and language related skills. It is likely to be present at birth and to be lifelong in its effects. It is characterised by difficulties with phonological processing, rapid naming, working memory, processing speed, and the automatic development of skills that may not match up to an individual's other cognitive abilities. It tends to be resistant to conventional teaching methods, but its effects can be mitigated by appropriately specific intervention, including the application of information technology and

In this definition we can see a 'work in progress' and a move to include the current main definitions on the nature and possible origins of the difficulty e.g. phonological processing, rapid naming, working memory, etc. It does however now include matching against other higher cognitive abilities not just chronological age – 'may not match up to an individual's other cognitive abilities', this will help some gifted dyslexics. There is a vast body of research on phonological difficulties in dyslexia and a strong belief in it as a theory of origin and it is now the prevailing paradigm (Frederickson and Frith et al, 1998; Snowling 2000, Vellutino, 1979). The argument goes that if the underlying phonological difficulties are

**3. An examination of some contrary views of dyslexia theory and research** 

Tallal (1980; 1994) suggested that the dyslexic problem lies in an inability to process sensory input rapidly, particularly the auditory information contained in speech (Goswami, 2008).

severe spelling problems would not be referred but remain on the waiting list.

detected in those with average or above average intelligence".

addressed then the dyslexia will be remediated. But is this so?

**3.1 Speed of auditory processing hypothesis** 

**2.4 British Dyslexia Association definition, 2011** 

supportive counseling".

problems alone.

The deficit is in the millisecond range and could be due to cell size differences in the left language hemisphere which are smaller in dyslexics (Holmes, 1994, p. 27). But is this size a cause or a result? The processing difficulty, it is argued would create problems in 'b' and d' perception for example which last only 40 milliseconds. When the sounds were separated by 100 milliseconds dyslexics could discriminate them.

The question we need to ask is why, when pupils are taught sounds of the letters in isolation and they hear, see and write them in Reception that dyslexics fail to learn them, why is speed an issue? It appears to become an issue only if we teach by 'Look and Say' or the sentence reading methods alone. Even if methods begin with Look and Say, why is it that the introduction of symbol-sound correspondence or phonics work later does not overcome the 'dyslexic' problem? Why does dyslexia also occur in languages such as Italian, which have closer symbol-to-sound correspondence than English? Galaburda (1993) argued that this deficit does not indicate a cause of dyslexia but is a secondary effect associated with a deeper cause.

It would appear that the research has not concentrated enough upon the early acquisition processes in literacy where much time in classrooms is also spent on saying and writing single sounds using the popular 'Letterland' approach (Manson and Wendon, 1997). Although young children have better ability than adults to discriminate between sounds, what we do know according to Liberman, Shankweiler et al. (1967) is that the human ear is incapable of distinguishing the sounds in syllables. Most often the initial sound is accompanied by a stronger burst of energy and thus is easier than the rest of the syllable to become aware of (for reading) then to segment (for spelling). The rest of the letters are shingled on top of each other making them impossible to separate out. Thus teaching 'c - a t', 'cat' is set for failure. But teaching of onset and rime makes sense 'c - at'. Especially when we have a picture clue to help us. The 'I Spy something beginning with' - game is thus a very important part of early learning in school. Dyslexics were asked which segmentation format was easiest for them to remember and said that 'c / at' was much easier for them than 'ca / t' or 'c–a–t' (Montgomery 1997a). The point this illustrates is that if early reading skills are supported by spelling skills that include segmentation, especially onset and rime methods (Bryant and Bradley 1985) then speed of processing is irrelevant in the acquisition period.

#### **3.2 Working memory hypothesis**

Working memory as already noted, appears to increase as literacy skills improve (Koppitz, 1977). Recent research by Gathercole (2008) has shown that training working memory improves concentration and attention in ADHD. However, it did not enhance the literacy skills of a group of dyslexics (McGhee, 2010). Vellutino (1987) showed that the verbal encoding required in many memory tasks produced deficits in dyslexic performance even on visual items because of attempts to sub-vocalise or name the items. This was confirmed by Montgomery, (1997a) when dyslexics were asked to tell how they remembered a set of visual symbols such as the Coding tasks on WISC and Digit Span. Giving some sort of label assisted their recall thus it is not just a visual or visuo motor recall task but a verbal-visuo-motor task.

#### **3.3 Double deficit hypothesis**

This theory (Wolf and Bowers, 1999) holds that there is a deficit in phonological processing in addition to slowness in naming and decoding fluency (Wren, 2005). The evidence used is

The Contribution of Handwriting and Spelling Remediation to Overcoming Dyslexia 117

is different since it requires segmentation of the syllable itself, which Liberman et al (1967) showed they cannot do. For example, Montgomery (1997a) has showed that when asked to tap 'seven', 'write' 'bad', dyslexics tapped 3 or 4 times, (svn or sevn) 3 times (rit), and 3 (bad) times. Matched chronological age controls tapped 5 times, 5 and 4 times and 3 times, whereas young matched reading age controls performed as poorly as the dyslexics. In a series of such experiments (Montgomery, 1997a) it became clear that phoneme tapping was only accurate if the dyslexics and controls could spell the word in the first place. Similarly, phoneme segmentation involving cutting off the initial sound c -at was facilitated by secure knowledge of the letter sound 'c'. In other words these exercises were subskills of spelling

Figure 1 below shows the spelling samples of three typically developing children aged 5 years 1-2 months who had not been taught to write; Yacob (top), William (middle) and Kelly (bottom). In contrast, Figure 3 shows scripts of three dyslexic children; Steven age 6.5 years (top), Caroline aged 7 years (middle) and David aged 8 years (bottom). The 5 year olds have picked up a considerable amount of phonic and orthographic information, whereas the dyslexics show some whole word knowledge for common words they will have copied many times but lack the symbol sound knowledge they need. When we look at scripts from dyslexics it is puzzling to think why they seem unable to learn a few basic phonic or phonemic skills in the infant school that would support their reading and writing. The alphabet system is elegant, efficient and simple, why can they not learn it? We need to ask what accounts for the deficits seen in the phonological processing area when stripped down to the bare essentials – a failure to learn to make symbol-to-sound connections or learn

Fig. 1. The spelling of 3 non dyslexic beginning writers 5yr 1-2m Yacob and William above

**4. Can early writing be used as an indicator of dyslexia?** 

alphabetic knowledge in often very bright individuals.

and Kelly below (all figures reduced by 50%)

and dependent upon it.

that dyslexics even when they have learned to read and write remain slow in their reading and decoding of text. However, Rumelhart & McClelland (1995) using computer simulations, concluded that the slowness in recovered dyslexics was due to their lack of experience of print compared with normal subjects. Teacher research (Taylor, 2007) confirmed this with dyslexic cases and normal poor readers.

#### **3.4 The phonological processing hypothesis**

This is the dominant current theory in dyslexia, which postulates that in the majority of cases, dyslexia is thought to be due to an underlying **verbal processing difficulty**  particularly in the **phonological area** (Brown and Ellis, 1994; Bryant and Bradley, 1985; Chomsky, 1971; Frederickson, and Frith et al 1997; Frith, 1980; Golinkoff, 1978; Liberman, 1973; Snowling, 2000; Vellutino, 1979)**.** 

According to this theory, phonological processing deficit can give rise to:


These phonological skills and abilities are thought to underlie the development of good spelling and reading and appear to develop incidentally in most pupils during reading and writing but not dyslexics.

Phonemic awareness and appreciation of rhyme appear to be more closely associated with reading skills and there is a strong correlation between poor phoneme awareness and later reading difficulties (Bryant and Bradley, 1985; Frederickson and Frith et al 1997). Although 'strong' is a correlation of <0.71,this is only 50 % predictive of the capacity to later literacy skill (Pole and Lampard 2002).

Alphabetic knowledge, symbol-to-sound correspondence and phoneme segmentation are more associated with spelling. Poor skills in these areas have the highest correlation or predictive power with later dyslexia (Golinkoff, 1978, Liberman, 1973, Treiman, 1993. The stronger predictive capacity of segmentation skills appears to be because even with direct teaching of phonics the dyslexic may not be able to acquire early alphabetic and segmentation skills. Thus I argued that these skills, or lack thereof, could be used as a primary indicator of dyslexia and dysorthographia in Reception classes if we were to examine children's writing. In support of this notion it can be seen that if some of the phonological skills on dyslexia tests are examined, they actually require spelling skills for success. For example, the Alliteration and Spoonerisms tests used in the Phonological Assessment Battery (PhAB; Fredrickson, Frith & Reason, 1997) can be viewed as requiring phoneme segmentation skills. The same is true for phoneme tapping tasks (e.g., Tunmer & Nesdale, 1982), whereby, dyslexics have shown poor performance, while showing normal performance on syllable tapping (Montgomery 1997a). We know that pupils will be able to decipher syllable beats by ear if they can hear and understand speech. But phoneme tapping

that dyslexics even when they have learned to read and write remain slow in their reading and decoding of text. However, Rumelhart & McClelland (1995) using computer simulations, concluded that the slowness in recovered dyslexics was due to their lack of experience of print compared with normal subjects. Teacher research (Taylor, 2007)

This is the dominant current theory in dyslexia, which postulates that in the majority of cases, dyslexia is thought to be due to an underlying **verbal processing difficulty**  particularly in the **phonological area** (Brown and Ellis, 1994; Bryant and Bradley, 1985; Chomsky, 1971; Frederickson, and Frith et al 1997; Frith, 1980; Golinkoff, 1978; Liberman,

These phonological skills and abilities are thought to underlie the development of good spelling and reading and appear to develop incidentally in most pupils during reading and

Phonemic awareness and appreciation of rhyme appear to be more closely associated with reading skills and there is a strong correlation between poor phoneme awareness and later reading difficulties (Bryant and Bradley, 1985; Frederickson and Frith et al 1997). Although 'strong' is a correlation of <0.71,this is only 50 % predictive of the capacity to later literacy

Alphabetic knowledge, symbol-to-sound correspondence and phoneme segmentation are more associated with spelling. Poor skills in these areas have the highest correlation or predictive power with later dyslexia (Golinkoff, 1978, Liberman, 1973, Treiman, 1993. The stronger predictive capacity of segmentation skills appears to be because even with direct teaching of phonics the dyslexic may not be able to acquire early alphabetic and segmentation skills. Thus I argued that these skills, or lack thereof, could be used as a primary indicator of dyslexia and dysorthographia in Reception classes if we were to examine children's writing. In support of this notion it can be seen that if some of the phonological skills on dyslexia tests are examined, they actually require spelling skills for success. For example, the Alliteration and Spoonerisms tests used in the Phonological Assessment Battery (PhAB; Fredrickson, Frith & Reason, 1997) can be viewed as requiring phoneme segmentation skills. The same is true for phoneme tapping tasks (e.g., Tunmer & Nesdale, 1982), whereby, dyslexics have shown poor performance, while showing normal performance on syllable tapping (Montgomery 1997a). We know that pupils will be able to decipher syllable beats by ear if they can hear and understand speech. But phoneme tapping

confirmed this with dyslexic cases and normal poor readers.

According to this theory, phonological processing deficit can give rise to:

**3.4 The phonological processing hypothesis** 

poor development of alphabetic knowledge

 lack of development of symbol to sound correspondence lack of development of phoneme segmentation skills lack of spelling development at the higher levels lack of metacognitive awareness of spelling

1973; Snowling, 2000; Vellutino, 1979)**.** 

 inability to appreciate rhyme lack of phonemic awareness

writing but not dyslexics.

skill (Pole and Lampard 2002).

is different since it requires segmentation of the syllable itself, which Liberman et al (1967) showed they cannot do. For example, Montgomery (1997a) has showed that when asked to tap 'seven', 'write' 'bad', dyslexics tapped 3 or 4 times, (svn or sevn) 3 times (rit), and 3 (bad) times. Matched chronological age controls tapped 5 times, 5 and 4 times and 3 times, whereas young matched reading age controls performed as poorly as the dyslexics. In a series of such experiments (Montgomery, 1997a) it became clear that phoneme tapping was only accurate if the dyslexics and controls could spell the word in the first place. Similarly, phoneme segmentation involving cutting off the initial sound c -at was facilitated by secure knowledge of the letter sound 'c'. In other words these exercises were subskills of spelling and dependent upon it.

#### **4. Can early writing be used as an indicator of dyslexia?**

Figure 1 below shows the spelling samples of three typically developing children aged 5 years 1-2 months who had not been taught to write; Yacob (top), William (middle) and Kelly (bottom). In contrast, Figure 3 shows scripts of three dyslexic children; Steven age 6.5 years (top), Caroline aged 7 years (middle) and David aged 8 years (bottom). The 5 year olds have picked up a considerable amount of phonic and orthographic information, whereas the dyslexics show some whole word knowledge for common words they will have copied many times but lack the symbol sound knowledge they need. When we look at scripts from dyslexics it is puzzling to think why they seem unable to learn a few basic phonic or phonemic skills in the infant school that would support their reading and writing. The alphabet system is elegant, efficient and simple, why can they not learn it? We need to ask what accounts for the deficits seen in the phonological processing area when stripped down to the bare essentials – a failure to learn to make symbol-to-sound connections or learn alphabetic knowledge in often very bright individuals.

$$\frac{\frac{\frac{\frac{\pi}{2}}{2}\left(\frac{\omega}{2}\right)\int\_{\frac{\omega}{2}}\nabla\varphi\right)\int\_{\frac{\omega}{2}}\nabla\varphi\cdot\nabla\varphi\cdot\nabla\varphi\int\_{\frac{\omega}{2}}\frac{\frac{\omega}{2}\left(\frac{\omega}{2}\right)\int\_{\frac{\omega}{2}}\nabla\varphi\cdot\nabla\varphi}}{\int\_{\frac{\omega}{2}}\nabla\varphi\cdot\nabla\varphi\int\_{\frac{\omega}{2}}\frac{\omega}{2}\nabla\varphi\cdot\nabla\varphi}}$$

Fig. 1. The spelling of 3 non dyslexic beginning writers 5yr 1-2m Yacob and William above and Kelly below (all figures reduced by 50%)

Fig. 2. The Writing of three dyslexics

**5. An intersensory integration theory?** 

could cause this, a dissociation problem?

It would seem that lack of alphabetic knowledge in early writing can be used as an early warning that dyslexia may well develop. Above, David is just beginning to crack the code.

The core deficit in dyslexia appears to be the early failure to learn to associate sound with symbol. It requires the visual processing area of the brain (Occipital cortex) to make links between the grapheme (visual symbol) with the auditory processing area (Temporal cortex) and the sound of that grapheme (the phoneme). These linkages are found to take place in the angular gyrus (Parietal cortex; Geschwind, 1979) of the language hemisphere (left in most people). This is the intersensory integration area for sounds and symbols. But what

The easy association between the arbitrary symbols of the alphabet and their sounds that most beginners pick up incidentally during reading is lost in dyslexics. Even in classrooms where sounds are being said slowly and the connections between them and the graphemes are made explicit, dyslexics can fail to learn them (Hurry, Silva & Riley, 1996). Even when phonics is introduced or provided in a general school based remedial programme, teachers report that they can fail to remember the connections from one day to the next (personal communication from clinical cases, 1997a, 2007)). They do not learn to segment the sound c / from 'cat' for example as other children do (Montgomery, 1997a). Ehri (1979) has suggested that this is because the sound is an **abstract perceptual unit** that has to be linked to the arbitrary graphemic unit. Could this abstract nature be the core of the problem in

Studies of the alphabet itself lead to some significant facts. The alphabet was apparently only invented once (Gelb 1963) and was invented in the context of a Semitic language by the Phoenicians. Their Semitic language was consonantal, without vowels and consisted of 22 sounds (much like modern Hebrew). Here perhaps is the clue. If the originator had used the key cues of the articulatory pattern of each of the 22 consonants by which to assign a

learning sounds and alphabetic information from which all the rest stems?

Fig. 2. The Writing of three dyslexics

It would seem that lack of alphabetic knowledge in early writing can be used as an early warning that dyslexia may well develop. Above, David is just beginning to crack the code.

#### **5. An intersensory integration theory?**

The core deficit in dyslexia appears to be the early failure to learn to associate sound with symbol. It requires the visual processing area of the brain (Occipital cortex) to make links between the grapheme (visual symbol) with the auditory processing area (Temporal cortex) and the sound of that grapheme (the phoneme). These linkages are found to take place in the angular gyrus (Parietal cortex; Geschwind, 1979) of the language hemisphere (left in most people). This is the intersensory integration area for sounds and symbols. But what could cause this, a dissociation problem?

The easy association between the arbitrary symbols of the alphabet and their sounds that most beginners pick up incidentally during reading is lost in dyslexics. Even in classrooms where sounds are being said slowly and the connections between them and the graphemes are made explicit, dyslexics can fail to learn them (Hurry, Silva & Riley, 1996). Even when phonics is introduced or provided in a general school based remedial programme, teachers report that they can fail to remember the connections from one day to the next (personal communication from clinical cases, 1997a, 2007)). They do not learn to segment the sound c / from 'cat' for example as other children do (Montgomery, 1997a). Ehri (1979) has suggested that this is because the sound is an **abstract perceptual unit** that has to be linked to the arbitrary graphemic unit. Could this abstract nature be the core of the problem in learning sounds and alphabetic information from which all the rest stems?

Studies of the alphabet itself lead to some significant facts. The alphabet was apparently only invented once (Gelb 1963) and was invented in the context of a Semitic language by the Phoenicians. Their Semitic language was consonantal, without vowels and consisted of 22 sounds (much like modern Hebrew). Here perhaps is the clue. If the originator had used the key cues of the articulatory pattern of each of the 22 consonants by which to assign a

The Contribution of Handwriting and Spelling Remediation to Overcoming Dyslexia 121

It was very surprising to discover that the dyslexics were frequently, confused about where in the mouth the key articulators were touching. Most of the dyslexic group were already started on the remedial Teaching Reading Through Spelling (TRTS; Cowdery, Montgomery et al., 1994) programme, (not those on the waiting list), but without the articulatory aspects of the phonics. Phoneme segmentation and reading /spelling abilities were strongly

This leads to the questions: (1) which programmes help dyslexics crack the alphabetic code? and (2) how? Dyslexia tutors favour the 'multisensory training' method and the DfES (2010) recommends it but although many programmes include it not all are equally successful.

Tables 2, and 3 below show the outcomes for different types of remedial programme, in particular the difference between the Orton, Gillingham, Stillman based Alphabetic-Phonic-Syllabic-Linguistic (APSL) programmes and others, non APSL that are phonics based. Reading and spelling ages are used as they tell a clearer story than percentiles and standard scores. The criterion for remedial success is for a programme to give at least two years progress in each chronological age year otherwise the dyslexic can never catch up. The researchers compared dyslexics' progress in one year on either APSL or non APSL

Ridehalgh (1999) examined the results from teachers who had undertaken dyslexia training courses for a number of factors such as length of remediation, frequency of sessions and size of tutorial groups in dyslexic subjects taught by three different schemes: (1) Alpha to Omega (Hornsby and Shear, 1978), (2) Dyslexia Institute Language Programme (DILP/Hickey, 1977), and (3) Spelling Made Easy (SME, Brand, 1993). She found that when all the factors were held constant the only programme in which the dyslexics gained significantly in skills

A to O N=107 1.93 1.95 Hornsby et al (1990) TRTS N=38 2.45 2.01 Montgomery (1997a) H & A to O N=50 1.21 0.96 Ridehalgh (1999) TRTS N=12 3.31 1.85 Webb (2000) TRTS N=12 4.04 3.00 Gabor (2007) A to O N=10 2.4 2.4 Pawley (2007)

However, in a follow up, Ridehalgh (1999) found that the users of the Hickey programme in her sample had found it more convenient to leave out the spelling pack work and the dictations! The data also showed that in **paired tuition** the dyslexics made greater gains than when working alone with the teacher. This is an important consideration in terms of the dyslexics' progress and of economics in schools. All the four tutors in the 1997 TRTS

Progress

Researcher

associated.

**6. Remedial intervention patterns** 

programmes to find which programmes were effective.

above their increasing age was Alpha to Omega.

Measures Sample size Reading Progress Spelling

Table 2. Progress Made in One Year on APSL Programmes

study (Table 2) worked with matched pairs of pupils.

symbol, an alphabetic system had been invented. Anyone could learn it except perhaps dyslexics? The articulatory pattern would indeed be the only **concrete clue** between the arbitrary and abstract sound and the arbitrary and abstract visual symbol. The three of them would make a kinaesthetic multisensory triangle, to which we add the writing component, **a four-way relationship**. A more complex intersensory integration system than is overt in the term symbol-sound correspondence.

If the dyslexic does not have the awareness of the articulatory 'feel' of a particular phoneme it will make the sound - symbol association particularly problematic to acquire. As sounds with the same symbols appear in different forms (**allophones**) in syllables, this can quickly become confusing. Graphemes represent phonemes, not allophones, and so do not distinguish between different pronunciations. It is the articulatory pattern that is **concrete**  and remains roughly the same and which can be used to connect the sound and the symbol. By using articulatory cues a pupil should be able to decode the consonantal structure of a syllable or a word even though vowels might be missed. This could account for the scaffold or skeletal phonics seen such as in **mstr, ws, bd** and so on when beginning spellers and dyslexics have begun to break the alphabetic code.

In a series of pilot studies and controlled experiments this articulation awareness hypothesis was developed and tested (Montgomery, 1997a). Table 1 below shows the results of the final controlled study (Montgomery, 2007) in which it was found that dyslexics in comparison with spelling age matched controls had significantly poorer articulation awareness skills even though they were two and a half years older. The higher scores on phoneme segmentation of controls and experimental group dyslexics matched their higher literacy scores compared to those in the waiting group who had made little progress in reading or spelling.

In order to assist articulation awareness and the acquisition of early phoneme segmentation to improve basic spelling skills a number of strategies termed 'multisensory mouth training' (Montgomery, 1984) for spelling were developed and used in association with the remedial programme. This involves asking the pupil to articulate a letter sound such as 'l' and then describing where in the mouth the key articulators are touching. E.g., "where is the tip of your tongue now? Are your lips open or closed? Feel your voice box, what is it doing?" and so on. Edith Norrie (1917) must have done this when she developed the Letter Case and taught herself to read and spell. Although she used a mirror to help her with her articulatory phonics this was not done in the articulatory awareness research.


(Key: 15 or 10=items on tests; PS = phoneme segmentation (15 items) ; AA = articulation awareness (10 items) IQ=Intelligence Quotient,

Table 1. Results of the Main Articulation Awareness Investigations (Montgomery, 2007 p 79)

It was very surprising to discover that the dyslexics were frequently, confused about where in the mouth the key articulators were touching. Most of the dyslexic group were already started on the remedial Teaching Reading Through Spelling (TRTS; Cowdery, Montgomery et al., 1994) programme, (not those on the waiting list), but without the articulatory aspects of the phonics. Phoneme segmentation and reading /spelling abilities were strongly associated.

This leads to the questions: (1) which programmes help dyslexics crack the alphabetic code? and (2) how? Dyslexia tutors favour the 'multisensory training' method and the DfES (2010) recommends it but although many programmes include it not all are equally successful.

## **6. Remedial intervention patterns**

120 Dyslexia – A Comprehensive and International Approach

symbol, an alphabetic system had been invented. Anyone could learn it except perhaps dyslexics? The articulatory pattern would indeed be the only **concrete clue** between the arbitrary and abstract sound and the arbitrary and abstract visual symbol. The three of them would make a kinaesthetic multisensory triangle, to which we add the writing component, **a four-way relationship**. A more complex intersensory integration system than is overt in the

If the dyslexic does not have the awareness of the articulatory 'feel' of a particular phoneme it will make the sound - symbol association particularly problematic to acquire. As sounds with the same symbols appear in different forms (**allophones**) in syllables, this can quickly become confusing. Graphemes represent phonemes, not allophones, and so do not distinguish between different pronunciations. It is the articulatory pattern that is **concrete**  and remains roughly the same and which can be used to connect the sound and the symbol. By using articulatory cues a pupil should be able to decode the consonantal structure of a syllable or a word even though vowels might be missed. This could account for the scaffold or skeletal phonics seen such as in **mstr, ws, bd** and so on when beginning spellers and

In a series of pilot studies and controlled experiments this articulation awareness hypothesis was developed and tested (Montgomery, 1997a). Table 1 below shows the results of the final controlled study (Montgomery, 2007) in which it was found that dyslexics in comparison with spelling age matched controls had significantly poorer articulation awareness skills even though they were two and a half years older. The higher scores on phoneme segmentation of controls and experimental group dyslexics matched their higher literacy scores compared to

In order to assist articulation awareness and the acquisition of early phoneme segmentation to improve basic spelling skills a number of strategies termed 'multisensory mouth training' (Montgomery, 1984) for spelling were developed and used in association with the remedial programme. This involves asking the pupil to articulate a letter sound such as 'l' and then describing where in the mouth the key articulators are touching. E.g., "where is the tip of your tongue now? Are your lips open or closed? Feel your voice box, what is it doing?" and so on. Edith Norrie (1917) must have done this when she developed the Letter Case and taught herself to read and spell. Although she used a mirror to help her with her

> Spelling Age

(Key: 15 or 10=items on tests; PS = phoneme segmentation (15 items) ; AA = articulation awareness (10

Table 1. Results of the Main Articulation Awareness Investigations (Montgomery, 2007 p 79)

7.94 8.63 8.02 11.84 7.75 110.03

12.90 7.95 7.62 10.27 4.31 110.43

8.97 6.71 6.0 4.13 5.87 112.67

Phoneme Segmentation Articulation Awareness

IQ

those in the waiting group who had made little progress in reading or spelling.

articulatory phonics this was not done in the articulatory awareness research.

Reading Age

term symbol-sound correspondence.

Measures Chronological

items) IQ=Intelligence Quotient,

Controls (N=84)

Dyslexics (N=114)

Waiting (N=30)

Age

dyslexics have begun to break the alphabetic code.

Tables 2, and 3 below show the outcomes for different types of remedial programme, in particular the difference between the Orton, Gillingham, Stillman based Alphabetic-Phonic-Syllabic-Linguistic (APSL) programmes and others, non APSL that are phonics based. Reading and spelling ages are used as they tell a clearer story than percentiles and standard scores. The criterion for remedial success is for a programme to give at least two years progress in each chronological age year otherwise the dyslexic can never catch up. The researchers compared dyslexics' progress in one year on either APSL or non APSL programmes to find which programmes were effective.

Ridehalgh (1999) examined the results from teachers who had undertaken dyslexia training courses for a number of factors such as length of remediation, frequency of sessions and size of tutorial groups in dyslexic subjects taught by three different schemes: (1) Alpha to Omega (Hornsby and Shear, 1978), (2) Dyslexia Institute Language Programme (DILP/Hickey, 1977), and (3) Spelling Made Easy (SME, Brand, 1993). She found that when all the factors were held constant the only programme in which the dyslexics gained significantly in skills above their increasing age was Alpha to Omega.


Table 2. Progress Made in One Year on APSL Programmes

However, in a follow up, Ridehalgh (1999) found that the users of the Hickey programme in her sample had found it more convenient to leave out the spelling pack work and the dictations! The data also showed that in **paired tuition** the dyslexics made greater gains than when working alone with the teacher. This is an important consideration in terms of the dyslexics' progress and of economics in schools. All the four tutors in the 1997 TRTS study (Table 2) worked with matched pairs of pupils.

The Contribution of Handwriting and Spelling Remediation to Overcoming Dyslexia 123

Peter, one of McMahon's (1988) dyslexic pupils aged 10, was given four twenty minute **'multisensory mouth training'** support sessions he made two years reading and spelling progress in a fortnight. It is unusual to make such an enormous gain in fortnight, none of the other 19 subjects did, but the training provided Peter the clue he needed to gain

It will first be the consonants and consonant blends that are identified by 'feel'. The vowels do not cause the articulators to make contacts; they are open mouthed non contacting 'voiced' sounds. Vowels are varied by the position of the tongue and the shape of the lips and are particularly difficult to notice in medial positions. Beginners may often be seen mouthing their words for spelling both aloud and subvocally. Earlier researchers such as Monroe (1932) and Schonell (1942) were most insistent about the articulatory aspect of learning to spell. It is a form of metalinguistic awareness that dyslexics may fail to acquire in Reception class but may gradually do so at a later stage. Training in this area could well enable the Reception class dyslexic to overcome this phonological disability. It may then make the acquisition of the higher order aspects of the language far easier for them and

In cases where dyslexia goes unremediated, particularly in severe dyslexics, we find very little alphabetic knowledge, while phonemic skills are shown in the spelling (see figure 2 above). However, by about the age of 8 years many dyslexics do begin to 'crack the alphabetic code' by themselves. This is especially so where great efforts are made with multisensory phonics. By this age however, the child would be three years behind peers in literacy development and as each year goes by, the gap lengthens because the literacy teaching environment of junior schools is geared to subject teaching using already acquired literacy skills.. In addition, dyslexics would by then need to overcome errors, which cannot be unlearned. Instead, means

The reason for delay in development of this refined form of propriosensitivity or integration of information above the level required not to bite the tongue is not entirely clear. What has been known for many decades is that visual, auditory and articulatory elements **must be firmly cemented in writing** (Stillman, 1940, Schonell 1942). Attention in writing is focused and helps reinforce the articulatory and kinaesthetic bridge between the visual and auditory symbols. This makes the four-way intersensory relationship **auditory - visual - articulatory** 

Typical of all successful remedial programmes is the focus on spelling as well as reading reinforced by writing especially in cursive for reasons discussed later. Blending and word building for spelling take place as soon as two or more letters are learned and this is followed by a steady structured and cumulative introduction to the main features of the language in its written form. This is knowledge that other children pick up automatically in the environment of print but dyslexics do not, probably because they are stuck at a pre-

Although researchers such as Boder (1973) proposed that there were subtypes in dyslexia based upon the types of errors they made in spelling and reading this is questionable. The subtypes were named dysphonetic and dyseidetic types with some having a mixture of

need to be found for giving the new learning a greater propensity to be elicited.

literate stage for so long and then on the mechanics of the process.

**7. Are there levels or subtypes of dyslexia in educational terms?** 

metacognitive insight into the whole process of spelling.

some may not become disabled at all.

**and manual kinaesthetic.** 


KEY for tables 2 and 3: TRTS – Teaching Reading Through Spelling (Cowdery et al 1994); SME Spelling Made Easy (Brand 1993);

Hickey /DILP Hickey's Dyslsexia Institute Language Programme (Hickey 1977); A to O Alpha to Omega (Hornsby et al 1976)

Table 3. Progress Made in One Year on Non APSL Programmes

Webb (2000) found that she had to cut out the dictations and some of the spellings pack work because the lessons were too short. As can be seen in Table 2 this has had an effect on the spelling results. Webb also found that in using SME (Table 3) the pupils were not making progress unless she introduced the articulatory training from TRTS to link the sound and symbol. This accounts for the better SME results than for Ridehalgh's groups.

In Gabor's (2007) study, at an international school the high progress dyslexics had supportive backgrounds and were encouraged at home to do the homework.

Pawley's (2007) study took place with 10 pupils placed in a special school for Emotional and Behavioural Difficulties (EBD). Before and after the programme the incidence of behavioural problems were recorded on the Conner's Comprehensive Rating Scale for EBD (2008) and it was found that there had been a 30.7% decrease in unwanted behaviours with all pupils' behaviour improving to a significant degree except one. The behaviour problems decreased as the literacy skills improved. Halonen and Aurola et al (2006) also established a significant correlation between reading difficulties and EBD.

These data lend support to the case observations that many pupils develop EBD as a result of their literacy problems (Edwards, 1994; Kutscher, 2005, Montgomery, 1995;). In addition, research by the BDA (Singleton, 2006) showed that 52% of young juvenile offenders were dyslexic and the Dyslexia Institute (2005) reported that the incidence in the prison population was three to four times that in the general population.

Dyslexia is thus a very serious problem for society as a whole if so many of its sufferers turn to crime. Being bright and unsuccessful in school can easily lead to alienation and even rage (Miles, 1999). Thus dyslexics may have to find other ways of being successful and using their gifts. This may mean turning to crime or becoming an independent entrepreneur. 30 per cent of highly successful entrepreneurs reported they were dyslexic (CBI, 2000).

#### **6.1 What must a remedial programme for dyslexics include?**

When a word is pronounced by a careful speaker most of its constituent phonemes can be heard and 'felt'. It is this 'citation' form that spellers need to use to support their spelling until a word is learned and can be written automatically by direct reference to the lexicon.

**Learning to feel** the initial sound can also give strong **concrete** support to the onset and rime strategy by helping segment the initial sound for reading as well as spelling. When

Eclectic mix 107 0.53 0.32 Hornsby et al (1990) Eclectic mix N=15 1.06 0.16 Montgomery (1997a) SME N=50 0.69 0.65 Ridehalgh (1999)

KEY for tables 2 and 3: TRTS – Teaching Reading Through Spelling (Cowdery et al 1994); SME Spelling

Webb (2000) found that she had to cut out the dictations and some of the spellings pack work because the lessons were too short. As can be seen in Table 2 this has had an effect on the spelling results. Webb also found that in using SME (Table 3) the pupils were not making progress unless she introduced the articulatory training from TRTS to link the sound and symbol. This accounts for the better SME results than for Ridehalgh's groups.

In Gabor's (2007) study, at an international school the high progress dyslexics had

Pawley's (2007) study took place with 10 pupils placed in a special school for Emotional and Behavioural Difficulties (EBD). Before and after the programme the incidence of behavioural problems were recorded on the Conner's Comprehensive Rating Scale for EBD (2008) and it was found that there had been a 30.7% decrease in unwanted behaviours with all pupils' behaviour improving to a significant degree except one. The behaviour problems decreased as the literacy skills improved. Halonen and Aurola et al (2006) also established a significant

These data lend support to the case observations that many pupils develop EBD as a result of their literacy problems (Edwards, 1994; Kutscher, 2005, Montgomery, 1995;). In addition, research by the BDA (Singleton, 2006) showed that 52% of young juvenile offenders were dyslexic and the Dyslexia Institute (2005) reported that the incidence in the prison

Dyslexia is thus a very serious problem for society as a whole if so many of its sufferers turn to crime. Being bright and unsuccessful in school can easily lead to alienation and even rage (Miles, 1999). Thus dyslexics may have to find other ways of being successful and using their gifts. This may mean turning to crime or becoming an independent entrepreneur. 30

When a word is pronounced by a careful speaker most of its constituent phonemes can be heard and 'felt'. It is this 'citation' form that spellers need to use to support their spelling until a word is learned and can be written automatically by direct reference to the lexicon. **Learning to feel** the initial sound can also give strong **concrete** support to the onset and rime strategy by helping segment the initial sound for reading as well as spelling. When

per cent of highly successful entrepreneurs reported they were dyslexic (CBI, 2000).

supportive backgrounds and were encouraged at home to do the homework.

SME/TRTS N=12 2.2 1.14 Webb (2000)

Hickey /DILP Hickey's Dyslsexia Institute Language Programme (Hickey 1977); A to O Alpha to

Progress

Researcher

Measures Sample size Reading Progress Spelling

Table 3. Progress Made in One Year on Non APSL Programmes

correlation between reading difficulties and EBD.

population was three to four times that in the general population.

**6.1 What must a remedial programme for dyslexics include?** 

Made Easy (Brand 1993);

Omega (Hornsby et al 1976)

Peter, one of McMahon's (1988) dyslexic pupils aged 10, was given four twenty minute **'multisensory mouth training'** support sessions he made two years reading and spelling progress in a fortnight. It is unusual to make such an enormous gain in fortnight, none of the other 19 subjects did, but the training provided Peter the clue he needed to gain metacognitive insight into the whole process of spelling.

It will first be the consonants and consonant blends that are identified by 'feel'. The vowels do not cause the articulators to make contacts; they are open mouthed non contacting 'voiced' sounds. Vowels are varied by the position of the tongue and the shape of the lips and are particularly difficult to notice in medial positions. Beginners may often be seen mouthing their words for spelling both aloud and subvocally. Earlier researchers such as Monroe (1932) and Schonell (1942) were most insistent about the articulatory aspect of learning to spell. It is a form of metalinguistic awareness that dyslexics may fail to acquire in Reception class but may gradually do so at a later stage. Training in this area could well enable the Reception class dyslexic to overcome this phonological disability. It may then make the acquisition of the higher order aspects of the language far easier for them and some may not become disabled at all.

In cases where dyslexia goes unremediated, particularly in severe dyslexics, we find very little alphabetic knowledge, while phonemic skills are shown in the spelling (see figure 2 above). However, by about the age of 8 years many dyslexics do begin to 'crack the alphabetic code' by themselves. This is especially so where great efforts are made with multisensory phonics. By this age however, the child would be three years behind peers in literacy development and as each year goes by, the gap lengthens because the literacy teaching environment of junior schools is geared to subject teaching using already acquired literacy skills.. In addition, dyslexics would by then need to overcome errors, which cannot be unlearned. Instead, means need to be found for giving the new learning a greater propensity to be elicited.

The reason for delay in development of this refined form of propriosensitivity or integration of information above the level required not to bite the tongue is not entirely clear. What has been known for many decades is that visual, auditory and articulatory elements **must be firmly cemented in writing** (Stillman, 1940, Schonell 1942). Attention in writing is focused and helps reinforce the articulatory and kinaesthetic bridge between the visual and auditory symbols. This makes the four-way intersensory relationship **auditory - visual - articulatory and manual kinaesthetic.** 

Typical of all successful remedial programmes is the focus on spelling as well as reading reinforced by writing especially in cursive for reasons discussed later. Blending and word building for spelling take place as soon as two or more letters are learned and this is followed by a steady structured and cumulative introduction to the main features of the language in its written form. This is knowledge that other children pick up automatically in the environment of print but dyslexics do not, probably because they are stuck at a preliterate stage for so long and then on the mechanics of the process.

#### **7. Are there levels or subtypes of dyslexia in educational terms?**

Although researchers such as Boder (1973) proposed that there were subtypes in dyslexia based upon the types of errors they made in spelling and reading this is questionable. The subtypes were named dysphonetic and dyseidetic types with some having a mixture of

The Contribution of Handwriting and Spelling Remediation to Overcoming Dyslexia 125

Identifying these two levels is essential in the remediation process for so many of the dyslexics interviewed complained at length of forever repeating multisensory phonics work with different tutors although they already had a grasp of most of it. Their problems lay in their difficulties in building words from their phonic knowledge and arriving at the correct spelling and in correcting old misspellings. Increasing their fluency in writing however,

It was the tail end of this level 2 problem that was identified in a cohort of student teachers. It was for them that the **strategic approach to spelling** was developed. It was originally called the 12+1 Cognitive Process Strategies for Spelling (12 cognitive strategies plus 1

**7.1 Developmental stages and progress in spelling. Marsh and Friedman et al. (1980)**  Marsh, among others has proposed a series of stages that most children follow in the

Stage 1: pre-communicative / emergent stage, random scribbles and letter-like shapes,

Stage 2: semi-phonetic / alphabetic stage, pupil begins to gain an understanding of the

 Stage 3: phonetic stage, once pupil can spell consonant – vowel – consonant words progresses to other patterns; can segment speech sounds in simple words, may use rules incorrectly and over-generalise, reversal of letters in words is common until a spelling age of about 8 years, knows many common 'irregularly' spelled words.

 Stage 4: transitional stage: pupils apply what they have learned about one-syllabled words to multisyllabled words, and have a developing knowledge of common patterns

Stage 5: orthographic stage where the spelling approaches correct orthography for most

These stages are helpful knowledge when working on the development of spelling in the general classroom as they can enable the teacher to monitor progress and decide how next to intervene. However it is more helpful with dyslexics to consider the barriers to their learning that occur at level one (symbol – sound knowledge) and deal with this and then at level two correcting their existing misspellings at whatever stage they present and providing strategies for generalisation to other wider vocabulary (Montgomery 1997a, 2007;

Steven, aged 6.5 years (Fig. 4) was found on a visit to a student teacher who was keen to help him. He had received some phonics help already but it had not penetrated. He had been taught in a Look and Say reading teaching regime in Reception. The student was quickly taught the multisensory articulatory method of phonics work (Montgomery, in Cowdery et al. 1994 pp. 93-100). Unfortunately the joined up writing that should be part of the system was banned in this school until the children went into the junior section.

common words except where new vocabulary is being learnt. (master)

development of writing. The basic structure has been adapted here as follows:

enhanced their reading skills even when it was not the focus.

simultaneous oral spelling (Montgomery, 1997a).

no knowledge they represent sounds

author's personal observations as a clinician).

**7.2 Remedial interventions at level one** 

alphabetic principle (mstr)

(marstr)

and rules. (masrtir)

both. These subtypes were used to describe dyslexics showing difficulties with phonics and others with problems in the images of words or correct orthography. The analysis was based upon the numbers of Good Phonetic Equivalents.

Boder's data does not support the notion of subtypes but rather it illustrates different levels of the dyslexics' knowledge. At the lower end of the learning scale with little or no phonic knowledge would be dyslexics like Steven, Caroline and David whose writing is shown in figure 2 above. This can be called Level One Skills. Yacob, William and Kelly in figure 1 above are in a transitional stage. Those who have phonic knowledge but lack a fully developed knowledge of orthography appropriate for their age and ability can be considered as at **Level Two** such as Scott in figure 3 panel 3 below.

Level 2 dyslexics have cracked the alphabetic code and are developing a knowledge of orthography but it is incomplete. As they are usually in late junior or secondary school they have little chance of ever catching up as their curricula are now geared to reading and writing to learn. However Level 2 dyslexics do need remedial intervention but it needs to be on a different level from Level 1 dyslexics.

In Figure 3 below the writing of three dyslexic pupils is shown. Chelsea's writing in the top panel of Figure 3 below, illustrates a pre-phonetic scribble stage where she has not yet cracked the alphabetic code, she has not yet been referred for remedial help. Joshua (Fig. 3 middle panel) has some knowledge of phonics and writes "I like to ride on my bike, I have fights with my brother", but his knowledge is very incomplete for a Year 5 pupil and suggests a serious earlier problem. He has been formally identified as dyslexic and referred for remedial help. Scott in Year 10 (Fig. 3 bottom panel) has knowledge of phonics and some orthographic knowledge but it is too incomplete for his age group and what he needs to be successful in the curriculum. He has had dyslexia support but it was not effective enough.

Fig. 3. Level one and level two of the dyslexic condition

both. These subtypes were used to describe dyslexics showing difficulties with phonics and others with problems in the images of words or correct orthography. The analysis was based

Boder's data does not support the notion of subtypes but rather it illustrates different levels of the dyslexics' knowledge. At the lower end of the learning scale with little or no phonic knowledge would be dyslexics like Steven, Caroline and David whose writing is shown in figure 2 above. This can be called Level One Skills. Yacob, William and Kelly in figure 1 above are in a transitional stage. Those who have phonic knowledge but lack a fully developed knowledge of orthography appropriate for their age and ability can be

Level 2 dyslexics have cracked the alphabetic code and are developing a knowledge of orthography but it is incomplete. As they are usually in late junior or secondary school they have little chance of ever catching up as their curricula are now geared to reading and writing to learn. However Level 2 dyslexics do need remedial intervention but it needs to be

In Figure 3 below the writing of three dyslexic pupils is shown. Chelsea's writing in the top panel of Figure 3 below, illustrates a pre-phonetic scribble stage where she has not yet cracked the alphabetic code, she has not yet been referred for remedial help. Joshua (Fig. 3 middle panel) has some knowledge of phonics and writes "I like to ride on my bike, I have fights with my brother", but his knowledge is very incomplete for a Year 5 pupil and suggests a serious earlier problem. He has been formally identified as dyslexic and referred for remedial help. Scott in Year 10 (Fig. 3 bottom panel) has knowledge of phonics and some orthographic knowledge but it is too incomplete for his age group and what he needs to be successful in the curriculum. He has had dyslexia support but it was not effective enough.

upon the numbers of Good Phonetic Equivalents.

on a different level from Level 1 dyslexics.

Fig. 3. Level one and level two of the dyslexic condition

considered as at **Level Two** such as Scott in figure 3 panel 3 below.

Identifying these two levels is essential in the remediation process for so many of the dyslexics interviewed complained at length of forever repeating multisensory phonics work with different tutors although they already had a grasp of most of it. Their problems lay in their difficulties in building words from their phonic knowledge and arriving at the correct spelling and in correcting old misspellings. Increasing their fluency in writing however, enhanced their reading skills even when it was not the focus.

It was the tail end of this level 2 problem that was identified in a cohort of student teachers. It was for them that the **strategic approach to spelling** was developed. It was originally called the 12+1 Cognitive Process Strategies for Spelling (12 cognitive strategies plus 1 simultaneous oral spelling (Montgomery, 1997a).

#### **7.1 Developmental stages and progress in spelling. Marsh and Friedman et al. (1980)**

Marsh, among others has proposed a series of stages that most children follow in the development of writing. The basic structure has been adapted here as follows:


These stages are helpful knowledge when working on the development of spelling in the general classroom as they can enable the teacher to monitor progress and decide how next to intervene. However it is more helpful with dyslexics to consider the barriers to their learning that occur at level one (symbol – sound knowledge) and deal with this and then at level two correcting their existing misspellings at whatever stage they present and providing strategies for generalisation to other wider vocabulary (Montgomery 1997a, 2007; author's personal observations as a clinician).

#### **7.2 Remedial interventions at level one**

Steven, aged 6.5 years (Fig. 4) was found on a visit to a student teacher who was keen to help him. He had received some phonics help already but it had not penetrated. He had been taught in a Look and Say reading teaching regime in Reception. The student was quickly taught the multisensory articulatory method of phonics work (Montgomery, in Cowdery et al. 1994 pp. 93-100). Unfortunately the joined up writing that should be part of the system was banned in this school until the children went into the junior section.

The Contribution of Handwriting and Spelling Remediation to Overcoming Dyslexia 127

Forsyth (1988) followed up a cohort of pupils at age 7, who had been given a Local Education Authority (LEA) screening in three Reception classes. Forsyth found that failure to develop alphabetic knowledge was the best predictor of later reading and spelling ability at age 7 (although this was not originally included in the LEA screening inventory). Screening of this kind could be part of all teachers' Baseline Assessment procedures as well as an analysis of writing in Reception. Although Vellutino (1979) discounted the intersensory integration theory of Birch and Belmont (1964) the evidence upon which he did so was slight in comparison with his work on the other theories. This was mainly due to a problem arising from the difficulties in devising test items that would serve the purpose.

Geschwind (1979) had first identified the left angular gyrus as the area where auditory, visual and kinaesthetic information is integrated. He suggested this system may not be functioning adequately due to a disconnection phenomenon. Geschwind proposed that this could cause the dyslexics' deficiency in processing and connecting graphemic symbols to their sounds. It may cause them to switch processing to the other hemisphere (Witelson

If there are such deficits, whatever their cause, the remedial system would need to retrain areas around the dysfunction to cause them to take over the original functions. From the experiences of stroke patients the difficulty involved in developing compensatory mechanisms, and the tremendous effort that needs to be made as soon as possible are well known (National Institute for health and Clinical Excellence NICE, 2011). It could be the reason why the system of multisensory training in writing connecting grapheme to phoneme is so essential in the first stages. In fact, experienced tutors reported that once the

Brunswick et al. (1999) showed that young dyslexic adults, when reading aloud and using non-word recognition tests, had less activation in the left posterior cortex than controls. A deficit in the left hemisphere of the brain was said to be implicated. However, it can be argued, that this may be a **result** and not a cause of their dyslexia. Their phonological processing was not secure. In fact, when the dyslexic difficulties are given remediation and begin to clear up then the brain activation changes towards resembling that of controls

Diagnosis of dyslexia is so often delayed for years that the pupil has developed some reading and spelling skills but they are far from automatic and errors are carried forward from earlier learning that intrude when the mind is on content rather than the basic skills of transcription. It is these pupils we can regard as having skills at Level Two. Their knowledge of sounds and symbols needs to be checked and omissions corrected but the whole multisensory training regime does not need to be set up. Instead they need interventions at the orthographic rather than the alphabetic level to supply them with the

The problems that have to be overcome in correcting misspellings are several. Among these,

knowledge they need for word building and spelling correction and development.

**7.4.1 Correcting misspellings (Montgomery, 1997a, 2007, 2011d)** 

Most of them were contaminated by naming or verbal processing.

first few sounds and letters have been learnt the process then speeds up.

1977) which is not so well set up for verbal processing.

(Kappers, 1990).

three are described:

**7.4 Remedial intervention at level two** 

However the results are clear and after 6 x 20 minute sessions withdrawn, Steven, who originally has some word / syllable structure knowledge and uses the letters in his name repeatedly but without any phonics sense, has learned to write legibly. He has cracked the code! He was delighted with his achievement and so were his teacher and the student.

Fig. 4. Steven's spelling before and after intervention with 'articulatory phonics'

James' (aged 8.5 years) progress in figure 5 below was typical after a 50 minute lesson twice a week with his matched peer at the specialist centre. He made 3.0 years progress in reading and spelling in 1.3 years.

Fig. 5. James' progress on TRTS in 1.3 years

#### **7.3 Other early screening attempts**

A check of knowledge of lower case alphabet letters with 200 children in ten Reception classes in urban and suburban settings showed that after three weeks in school the majority of pupils knew between 5 to 10 names or sounds (Montgomery, 1997a). Those who knew none fell into several groups, one or two were developmentally immature and seemed unable to grasp what they needed to do, one or two were unable to concentrate on the task and had very disturbed backgrounds, the rest tried and made random associations and were unaware how they were making sounds such as: - l t d a s f in their mouths.

However the results are clear and after 6 x 20 minute sessions withdrawn, Steven, who originally has some word / syllable structure knowledge and uses the letters in his name repeatedly but without any phonics sense, has learned to write legibly. He has cracked the code! He was delighted with his achievement and so were his teacher and the student.

Fig. 4. Steven's spelling before and after intervention with 'articulatory phonics'

and spelling in 1.3 years.

Fig. 5. James' progress on TRTS in 1.3 years

**7.3 Other early screening attempts** 

James' (aged 8.5 years) progress in figure 5 below was typical after a 50 minute lesson twice a week with his matched peer at the specialist centre. He made 3.0 years progress in reading

A check of knowledge of lower case alphabet letters with 200 children in ten Reception classes in urban and suburban settings showed that after three weeks in school the majority of pupils knew between 5 to 10 names or sounds (Montgomery, 1997a). Those who knew none fell into several groups, one or two were developmentally immature and seemed unable to grasp what they needed to do, one or two were unable to concentrate on the task and had very disturbed backgrounds, the rest tried and made random associations and were

unaware how they were making sounds such as: - l t d a s f in their mouths.

Forsyth (1988) followed up a cohort of pupils at age 7, who had been given a Local Education Authority (LEA) screening in three Reception classes. Forsyth found that failure to develop alphabetic knowledge was the best predictor of later reading and spelling ability at age 7 (although this was not originally included in the LEA screening inventory). Screening of this kind could be part of all teachers' Baseline Assessment procedures as well as an analysis of writing in Reception. Although Vellutino (1979) discounted the intersensory integration theory of Birch and Belmont (1964) the evidence upon which he did so was slight in comparison with his work on the other theories. This was mainly due to a problem arising from the difficulties in devising test items that would serve the purpose. Most of them were contaminated by naming or verbal processing.

Geschwind (1979) had first identified the left angular gyrus as the area where auditory, visual and kinaesthetic information is integrated. He suggested this system may not be functioning adequately due to a disconnection phenomenon. Geschwind proposed that this could cause the dyslexics' deficiency in processing and connecting graphemic symbols to their sounds. It may cause them to switch processing to the other hemisphere (Witelson 1977) which is not so well set up for verbal processing.

If there are such deficits, whatever their cause, the remedial system would need to retrain areas around the dysfunction to cause them to take over the original functions. From the experiences of stroke patients the difficulty involved in developing compensatory mechanisms, and the tremendous effort that needs to be made as soon as possible are well known (National Institute for health and Clinical Excellence NICE, 2011). It could be the reason why the system of multisensory training in writing connecting grapheme to phoneme is so essential in the first stages. In fact, experienced tutors reported that once the first few sounds and letters have been learnt the process then speeds up.

Brunswick et al. (1999) showed that young dyslexic adults, when reading aloud and using non-word recognition tests, had less activation in the left posterior cortex than controls. A deficit in the left hemisphere of the brain was said to be implicated. However, it can be argued, that this may be a **result** and not a cause of their dyslexia. Their phonological processing was not secure. In fact, when the dyslexic difficulties are given remediation and begin to clear up then the brain activation changes towards resembling that of controls (Kappers, 1990).

#### **7.4 Remedial intervention at level two**

Diagnosis of dyslexia is so often delayed for years that the pupil has developed some reading and spelling skills but they are far from automatic and errors are carried forward from earlier learning that intrude when the mind is on content rather than the basic skills of transcription. It is these pupils we can regard as having skills at Level Two. Their knowledge of sounds and symbols needs to be checked and omissions corrected but the whole multisensory training regime does not need to be set up. Instead they need interventions at the orthographic rather than the alphabetic level to supply them with the knowledge they need for word building and spelling correction and development.

#### **7.4.1 Correcting misspellings (Montgomery, 1997a, 2007, 2011d)**

The problems that have to be overcome in correcting misspellings are several. Among these, three are described:

The Contribution of Handwriting and Spelling Remediation to Overcoming Dyslexia 129

each time. When used with teacher education students their error rates on the third year and the final 4th year exams dropped significantly (Montgomery, 1997a). Their error types also

**7.4.3 The strategic approach to spelling – 12 Cognitive Process Strategies for Spelling** 

1. **Articulation** - The misspelt word is clearly and precisely articulated for spelling. Teachers need to encourage clear, correct speech, during classwork and in reading aloud explaining why. Mispronunciations should be corrected such as 'chimney' not 'chimley'; and 'skellington' to 'skeleton'. The point where stress comes in a word can also be noted for this will help in correcting the spellings such as harass and embarrass. 2. **Over articulation** - The word is enunciated with emphasis on each of the syllables but particularly the one normally not sounded or in which there is the schwa sound e.g.

3. **Cue articulation** - The word is pronounced incorrectly, e.g. Wed -nes - day, Feb - ru -

4. **Syllabification** - It is easier to spell a word when we break it down into syllables, misdeanor - mis / de / mean / our, criticed crit / i / cise / d. Poor spellers and young spellers need to be taught to do this and learn to clap the beats in names and words to help them. Although the syllable division will vary, as they learn more about the

5. **Phonics** - The pupil needs to learn to try to get a comprehensible skeleton of the word's sound translated into graphemic units. At first the skeletons or scaffolds will be incomplete e.g. bd for bed, and wet for went in regular words. If the words are irregular such as cum / come at least the phonic scaffold is readable and other strategies can be

6. **Origin** - Often the word's root in another language may give clues -op / **port** / unity. the medial vowel in this word is a schwa sound and is often spelt incorrectly with 'e' or 'u'. Finding that the original meaning comes from an opening, a port or a haven means

7. **Rule** - A few well chosen rules can help unravel a range of spelling problems e.g. the l f- s rule, that is l, f, and s are doubled in a one syllabled word after a short vowel sound - ball, puff, dress; and i before e except after c, or the two vowel rule - when two vowels go walking the first one does the talking (usually). Exceptions to these rules are saved

8. **Linguistics** - The syllable types open, closed, accented and unaccented are taught as well as the 4 suffixing rules which govern most words, as well as the difference between

9. **Family/base word** - This notion is often helpful in revealing silent letters and the correct representation for the schwa sound e.g. Canada, Canadian; bomb, bombing, bombardier, bombardment; favour - ite, sign, signature signal. These are real families of words not common letter strings. A base word is 'form' to which we add prefixes and

10. **Meaning** - Separate is commonly misspelled as sep / e / rate. Looking up the meaning in a dictionary can clear this up because it will be found to mean to divide or part or even to pare. The pupil then just needs to remember 'cut or part' and 'pare' to separate.

and learned as a group e.g. pal, nil, if, gas, yes, bus, us, plus, thus.

suffixes (reform, reforming) or make compound words back-ward.

ary. This points up the area of difficulty to cue the correct spelling.

structure of language they will learn to build this in to the syllabification.

changed from 'bizarre' to common error types and 'slips of the pen'.

parli (a) ment, gover (n) ment, w(h)ere, ban-an-a.

taught to build the correct word.

and uses of base words and roots.

the pupil has a strong clue to the spelling.

**(CPSS)** 


In the first case the important feature is to lay down a new correct version in the memory. In the second and third cases the misspelling and its variants have already been learned and as they are old habits have a long track record and need **special measures** to correct them and keep them corrected. Most teachers will use Look - Cover - Write - Check to try to correct a misspelling. However, it may help lay down a new memory but it will not correct or remediate a learned misspelling. To do this two strategies are needed, these are: (1) Cursive writing and (2) Cognitive Process Strategies (CPS).

#### **7.4.2 Why CPS and cursive writing are BOTH needed**

It would appear that the incorrect spelling has already been stored in two places:


**Automaticity** has already been established and it is this with which we have to deal. The incorrect spelling has also a memory entry in the word memory store or lexicon. We do not actually appear to lay down word memories as icons but more as rules and features and these have to be linked to the meanings of the words we learn as we learn to talk. When writing from our imaginations we think of the words we want and automatically summon the spellings we have stored and these activate the linked motor programmes. Thus we have to correct the entry in the lexicon as well as the motor programme.

A further problem is that we appear not to be easily able to forget memories in either store once we have learned them. We need therefore to lay down a new memory trace that has a higher profile than the old one so that when we summon it from the meaning linked spelling bank the correct new one emerges rather than the old incorrect one, hoping that from lack of use the old one will decay over time.

The Cognitive Process Strategies for Spelling (CPSS; described below in detail) is a strategic approach that serves the purpose of opening up the misspelling in the lexicon to intellectual scrutiny so that when we want to spell the word correctly we have given it a higher profile. As we write we can then feel it coming and can pause long enough to select the correct spelling by using the cognitive strategy. At the same time we use the cursive SOS strategy to write over the area of error.

The **Simultaneous Oral Spelling (**SOS; described below in detail) strategy used with the CPSS in the correction stage helps establish a new motor programme and pathways so that the correct word elicits the new motor programme instead of the old one. The more the new form of the word is elicited and used in writing the stronger the links become so that after a while the pause and use of the CPSS is no longer needed as the correct version comes out

1. The misspelling may be a creative attempt to spell an unknown word. In this case a strategy can be introduced to correct it and it may easily be learned if it is quickly

2. The misspelling may have been acquired several years previously and reappears in

3. The misspelling may have been acquired several years ago and has defied all previous

In the first case the important feature is to lay down a new correct version in the memory. In the second and third cases the misspelling and its variants have already been learned and as they are old habits have a long track record and need **special measures** to correct them and keep them corrected. Most teachers will use Look - Cover - Write - Check to try to correct a misspelling. However, it may help lay down a new memory but it will not correct or remediate a learned misspelling. To do this two strategies are needed, these are: (1) Cursive

**a. In the motor control cortex for learned movements (Kimura cited in Springer et al** 

**Automaticity** has already been established and it is this with which we have to deal. The incorrect spelling has also a memory entry in the word memory store or lexicon. We do not actually appear to lay down word memories as icons but more as rules and features and these have to be linked to the meanings of the words we learn as we learn to talk. When writing from our imaginations we think of the words we want and automatically summon the spellings we have stored and these activate the linked motor programmes. Thus we have

A further problem is that we appear not to be easily able to forget memories in either store once we have learned them. We need therefore to lay down a new memory trace that has a higher profile than the old one so that when we summon it from the meaning linked spelling bank the correct new one emerges rather than the old incorrect one, hoping that

The Cognitive Process Strategies for Spelling (CPSS; described below in detail) is a strategic approach that serves the purpose of opening up the misspelling in the lexicon to intellectual scrutiny so that when we want to spell the word correctly we have given it a higher profile. As we write we can then feel it coming and can pause long enough to select the correct spelling by using the cognitive strategy. At the same time we use the cursive SOS strategy to

The **Simultaneous Oral Spelling (**SOS; described below in detail) strategy used with the CPSS in the correction stage helps establish a new motor programme and pathways so that the correct word elicits the new motor programme instead of the old one. The more the new form of the word is elicited and used in writing the stronger the links become so that after a while the pause and use of the CPSS is no longer needed as the correct version comes out

It would appear that the incorrect spelling has already been stored in two places:

**b. In the word memory store or orthographic lexicon (Barry, 1994)** 

to correct the entry in the lexicon as well as the motor programme.

from lack of use the old one will decay over time.

understood and put to use.

attempts.

**2003 pp 304-5)** 

write over the area of error.

various forms inconsistently when under pressure.

writing and (2) Cognitive Process Strategies (CPS).

**7.4.2 Why CPS and cursive writing are BOTH needed** 

each time. When used with teacher education students their error rates on the third year and the final 4th year exams dropped significantly (Montgomery, 1997a). Their error types also changed from 'bizarre' to common error types and 'slips of the pen'.

#### **7.4.3 The strategic approach to spelling – 12 Cognitive Process Strategies for Spelling (CPSS)**


The Contribution of Handwriting and Spelling Remediation to Overcoming Dyslexia 131

He eat him, now I'm no exspert but **anemals** do behve **lick** that, and he did the same to the others but the had a **difrent** larws and the **PLeos cort** him eath is the most **stangest** 

Dear Hoblar I fanck you for your letter. I've looked into your animal consirns and animals on earth have a good reputasn like Robin Hood, the Fox and Bugs Buny. I have Beny watching a lat of fims and cartoons and I disagree with you. For example police dog's save live's and guide dog's help blind people. I'll meet you at the space cafe on

**J. a Year 8 pupil (C.A. 13.6 years 9 RA 9.1 and SA 8.7 years) using CPSS - teacher's** 

'The student and I gained a lot from this experience. The student said she thought that she'd never learn to spell words that she got wrong and she felt that now at secondary school they had given up on her. She felt by working together that she had used a lot of her own ideas when investigating words and she had enjoyed having the responsibility. She said that when we talked about things together she understood more than if she was just listening - - - She said she'd always thought that she wasn't as clever as other children and had labelled herself as 'thick' - - - I had seen a marked improvement in J's

**Casework example** 1 using CPSS: Natalie was a student in Year 10, aged 15. She was somewhat impulsive and had dyslexic type difficulties (spelling age 12.4 years). She had been in the learning support class for three years. '..Her report said 'there are numerous difficulties in school as Natalie does not like to listen to criticism and does not accept help to improve her work'. Her writing was sometimes difficult to read especially when writing words she was unsure of. Her written work did not reflect her level of understanding, she wrote the minimum required, did not proof read, made many grammatical errors and was

In the first CPSS session the teacher and Natalie spoke at length about the strategies and then Natalie was given a dictation. She selected the words 'edge' and 'comfortable' to tackle, put a ring round her area of error, looked them up in the dictionary, and cue articulation was suggested for ED-ge and then a 'funny' which arose when Natalie said she was reminded of a dog called 'Edger/ Edgar', then they used the phrase 'Edger has the edge'. Natalie then chose cue articulation and syllabification for the word com -FORT- able as well as the phrase which amused her 'The fort is comfortable'. She became very keen on using CPSS and over the next few weeks kept asking if she could have her spellings checked and if she could have new ones. She enjoyed identifying the word, looking it up in the dictionary

**13 year old Alex's work before and after 5 mini sessions of CPSS** 

The words in bold were those chosen by Alex to tackle in the sessions.

**Before:** 

**After:** 

Wednesday 4th July See you soon Blar

very slow at writing.

**reflections** 

plac I **onow Yors fafhly**hoblar

confidence, enthusiasm and spelling abilities


#### **7.4.4 A seven-step protocol for using CPSS**

Younger pupils and those with poorer spelling will need more of the first five CPS strategies and little or no dictionary work to begin with.


**Examples:** Acco(m)modate: Ac (prefix) - com/mod **(Linguistic rule - double m after the short vowel in the closed syllable)** - ate (common syllable ending) Potato(e) - tomato, 'toes are plural, o is one' ; long vowel /o/ Most modern words manage without 'es' e.g. pianos, radios, cellos, avocados

#### **7.4.5 Simultaneous Oral Spelling (SOS)**


This procedure was first described for remedial spelling and writing for dyslexics by Bessie Stillman (in Orton, Gillingham and Stillman,1940).

#### **7.4.6 Casework examples with CPSS**

First the lexicon entry is corrected by using CPSS and then SOS to help correct or modify the motor programme. We must do both, one or other will not work because of the interconnectedness of thinking, writing and spelling.

#### **13 year old Alex's work before and after 5 mini sessions of CPSS**

#### **Before:**

130 Dyslexia – A Comprehensive and International Approach

11. **Analogy** - this is the comparison of the word or a key part of it with a word the pupil does know how to spell., e.g. 'it is like boot - hoot, root' or 'hazard' is one 'z' like in 'haze' and 'maze' . This is the closest to the letter string approach that we want to come. 12. **Funnies** - Sometimes it is not possible to find another strategy and so a 'funny' can help

Younger pupils and those with poorer spelling will need more of the first five CPS strategies

2. The pupil identifies the **area of error,** usually only one letter with the help of the teacher

3. The pupil puts a **ring round** the area of error and notices how much of the rest is correct. 4. The pupil is taught (later selects) a **CPSS** to correct the misspelling, a reserve strategy is

5. The strategy is **talked over** with the teacher and is used to write the corrected spelling. 6. The spelling is **checked** to see if it correct - the dictionary can be used again here. 7. If correct the pupil covers up the spellings and writes the word three times from memory in **joined up / full cursive** writing using **SOS especially over the area of error** 

**Examples:** Acco(m)modate: Ac (prefix) - com/mod **(Linguistic rule - double m after the short vowel in the closed syllable)** - ate (common syllable ending) Potato(e) - tomato, 'toes are plural, o is one' ; long vowel /o/ Most modern words manage without 'es' e.g. pianos,

Cover the spelling and then the pupil writes it from memory saying the **name** of each

The criterion for success is that the word should be spelled correctly THREE times in a

This procedure was first described for remedial spelling and writing for dyslexics by Bessie

First the lexicon entry is corrected by using CPSS and then SOS to help correct or modify the motor programme. We must do both, one or other will not work because of the inter-

 Check the spelling again the next day to see if it can still be written correctly If an error is made build the word with wooden lower case letters then repeat SOS

out e.g. 'cesspit' helped me to remember how to spell 'necessary'

1. The pupil selects **two** misspellings to learn in any one session.

 Look up the correct spelling in a dictionary with help if needed Write down the word from the dictionary **naming** the letters

Teacher and pupil check that the spelling is correct

Stillman (in Orton, Gillingham and Stillman,1940).

connectedness of thinking, writing and spelling.

Check the spelling against the original to see if it is correct

**7.4.4 A seven-step protocol for using CPSS** 

and little or no dictionary work to begin with.

**if full cursive presents a problem.**

**7.4.5 Simultaneous Oral Spelling (SOS)** 

or a dictionary.

radios, cellos, avocados

letter as it is written

row

Repeat this procedure three times

**7.4.6 Casework examples with CPSS** 

also noted

He eat him, now I'm no exspert but **anemals** do behve **lick** that, and he did the same to the others but the had a **difrent** larws and the **PLeos cort** him eath is the most **stangest**  plac I **onow Yors fafhly**hoblar

The words in bold were those chosen by Alex to tackle in the sessions.

#### **After:**

Dear Hoblar I fanck you for your letter. I've looked into your animal consirns and animals on earth have a good reputasn like Robin Hood, the Fox and Bugs Buny. I have Beny watching a lat of fims and cartoons and I disagree with you. For example police dog's save live's and guide dog's help blind people. I'll meet you at the space cafe on Wednesday 4th July

See you soon Blar

#### **J. a Year 8 pupil (C.A. 13.6 years 9 RA 9.1 and SA 8.7 years) using CPSS - teacher's reflections**

'The student and I gained a lot from this experience. The student said she thought that she'd never learn to spell words that she got wrong and she felt that now at secondary school they had given up on her. She felt by working together that she had used a lot of her own ideas when investigating words and she had enjoyed having the responsibility. She said that when we talked about things together she understood more than if she was just listening - - - She said she'd always thought that she wasn't as clever as other children and had labelled herself as 'thick' - - - I had seen a marked improvement in J's confidence, enthusiasm and spelling abilities

**Casework example** 1 using CPSS: Natalie was a student in Year 10, aged 15. She was somewhat impulsive and had dyslexic type difficulties (spelling age 12.4 years). She had been in the learning support class for three years. '..Her report said 'there are numerous difficulties in school as Natalie does not like to listen to criticism and does not accept help to improve her work'. Her writing was sometimes difficult to read especially when writing words she was unsure of. Her written work did not reflect her level of understanding, she wrote the minimum required, did not proof read, made many grammatical errors and was very slow at writing.

In the first CPSS session the teacher and Natalie spoke at length about the strategies and then Natalie was given a dictation. She selected the words 'edge' and 'comfortable' to tackle, put a ring round her area of error, looked them up in the dictionary, and cue articulation was suggested for ED-ge and then a 'funny' which arose when Natalie said she was reminded of a dog called 'Edger/ Edgar', then they used the phrase 'Edger has the edge'. Natalie then chose cue articulation and syllabification for the word com -FORT- able as well as the phrase which amused her 'The fort is comfortable'. She became very keen on using CPSS and over the next few weeks kept asking if she could have her spellings checked and if she could have new ones. She enjoyed identifying the word, looking it up in the dictionary

The Contribution of Handwriting and Spelling Remediation to Overcoming Dyslexia 133

remember that the name 'Chris' is in 'Christmas'. SOS: He found it quite hard to make himself use the cursive writing at first but said it got a lot easier as he repeated the word. He

**Followed:** Carl spelt this as 'foled' Syllabification: Carl needed help to see how the base word 'follow' can be broken down into syllables, Then he spotted the word 'low' Analogy: He was able to think of a rhyming word for 'foll' i.e. 'doll' As soon as I mentioned the past tense he remembered he needed a 'ed' ending. (Author: After analogy with 'doll' it might have been useful to introduce the l-f-s rule and/or doubling after the short vowel sound)

At the outset of lesson two Carl spelt the two words correctly and he and his teacher proceeded with the next two words. After the six sessions he was given the dictation again and Carl correctly spelled all the 12 target words. Initially he resorted to the former spelling of 'covered' and 'punishment' but in both cases he immediately realised his error and self corrected. He was quite hesitant over 'several' but got it correct after some thought. He initially put 'terban' for 'turban' but corrected it immediately. His writing in the post test

This is a frequently occurring question and teacher researchers have found that as soon as alphabetic knowledge is established, and this does not mean learning all the sounds in alphabetical order but in use order, word building knowledge can begin. (See the *Developmental Spelling Programme* Montgomery 1997b for over 100 mini lessons and *Spelling Detective Dictionary*, (Montgomery, 2011e ) for CPSS strategies. For example if a beginning speller writes 'bd' for 'bed' this is the time for basic syllable structure to be introduced - that syllables are the beats in words – practice clapping the beats in your name etc., - every

Parrant (1989) introduced all her class of seven and eight year olds to CPSS strategies and compared their results with a matched class receiving Look Cover-Write-Check and the usual skills rules such as 'magic e'. The CPSS class's spelling errors decreased very significantly in comparison with the controls who went on making the same errors. The SEN group's errors in the CPSS class also decreased significantly but not by such a large amount. Since this time other teacher researchers have had similar success but have been working with small groups and individuals. Recently many teacher researchers on the MA programmes have also used CPSS with small groups and individuals and have been able to help them gain 2 years advance in spelling and reading often within six months. Interestingly enough they all report that although not directly addressed reading also improved at least to

As already indicated earlier, a significant proportion of dyslexics have accompanying difficulties in handwriting due to fine motor coordination difficulties or DCD\dyspraxia. Kaplan (2000) found this was 63 % in her sample. In the early half of the 20th century pupils in English schools learned a fully joined or cursive script from the outset 'civil service hand' with no more apparent difficulty than current print learners. It is thus a mid 20th century

syllable in English must contain a vowel. Which vowels do we know so far? etc.

the same level. (Androsysgyn, 2002; Butt, 2003; Morley, 2001; O'Brien, 2004)

**8. Why cursive writing in remedial work is important** 

also found it easier to remember the spelling if he shut his eyes.

was more joined.

**7.4.7 When can CPSS be started?** 

and thinking of strategies to overcome it. However what she did not enjoy was the SOS and cursive writing. She was reluctant to use them despite being told why and felt they were too much like other spelling programmes she had been given before but which had failed.

A few days after the first session Natalie came in very excited because she had 'heard alarm bells ringing' when writing the word 'edge' in Food Technology and as a result of 'the bell' she had taken more time over the word and been able to correct her own writing'. Over the next three weeks they spent 10 minutes every learning support lesson reviewing spelling. Only in these sessions could Natalie be persuaded to use SOS. After a few more weeks all the words she had been learning were put into a dictation. Although Natalie complained she had not had time to review them in fact all were spelled correctly except 'thought which was given as 'though'. She said that now whenever she used the target words the alarm bells would ring although sometimes it took her a while to remember the strategy. For example she still wanted to spell the word leisure as 'leasure' but now her brain told her not to.

Other important things emerged during the mini lessons and that was Natalie became willing to share some of the stresses her problems with spelling had caused and opened a floodgate on homonyms that had troubled her for years. She was surprised that no one had thought to teach her the four suffixing rules before. As the sessions progressed she gained in confidence and was enjoying studying spelling and getting very obvious benefit that she herself could see and experience.

*Her dyslexia tutor explained:* 'Many of the students I work with have been following dyslexia spelling programmes with private tutors for years with little or no improvement in their ability to spell accurately when under pressure especially in a test or exam. When I first read about CPSS I was a little dubious as it seemed a time consuming way of teaching students correct spelling however I was desperate to find something which would work after years of repeatedly correcting the same errors'.

'It did not take long for my experimental student to feel confident about what she was doing..... it has been an extremely positive experience as it really helped raise her self esteem as well as improving the accuracy of her spelling......I have now introduced the CPSS to all the classes I teach.'

**Casework example 2 using CPSS:** Carl was 9 years 11 months with a spelling age of 8 years 4 months and diagnosed by an educational psychologist as 'moderately dyslexic'. He was given a 100 word dictation from his Harry Potter reading book. He misspelled 12 words and identified 5 of them: - monning (morning); itsalf (itself); bewiching (bewitching); foled (followed); turbern (turban). and :- cristmas, midde, coverd sevulal, soled punshed thay

**Lesson One follows: -** In the period of a fortnight they dealt with his errors

**Christmas:** Carl missed the 'h' in this word and said he sometimes missed the 'r' as well. Cue articulation: 'We pronounced the word 'Christ - mas'. We talked about the fact that Christmas is all about Jesus i .e. Christ. We looked up 'mass' in the dictionary and discovered that it can mean a meal or a body and that at Christmas we have a big meal to celebrate that Jesus came to earth in human body. Carl had never realised the word 'Christ' was in Christmas.

'Funny': As soon as I spelt this word correctly Carl said 'Oh look my brother's name" Carl has a brother called 'Chris' whose name he can spell quite happily so it really helped him to remember that the name 'Chris' is in 'Christmas'. SOS: He found it quite hard to make himself use the cursive writing at first but said it got a lot easier as he repeated the word. He also found it easier to remember the spelling if he shut his eyes.

**Followed:** Carl spelt this as 'foled' Syllabification: Carl needed help to see how the base word 'follow' can be broken down into syllables, Then he spotted the word 'low' Analogy: He was able to think of a rhyming word for 'foll' i.e. 'doll' As soon as I mentioned the past tense he remembered he needed a 'ed' ending. (Author: After analogy with 'doll' it might have been useful to introduce the l-f-s rule and/or doubling after the short vowel sound)

At the outset of lesson two Carl spelt the two words correctly and he and his teacher proceeded with the next two words. After the six sessions he was given the dictation again and Carl correctly spelled all the 12 target words. Initially he resorted to the former spelling of 'covered' and 'punishment' but in both cases he immediately realised his error and self corrected. He was quite hesitant over 'several' but got it correct after some thought. He initially put 'terban' for 'turban' but corrected it immediately. His writing in the post test was more joined.

#### **7.4.7 When can CPSS be started?**

132 Dyslexia – A Comprehensive and International Approach

and thinking of strategies to overcome it. However what she did not enjoy was the SOS and cursive writing. She was reluctant to use them despite being told why and felt they were too much like other spelling programmes she had been given before but which had failed.

A few days after the first session Natalie came in very excited because she had 'heard alarm bells ringing' when writing the word 'edge' in Food Technology and as a result of 'the bell' she had taken more time over the word and been able to correct her own writing'. Over the next three weeks they spent 10 minutes every learning support lesson reviewing spelling. Only in these sessions could Natalie be persuaded to use SOS. After a few more weeks all the words she had been learning were put into a dictation. Although Natalie complained she had not had time to review them in fact all were spelled correctly except 'thought which was given as 'though'. She said that now whenever she used the target words the alarm bells would ring although sometimes it took her a while to remember the strategy. For example she

Other important things emerged during the mini lessons and that was Natalie became willing to share some of the stresses her problems with spelling had caused and opened a floodgate on homonyms that had troubled her for years. She was surprised that no one had thought to teach her the four suffixing rules before. As the sessions progressed she gained in confidence and was enjoying studying spelling and getting very obvious benefit that she

*Her dyslexia tutor explained:* 'Many of the students I work with have been following dyslexia spelling programmes with private tutors for years with little or no improvement in their ability to spell accurately when under pressure especially in a test or exam. When I first read about CPSS I was a little dubious as it seemed a time consuming way of teaching students correct spelling however I was desperate to find something which would work after years of

'It did not take long for my experimental student to feel confident about what she was doing..... it has been an extremely positive experience as it really helped raise her self esteem as well as improving the accuracy of her spelling......I have now introduced the

**Casework example 2 using CPSS:** Carl was 9 years 11 months with a spelling age of 8 years 4 months and diagnosed by an educational psychologist as 'moderately dyslexic'. He was given a 100 word dictation from his Harry Potter reading book. He misspelled 12 words and identified 5 of them: - monning (morning); itsalf (itself); bewiching (bewitching); foled (followed); turbern (turban). and :- cristmas, midde, coverd sevulal, soled punshed thay

**Christmas:** Carl missed the 'h' in this word and said he sometimes missed the 'r' as well. Cue articulation: 'We pronounced the word 'Christ - mas'. We talked about the fact that Christmas is all about Jesus i .e. Christ. We looked up 'mass' in the dictionary and discovered that it can mean a meal or a body and that at Christmas we have a big meal to celebrate that Jesus came to earth in human body. Carl had never realised the word 'Christ'

'Funny': As soon as I spelt this word correctly Carl said 'Oh look my brother's name" Carl has a brother called 'Chris' whose name he can spell quite happily so it really helped him to

**Lesson One follows: -** In the period of a fortnight they dealt with his errors

still wanted to spell the word leisure as 'leasure' but now her brain told her not to.

herself could see and experience.

repeatedly correcting the same errors'.

CPSS to all the classes I teach.'

was in Christmas.

This is a frequently occurring question and teacher researchers have found that as soon as alphabetic knowledge is established, and this does not mean learning all the sounds in alphabetical order but in use order, word building knowledge can begin. (See the *Developmental Spelling Programme* Montgomery 1997b for over 100 mini lessons and *Spelling Detective Dictionary*, (Montgomery, 2011e ) for CPSS strategies. For example if a beginning speller writes 'bd' for 'bed' this is the time for basic syllable structure to be introduced - that syllables are the beats in words – practice clapping the beats in your name etc., - every syllable in English must contain a vowel. Which vowels do we know so far? etc.

Parrant (1989) introduced all her class of seven and eight year olds to CPSS strategies and compared their results with a matched class receiving Look Cover-Write-Check and the usual skills rules such as 'magic e'. The CPSS class's spelling errors decreased very significantly in comparison with the controls who went on making the same errors. The SEN group's errors in the CPSS class also decreased significantly but not by such a large amount. Since this time other teacher researchers have had similar success but have been working with small groups and individuals. Recently many teacher researchers on the MA programmes have also used CPSS with small groups and individuals and have been able to help them gain 2 years advance in spelling and reading often within six months. Interestingly enough they all report that although not directly addressed reading also improved at least to the same level. (Androsysgyn, 2002; Butt, 2003; Morley, 2001; O'Brien, 2004)

## **8. Why cursive writing in remedial work is important**

As already indicated earlier, a significant proportion of dyslexics have accompanying difficulties in handwriting due to fine motor coordination difficulties or DCD\dyspraxia. Kaplan (2000) found this was 63 % in her sample. In the early half of the 20th century pupils in English schools learned a fully joined or cursive script from the outset 'civil service hand' with no more apparent difficulty than current print learners. It is thus a mid 20th century

The Contribution of Handwriting and Spelling Remediation to Overcoming Dyslexia 135

This 'LDRP' ovoid form with a consistent forward (or backward) slope to aid running writing is more user-friendly for most pupils than the upright Palmer cursive used in the

In the remedial setting, lines to write on and cursive have been found to be essential and Wedell (1973) had insisted that children with coordination difficulties must learn to use a continuous writing movement. Dysgraphics such as these have difficulties, once they find where to make contact with the paper in making the required shape and to the precise size and length. As soon as they lift the pen from the paper again in print script to make the next letter the directional, orientational and locational problems begin all over again. The effort involved becomes greater, the pen is seized more tightly, the knuckles go white and the whole body tenses and there is a further loss of fluency. To aid focus and concentration and stop contralateral movements the edge of the desk may be held and the tongue stuck out. It

Pupils with handwriting difficulties from whatever cause, whenever they can, try to avoid any written task and complain of pain and fatigue (Alston, 1993) and some even become disruptive when they are required to sit down to write. Teachers well know that, "Now write it down" can bring forth a chorus of groans. But avoidance and difficulties with writing tasks can also have a serious effect on spelling and handwriting development through consistent lack of practice. In addition lack of personalised tuition as children are learning to form their letters and monitoring on the writing task because of large classes can result in poor acquisition of writing skills as many pupils teach themselves through copying exercises.

Handwriting difficulties appear to play a much more significant role in underachievement than has often been realised (Montgomery, 2000, 2003; Silverman, 2004). Whilst estimates of developmental coordination difficulties vary between 5 to 10 per cent of the school population, ten per cent or more of pupils have mild handwriting coordination difficulties (Gubbay 1976, Laszlo, Bairstow et al 1988. Rubin and Henderson (1982) found that 12 % of pupils were considered by their teachers to have serious handwriting difficulties. Whilst in a

Fig. 6. Example of the recommended LDRP Cursive

can take half an hour of formidable effort to produce a neat sentence.

TRTS programme.

phenomenon that UK pupils learn print script first before converting to a joined script (Jarman, 1979). Even though ligatures are now built into the teaching system to support joining (DfEE, 1998). In many other countries cursive is still taught from the outset.

Experiments in teaching cursive from the outset again have taken place in a number of LEAs and have proved highly successful in achieving writing targets earlier and for a larger number of children (Low, 1990; Morse, 1991). It is also found to be equally readable. However custom and practice or 'teaching wisdom' is very hard to change and extremely rigid attitudes are frequently found against cursive (Montgomery, 2003).

The research of Early (1976) advocated the exclusive use of cursive from the beginning. This was because it was found that the major advantage of cursive lay in the fact that each word or syllable consists of one continuous line where all the elements flow together. This means that the child experiences more readily the total form or shape of a given word as he or she monitors the kinaesthetic feedback from the writing movements. Handwriting therefore supports spelling and this contributes to literacy development.

The cursive recommended here can be seen in figure 6 below. It is ovoid rather than upright to promote fluency and seeks to find the most efficient joining strategies. Single lower case letters and the initial lower case letters of all words begin on the line with a lead in stroke, there are loops below the line to assist flow in joining but none above, this helps reduce confusions between lines. A crucial factor of academic success at secondary level is a student's writing speed. It determines how easily and comprehensively he/she can take notes in class and can have a major influence on success in examinations. Ziviani and Watson-Will (1998) found that cursive script appeared to facilitate writing speed.

The reasons for teaching cursive writing are particularly relevant to students with handwriting coordination difficulties (developmental dysgraphia) unless their problems are severe when other strategies may need to be implemented. Specialist dyslexia programmes of Gillingham and Stillman (1956); Hickey (1977); Cowdery and Montgomery et al., (1994) all base their remediation on it in a multisensory training system. The reasons are it:


In addition, if taught from the outset it eliminates the need to relearn a whole new set of motor programmes after the infant stage and there is a more efficient use of movement because of cursive's flow.

Fig. 6. Example of the recommended LDRP Cursive

134 Dyslexia – A Comprehensive and International Approach

phenomenon that UK pupils learn print script first before converting to a joined script (Jarman, 1979). Even though ligatures are now built into the teaching system to support

Experiments in teaching cursive from the outset again have taken place in a number of LEAs and have proved highly successful in achieving writing targets earlier and for a larger number of children (Low, 1990; Morse, 1991). It is also found to be equally readable. However custom and practice or 'teaching wisdom' is very hard to change and extremely

The research of Early (1976) advocated the exclusive use of cursive from the beginning. This was because it was found that the major advantage of cursive lay in the fact that each word or syllable consists of one continuous line where all the elements flow together. This means that the child experiences more readily the total form or shape of a given word as he or she monitors the kinaesthetic feedback from the writing movements. Handwriting therefore

The cursive recommended here can be seen in figure 6 below. It is ovoid rather than upright to promote fluency and seeks to find the most efficient joining strategies. Single lower case letters and the initial lower case letters of all words begin on the line with a lead in stroke, there are loops below the line to assist flow in joining but none above, this helps reduce confusions between lines. A crucial factor of academic success at secondary level is a student's writing speed. It determines how easily and comprehensively he/she can take notes in class and can have a major influence on success in examinations. Ziviani and

The reasons for teaching cursive writing are particularly relevant to students with handwriting coordination difficulties (developmental dysgraphia) unless their problems are severe when other strategies may need to be implemented. Specialist dyslexia programmes of Gillingham and Stillman (1956); Hickey (1977); Cowdery and Montgomery et al., (1994)

Watson-Will (1998) found that cursive script appeared to facilitate writing speed.

all base their remediation on it in a multisensory training system. The reasons are it:

induces greater fluency in writing so enables greater speed without loss of legibility

speed and fluency can make a difference of a grade at GCSE, A level or in degree

the motor programmes for spelling words, their bases and affixes are stored together

pupils with handwriting coordination difficulties experience less pain and difficulty

In addition, if taught from the outset it eliminates the need to relearn a whole new set of motor programmes after the infant stage and there is a more efficient use of movement

joining (DfEE, 1998). In many other countries cursive is still taught from the outset.

rigid attitudes are frequently found against cursive (Montgomery, 2003).

supports spelling and this contributes to literacy development.

aids left to right movement through words across the page

space between letters and between words is orderly and automatic

reinforces multisensory learning linking spelling, writing and speaking.

a more efficient fluent and personal style can be developed

stops reversals and inversions of letters

more can be written in the time

legibility of writing is improved

programmes

(Kuczaj, 1979)

because of cursive's flow.

This 'LDRP' ovoid form with a consistent forward (or backward) slope to aid running writing is more user-friendly for most pupils than the upright Palmer cursive used in the TRTS programme.

In the remedial setting, lines to write on and cursive have been found to be essential and Wedell (1973) had insisted that children with coordination difficulties must learn to use a continuous writing movement. Dysgraphics such as these have difficulties, once they find where to make contact with the paper in making the required shape and to the precise size and length. As soon as they lift the pen from the paper again in print script to make the next letter the directional, orientational and locational problems begin all over again. The effort involved becomes greater, the pen is seized more tightly, the knuckles go white and the whole body tenses and there is a further loss of fluency. To aid focus and concentration and stop contralateral movements the edge of the desk may be held and the tongue stuck out. It can take half an hour of formidable effort to produce a neat sentence.

Pupils with handwriting difficulties from whatever cause, whenever they can, try to avoid any written task and complain of pain and fatigue (Alston, 1993) and some even become disruptive when they are required to sit down to write. Teachers well know that, "Now write it down" can bring forth a chorus of groans. But avoidance and difficulties with writing tasks can also have a serious effect on spelling and handwriting development through consistent lack of practice. In addition lack of personalised tuition as children are learning to form their letters and monitoring on the writing task because of large classes can result in poor acquisition of writing skills as many pupils teach themselves through copying exercises.

Handwriting difficulties appear to play a much more significant role in underachievement than has often been realised (Montgomery, 2000, 2003; Silverman, 2004). Whilst estimates of developmental coordination difficulties vary between 5 to 10 per cent of the school population, ten per cent or more of pupils have mild handwriting coordination difficulties (Gubbay 1976, Laszlo, Bairstow et al 1988. Rubin and Henderson (1982) found that 12 % of pupils were considered by their teachers to have serious handwriting difficulties. Whilst in a

The Contribution of Handwriting and Spelling Remediation to Overcoming Dyslexia 137

**8.1 A checklist of key indicants for diagnosing handwriting coordination difficulties** 

variation in 'colour' of words, lightness and dark as pressure varies or fatigue sets in

 difficulties making complex letters so they appear large or as capital forms T, W, S, K, F Variations in size of other letters so they appear as large or capital forms e.g. n,m,u,h, a non standard pencil grip (e.g. not a tripod grip, flexible or rigid) can hamper writing

great pressure hampers fluency, makes holes or dents in the paper which can be felt on

An index of 4 or 5 such indicants would warrant further investigation and intervention.

the letters do not stay on the line

spaces between letters are too wide

and achievement,

the reverse side

 tongue may be stuck out fatigue rapidly sets in

the writing drags in from the margin towards the mid line

spaces between words too are large and sometimes too small

contra lateral body and arm movements may be observed

complains of aches and pains after only short periods of writing

effort and grip causes whitening of the knuckles

Fig. 8. A checklist to use to identify form difficulties

for example.

**Some other physical characteristics – suggesting coordination difficulties** 

Look at the lines on the paper made by the writer, writing his or her own name and address

wobble and shake observable on strokes in letters

rivers of space run down between the words

survey carried out with 3rd year junior school pupils in Cheshire, Alston (1993) found that according to assessments made by 5 experienced remedial teachers just over 20 % of pupils were not writing well enough for the needs of the secondary school curriculum.

In a recent analysis of Year 7 scripts it was found that 30 % of pupils had some form of handwriting difficulties in form or coordination and this led to problems in legibility and speed. A speed at this age of 20 words per minute in a 20 minute essay was found to be necessary to access the school curriculum (Montgomery 2007b). The average speed of the cohorts (N=531) was 13.2 similar to that in a survey by Allcock, 2001 (N=2701). Very few primary teachers said that they regarded speed as an important feature in children's writing they focused more upon legibility and neatness (Stainthorp, et al 2001). However fluency and speed are important and this can be achieved by the majority of pupils with light training of their teachers (Christenson & Jones, 2000). Perhaps the 1 % with overt DCD should be exempt from writing and be given laptops as they find it impossible to speed up sufficiently although they invest huge effort such as in the case of David in Figure 8 below.

Fig. 7. Handwriting difficulties – David above and Toby below

The checklist in Figure 9 below can be used with a pupil to get him or her to decide on the errors they make in their writing. Choose TWO features on which to intervene. The features that will give the most effect and quickly have been found to be making **the base** of the letters all the same size by using double lines to write between and trying to make **the slope** of all the letters' ascenders and descenders go in the same direction (Montgomery, 2007, 2011a ).

#### **8.1 A checklist of key indicants for diagnosing handwriting coordination difficulties**

the letters do not stay on the line

136 Dyslexia – A Comprehensive and International Approach

survey carried out with 3rd year junior school pupils in Cheshire, Alston (1993) found that according to assessments made by 5 experienced remedial teachers just over 20 % of pupils

In a recent analysis of Year 7 scripts it was found that 30 % of pupils had some form of handwriting difficulties in form or coordination and this led to problems in legibility and speed. A speed at this age of 20 words per minute in a 20 minute essay was found to be necessary to access the school curriculum (Montgomery 2007b). The average speed of the cohorts (N=531) was 13.2 similar to that in a survey by Allcock, 2001 (N=2701). Very few primary teachers said that they regarded speed as an important feature in children's writing they focused more upon legibility and neatness (Stainthorp, et al 2001). However fluency and speed are important and this can be achieved by the majority of pupils with light training of their teachers (Christenson & Jones, 2000). Perhaps the 1 % with overt DCD should be exempt from writing and be given laptops as they find it impossible to speed up sufficiently although they invest huge effort such as in the case of David in

were not writing well enough for the needs of the secondary school curriculum.

Fig. 7. Handwriting difficulties – David above and Toby below

The checklist in Figure 9 below can be used with a pupil to get him or her to decide on the errors they make in their writing. Choose TWO features on which to intervene. The features that will give the most effect and quickly have been found to be making **the base** of the letters all the same size by using double lines to write between and trying to make **the slope** of all the letters' ascenders and descenders go in the same direction (Montgomery, 2007,

Figure 8 below.

2011a ).


An index of 4 or 5 such indicants would warrant further investigation and intervention.

Fig. 8. A checklist to use to identify form difficulties

#### **Some other physical characteristics – suggesting coordination difficulties**

Look at the lines on the paper made by the writer, writing his or her own name and address for example.

The Contribution of Handwriting and Spelling Remediation to Overcoming Dyslexia 139

first in 'cracking the alphabetic code'. This could be done in the Reception Year by the class teacher with some specific training. If this is not done or is not successful then remedial provision needs to be instituted in Year 1 for 'Level One' dyslexics and this should involve the use of a specialist programme such as TRTS or Hickey that systematically involve spelling, handwriting and articulatory phonics as well as reading. Older dyslexics and those with dysorthographia – 'Level Two' dyslexics, also need specific spelling help and this can be provided by the 'Strategic Approach' to spelling, CPSS already described. Both types of remedial intervention must produce 2 years uplift in skills in each year if they are to be considered successful. Addressing spelling transfers to reading whereas the reverse is not

In theoretical terms it is suggested that the dyslexia is the result of a dissociation in the intersensory integration of sounds with symbols that causes early failure to learn sound and symbol correspondence. If not overcome the delay in this aspect hampers literacy development and leads to laying down many errors that in themselves become difficult to overcome. Referral in the UK may come 3 to 6 years too late and then poor literacy skills and old errors undermine achievement at all levels. In research terms it is suggested that there should be more focus on spelling and handwriting as part of literacy investigations and that a programme of early screening and intervention in Reception should be explored. In educational terms teachers in training need a better understanding that dyslexia is not just a reading problem and learn of the power and interest that can be generated by encouraging children to adopt a 'detective approach' to spelling to help lose their 'learned helplessness'. An associated benefit from overcoming literacy problems that has emerged is the decrease

Overall this chapter has sought to present an alternative perspective to the mainline theme in dyslexia research and intervention to date. It proposes that reading is not the core difficulty and that concentration on this aspect causes confusion in diagnosis and diminishes the effectiveness of the remediation. In many instances it causes it to fail. The concept of dyslexia as an irremediable lifelong problem also needs to be challenged as does the popular notion of a sex ratio of 4 to 1 with boys more likely to have the problem than girls. A vast body or research is already available on dyslexia but it is suggested that much of it is missing the point and a closer fit needs to be made between the dyslexic's experience and

Allcock, P. ( 2001) Update September 2001: 'Testing handwriting speed' *PATOSS Bulletin* 

Alm, J. and Kaufman, A 2002 'The Swedish WAIS-R factor structure and cognition profiles for adults with dyslexia *Journal of Learning Disabilities* 35 (4) 321-33 ISSN

Andrusysgen, K. 2002 'An investigation of Cognitive Process Spelling Strategies with a group of poor spellers' Unpublished MA SpLD, London: Middlesex University

Alston, J. (1993) *Assessing and Promoting Writing Skills* Stafford, NASEN

the case.

in problem behaviours in classrooms.

the methods of meeting his or her needs.

November p 17

**10. References** 


Practice in the motor movement in writing developing rhythm and flow can improve the writing patterns indicated above.

#### **8.2 Automatic development of skills**

Before the writer can become fluent in higher order compositional skills it is essential that the lower order skills of spelling and handwriting become automatic (Berninger, 2004). If a writer has to reflect on how to spell words and make up spellings or has difficulty in forming letters and words fluently in handwriting then the mental efforts required or mental resources that are committed to these processes are directed away from composition and the development of ideas, narrative and argument. The requirement is that the correct spellings should reel out from the lexicon automatically as we write just as our hands move over the keys of the piano when we have learnt to play a tune.

This means that comprehension is affected as well as the higher order skills required to write compositions and essays. If lower order skills are not automatic then the whole process of writing is slowed down and may become truncated and disrupted. Extensive researches by Berninger (2004) and her colleagues have shown that the two best early predictors of higher order compositional skills are speed of writing the letters of the alphabet and coding or spelling skills.

We know that dyslexics are poor at developing automatic levels of these skills because of their difficulties and this is not surprising for they currently acquire them late and thus have many years less practice using them. This problem persists and Connelly et al. (2001) Connelly et al. (2005) have shown this problem exists for them throughout primary and secondary schools and into higher education as they become undergraduates. At university level this can mean that they obtain degrees in the humanities and social sciences that are at least a class lower than might be predicted from their other skills. It was similar findings with teacher undergraduates that led to the investigation of handwriting problems especially of more able subjects and its contribution to underachievement (Montgomery, 2009, 2011e ). It appears to be a silent disability and frequently ignored. Fortunately for dyslexics the early specialist remediators, Gillingham, Stillman and Orton (1940) were well aware of the problem and included penmanship, especially in the form of cursive writing in their programme. It is this programme and method upon which all the most successful programmes are based. For what makes a dyslexia friendly school or environment see Study Guide 4 (Montgomery 2011d)

#### **9. Summary and conclusions**

The main thrust of this chapter is that whilst the focus in education is the teaching of reading, the needs of dyslexics are different. Their core difficulty lies in the area of spelling first in 'cracking the alphabetic code'. This could be done in the Reception Year by the class teacher with some specific training. If this is not done or is not successful then remedial provision needs to be instituted in Year 1 for 'Level One' dyslexics and this should involve the use of a specialist programme such as TRTS or Hickey that systematically involve spelling, handwriting and articulatory phonics as well as reading. Older dyslexics and those with dysorthographia – 'Level Two' dyslexics, also need specific spelling help and this can be provided by the 'Strategic Approach' to spelling, CPSS already described. Both types of remedial intervention must produce 2 years uplift in skills in each year if they are to be considered successful. Addressing spelling transfers to reading whereas the reverse is not the case.

In theoretical terms it is suggested that the dyslexia is the result of a dissociation in the intersensory integration of sounds with symbols that causes early failure to learn sound and symbol correspondence. If not overcome the delay in this aspect hampers literacy development and leads to laying down many errors that in themselves become difficult to overcome. Referral in the UK may come 3 to 6 years too late and then poor literacy skills and old errors undermine achievement at all levels. In research terms it is suggested that there should be more focus on spelling and handwriting as part of literacy investigations and that a programme of early screening and intervention in Reception should be explored. In educational terms teachers in training need a better understanding that dyslexia is not just a reading problem and learn of the power and interest that can be generated by encouraging children to adopt a 'detective approach' to spelling to help lose their 'learned helplessness'. An associated benefit from overcoming literacy problems that has emerged is the decrease in problem behaviours in classrooms.

Overall this chapter has sought to present an alternative perspective to the mainline theme in dyslexia research and intervention to date. It proposes that reading is not the core difficulty and that concentration on this aspect causes confusion in diagnosis and diminishes the effectiveness of the remediation. In many instances it causes it to fail. The concept of dyslexia as an irremediable lifelong problem also needs to be challenged as does the popular notion of a sex ratio of 4 to 1 with boys more likely to have the problem than girls. A vast body or research is already available on dyslexia but it is suggested that much of it is missing the point and a closer fit needs to be made between the dyslexic's experience and the methods of meeting his or her needs.

#### **10. References**

138 Dyslexia – A Comprehensive and International Approach

You can feel the writing on the reverse side of the paper, too much pressure and energy

Is the writing variable in dark and light pressures or in being too faint and then too

Practice in the motor movement in writing developing rhythm and flow can improve the

Before the writer can become fluent in higher order compositional skills it is essential that the lower order skills of spelling and handwriting become automatic (Berninger, 2004). If a writer has to reflect on how to spell words and make up spellings or has difficulty in forming letters and words fluently in handwriting then the mental efforts required or mental resources that are committed to these processes are directed away from composition and the development of ideas, narrative and argument. The requirement is that the correct spellings should reel out from the lexicon automatically as we write just as our hands move

This means that comprehension is affected as well as the higher order skills required to write compositions and essays. If lower order skills are not automatic then the whole process of writing is slowed down and may become truncated and disrupted. Extensive researches by Berninger (2004) and her colleagues have shown that the two best early predictors of higher order compositional skills are speed of writing the letters of the

We know that dyslexics are poor at developing automatic levels of these skills because of their difficulties and this is not surprising for they currently acquire them late and thus have many years less practice using them. This problem persists and Connelly et al. (2001) Connelly et al. (2005) have shown this problem exists for them throughout primary and secondary schools and into higher education as they become undergraduates. At university level this can mean that they obtain degrees in the humanities and social sciences that are at least a class lower than might be predicted from their other skills. It was similar findings with teacher undergraduates that led to the investigation of handwriting problems especially of more able subjects and its contribution to underachievement (Montgomery, 2009, 2011e ). It appears to be a silent disability and frequently ignored. Fortunately for dyslexics the early specialist remediators, Gillingham, Stillman and Orton (1940) were well aware of the problem and included penmanship, especially in the form of cursive writing in their programme. It is this programme and method upon which all the most successful programmes are based. For what makes a dyslexia friendly school or environment see Study

The main thrust of this chapter is that whilst the focus in education is the teaching of reading, the needs of dyslexics are different. Their core difficulty lies in the area of spelling

Is the writing shaky and wobbly? Can suggest tremor and anxiety.

over the keys of the piano when we have learnt to play a tune.

Is the writing scribbly and or spiky? Suggests a motor co-ordination problem.

exerted.

writing patterns indicated above.

**8.2 Automatic development of skills** 

alphabet and coding or spelling skills.

Guide 4 (Montgomery 2011d)

**9. Summary and conclusions** 

dark.


The Contribution of Handwriting and Spelling Remediation to Overcoming Dyslexia 141

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872832-16


**8** 

*France* 

Tamara Leonova *University of Nancy,* 

**Depression in Dyslexic Children Attending Specialized Schools: A Case of Switzerland** 

Dyslexia (specific reading disability) is a common, cognitively and behaviorally heterogeneous developmental condition, characterized primarily by a severe difficulty in mastering reading despite average intelligence and adequate education (Grigorenko, 2001). A recent epidemiological study in France found 3.5% of the students in 2nd grade (CE1)

According to an INSERM report (Expertise de l'INSERM, p. 162), even though dyslexia is the most studied of the learning disabilities, the scientific community knows relatively little about it, and most of this knowledge comes from studies done about the cognitive, social and emotional development of English-speaking dyslexics. The depressive symptoms of French-speaking children and adolescents suffering from reading disabilities have not been

In general, learning disabilities (LD) increase the risk of depression. According to a literature review based on research conducted between 1980 and 2003, 16 out of 24 studies (67%) found that the level of depression of those suffering from LD was significantly higher than those without LD (Sideridis, 2006). New theoretical models have been developed to explain depression in students with LD (e.g., Sideridis, 2005, 2007). In a review of publications on the links between literacy and mental disorders, Maughan and Carroll (2006) concluded "literacy problems are associated with increased risks of both externalizing and internalizing disorders in childhood" (p. 350). They also highlighted the inconsistent results

Researchers and practitioners have focused on depression1 since it is one of the major risk factors in youth suicide. Several publications on dyslexia and schooling of dyslexic children mention that they are susceptible to developing depression (Hulme & Snowling, 1997; Reid & Fawcett, 2004; Hunter-Carsch & Herrington, 2001; Hunter-Carsch, 2001; Scott, 2004).

Researchers in the UK have been investigating depression and anxiety in children with learning disabilities for quite some time (Brumback, Dietz-Schmidt, & Weinberg, 1977;

1 A single definition for depression has not been found. We use the terms depression, depressive mood, depressive disorder and depressive symptoms interchangeably. In the studies on depression and dyslexia presented in the introduction and in our study, the objective of the researchers is not to

**1. Introduction** 

empirically studied.

were dyslexic (Billard et al., 2007).

found when trying to associate depression and dyslexia.

diagnose depression but rather to evaluate the level of depressive symptoms.

Ziviano, J. and Watson-Will, A. (1998) 'Writing speed and legibility of 7-14 year old school students using modern cursive script' *Australian Occupational Therapy Journal* 45 59- 64 eISSN 1440-1630

## **Depression in Dyslexic Children Attending Specialized Schools: A Case of Switzerland**

Tamara Leonova *University of Nancy, France* 

#### **1. Introduction**

146 Dyslexia – A Comprehensive and International Approach

Ziviano, J. and Watson-Will, A. (1998) 'Writing speed and legibility of 7-14 year old school

64 eISSN 1440-1630

students using modern cursive script' *Australian Occupational Therapy Journal* 45 59-

Dyslexia (specific reading disability) is a common, cognitively and behaviorally heterogeneous developmental condition, characterized primarily by a severe difficulty in mastering reading despite average intelligence and adequate education (Grigorenko, 2001). A recent epidemiological study in France found 3.5% of the students in 2nd grade (CE1) were dyslexic (Billard et al., 2007).

According to an INSERM report (Expertise de l'INSERM, p. 162), even though dyslexia is the most studied of the learning disabilities, the scientific community knows relatively little about it, and most of this knowledge comes from studies done about the cognitive, social and emotional development of English-speaking dyslexics. The depressive symptoms of French-speaking children and adolescents suffering from reading disabilities have not been empirically studied.

In general, learning disabilities (LD) increase the risk of depression. According to a literature review based on research conducted between 1980 and 2003, 16 out of 24 studies (67%) found that the level of depression of those suffering from LD was significantly higher than those without LD (Sideridis, 2006). New theoretical models have been developed to explain depression in students with LD (e.g., Sideridis, 2005, 2007). In a review of publications on the links between literacy and mental disorders, Maughan and Carroll (2006) concluded "literacy problems are associated with increased risks of both externalizing and internalizing disorders in childhood" (p. 350). They also highlighted the inconsistent results found when trying to associate depression and dyslexia.

Researchers and practitioners have focused on depression1 since it is one of the major risk factors in youth suicide. Several publications on dyslexia and schooling of dyslexic children mention that they are susceptible to developing depression (Hulme & Snowling, 1997; Reid & Fawcett, 2004; Hunter-Carsch & Herrington, 2001; Hunter-Carsch, 2001; Scott, 2004).

Researchers in the UK have been investigating depression and anxiety in children with learning disabilities for quite some time (Brumback, Dietz-Schmidt, & Weinberg, 1977;

<sup>1</sup> A single definition for depression has not been found. We use the terms depression, depressive mood, depressive disorder and depressive symptoms interchangeably. In the studies on depression and dyslexia presented in the introduction and in our study, the objective of the researchers is not to diagnose depression but rather to evaluate the level of depressive symptoms.

Depression in Dyslexic Children Attending Specialized Schools: A Case of Switzerland 149

specific reading disabilities. Reading disabilities were associated with depressive mood in self-evaluation scores of adolescents. Although there was no association between dyslexia and depressive mood in girls, there was a strong correlation between depression and dyslexia in boys, especially younger ones. Carroll et al., thus, concluded that specific reading disabilities were associated with all the major psychiatric diagnosis except with depression where no relationship was found. No link between dyslexia and depression was found

Results from research by Miller, Hynd and Miller (2005) conducted in the USA, based on a different methodology with three sources of information, were similar to those of Carroll et al. (2005). These researchers did not test for the impact of gender due to sample size (N = 79 with 20 people with dyslexia and 59 without, from 6 to 16 years old). Instead they used three sources of information (i.e., parents, children, and teachers), and two types of diagnosis for dyslexia as well as measuring depression, anxiety and somatic symptoms. Since no significant difference in level of depressive symptoms was found between dyslexic children and the control group, when comparing depressive symptoms according to information source, type of dyslexic diagnosis or measurement, Miller et al. concluded there was no significant difference between the two groups. For dyslexic children and adolescents

In a more recent study conducted by Alexander-Passe (2006), the depression scores of 19 dyslexic adolescents (12 boys and 7 girls from 14 to 16 years old) were compared with scores of different groups of subjects from other studies using the same measurements (i.e., Beck Depression Inventory-II; Beck, Steer, & Brown, 1996). These girls seemed to have a moderate level of depression, whereas boys had a low level. The overall depression scores of dyslexic adolescents were slightly higher than the norm of students without dyslexia, though not

What conclusions can be drawn from these studies? First of all, it is difficult to compare these studies as they use different methodologies, samples and measurement tools. Secondly, when control groups were used, certain researchers found the differences significant (e.g. Casey et al., 1992), whereas others considered depression scores of dyslexic students to be similar to those of the control group (e.g. Boetsch et al., 1996; Miller et al., 2005; Alexander-Passe, 2006) or that only girls' scores were different (e.g. Willcutt & Pennington, 2000). Thirdly, only three studies namely, Alexander-Passe (2006), Miller and al. (2005) and Willcutt & Pennington (2000) refer to normal depression scores to evaluate levels of depression in the studied samples. Therefore, though problems of depression seem to be associated with reading disabilities, particularly with girls, more systematic studies using same methodologies, similar samples and same measurement protocols are needed to

Languages' alphabetical systems differ in their degree of grapheme-phoneme correspondence transparency. Some languages have systems that are considered to be transparent as they transcribe surface phonology with relative fidelity. Others have opaque spelling; their graphicphonologic encoding rules are inconsistent (Grigorenko, 2001; Ziegler & Montant, 2005).

Research on reading and writing acquisition in French has found that French is in between these two groups of languages. French is closer to transparent languages when being read. On the other hand, phoneme-grapheme relationships in French are much more irregular

all the depression scores were within the norms and no age effect was found.

conclusively evaluate the risks of depression with dyslexia.

(Carroll et al., 2005).

reaching clinical levels.

Stevenson & Romney, 1984), whereas in France little research on the problem has been conducted. We therefore chose to investigate the level of depressive symptoms in French speaking dyslexic students and to examine the prevalence of children with clinical symptoms of depression. After presenting the results of research on depression in dyslexic children and adolescents, we will briefly discuss the limitations of generalizing research conducted in English, dominant in this field, when extended to a sample of French-speaking dyslexic students. The second part of the chapter will present a study exploring depressive symptoms in French-speaking students.

#### **2. Depression in children and adolescents with dyslexia**

In the first decade of the 21st century, researchers have become increasingly interested in depression in children and adolescents with dyslexia (e.g. Carroll, Maughan, Goodman, & Meltzer, 2005; Maughan, Rowe, Loeber, & Stouthamer-Loeber, 2003; Miller, Hynd, & Miller, 2005; Willcutt & Pennington, 2000), as well as adults with dyslexia (Alexander-Passe, 2006). Nonetheless, the first studies on the internalized problems and depression in people with specific reading disabilities were conducted during 1980s and also at the beginning of the 1990s (e.g. Casey, Levy, Brown, & Brooksgunn, 1992; Kline, 1986). Results showed that children with dyslexia were more anxious and less happy than peers without dyslexia, despite their coming from families with high socio-economic levels, with parents having strong educational backgrounds and being well informed about dyslexia (Casey, Levy, Brown, & Brooksgunn, 1992). This study compared 28 dyslexic children with 39 children in a control group and was based of evaluations by parents.

A few years later the results of another study helped to improve our understanding of depression in people with dyslexia. By comparing depression measurements in children, adolescents and adults with dyslexia in a cross-sectional study, Boetsch, Green and Pennington (1996) showed that children and adolescents had high levels of depression compared to the control group. On the other hand, in dyslexic adults the degree of depressive symptoms was comparable to the control group. It therefore seems that people with dyslexia feel less depressed and happier as they grow up.

Willcutt and Pennington (2000) in a study comparing behavior problems in twins with and without dyslexia found that girls had higher levels of depression than boys. Reading disability and depression were specifically associated only for girls. These results support those found by Dekker, Ferdinand, van Lang, Bongers, van der Ende and Verhulst (2007) on the general population and the critical review of literature by Piccinelli and Wilkinson (2000) that found that girls suffered from higher levels of depression than boys.

Research by Maughan and al. (2003) based on results from a longitudinal study with three periods of internalized and externalized problems of dyslexic boys between 9 and 15 years old found that the percentage of boys labeled as being depressed decreased with age: 13.4% at 7 years old, 7.1% at 10 and 2.5% at 13. They suggested that reading disabilities were strongly associated with short-term depression, but that there was no increased risk of longterm depression.

In another study in the UK, Carroll, Maughan, Goodman, & Meltzer (2005) evaluated different internal and external problems in 68 girls and 221 boys from 11 to 15 years old with

Stevenson & Romney, 1984), whereas in France little research on the problem has been conducted. We therefore chose to investigate the level of depressive symptoms in French speaking dyslexic students and to examine the prevalence of children with clinical symptoms of depression. After presenting the results of research on depression in dyslexic children and adolescents, we will briefly discuss the limitations of generalizing research conducted in English, dominant in this field, when extended to a sample of French-speaking dyslexic students. The second part of the chapter will present a study exploring depressive

In the first decade of the 21st century, researchers have become increasingly interested in depression in children and adolescents with dyslexia (e.g. Carroll, Maughan, Goodman, & Meltzer, 2005; Maughan, Rowe, Loeber, & Stouthamer-Loeber, 2003; Miller, Hynd, & Miller, 2005; Willcutt & Pennington, 2000), as well as adults with dyslexia (Alexander-Passe, 2006). Nonetheless, the first studies on the internalized problems and depression in people with specific reading disabilities were conducted during 1980s and also at the beginning of the 1990s (e.g. Casey, Levy, Brown, & Brooksgunn, 1992; Kline, 1986). Results showed that children with dyslexia were more anxious and less happy than peers without dyslexia, despite their coming from families with high socio-economic levels, with parents having strong educational backgrounds and being well informed about dyslexia (Casey, Levy, Brown, & Brooksgunn, 1992). This study compared 28 dyslexic children with 39 children in

A few years later the results of another study helped to improve our understanding of depression in people with dyslexia. By comparing depression measurements in children, adolescents and adults with dyslexia in a cross-sectional study, Boetsch, Green and Pennington (1996) showed that children and adolescents had high levels of depression compared to the control group. On the other hand, in dyslexic adults the degree of depressive symptoms was comparable to the control group. It therefore seems that people

Willcutt and Pennington (2000) in a study comparing behavior problems in twins with and without dyslexia found that girls had higher levels of depression than boys. Reading disability and depression were specifically associated only for girls. These results support those found by Dekker, Ferdinand, van Lang, Bongers, van der Ende and Verhulst (2007) on the general population and the critical review of literature by Piccinelli and Wilkinson (2000)

Research by Maughan and al. (2003) based on results from a longitudinal study with three periods of internalized and externalized problems of dyslexic boys between 9 and 15 years old found that the percentage of boys labeled as being depressed decreased with age: 13.4% at 7 years old, 7.1% at 10 and 2.5% at 13. They suggested that reading disabilities were strongly associated with short-term depression, but that there was no increased risk of long-

In another study in the UK, Carroll, Maughan, Goodman, & Meltzer (2005) evaluated different internal and external problems in 68 girls and 221 boys from 11 to 15 years old with

symptoms in French-speaking students.

**2. Depression in children and adolescents with dyslexia** 

a control group and was based of evaluations by parents.

with dyslexia feel less depressed and happier as they grow up.

term depression.

that found that girls suffered from higher levels of depression than boys.

specific reading disabilities. Reading disabilities were associated with depressive mood in self-evaluation scores of adolescents. Although there was no association between dyslexia and depressive mood in girls, there was a strong correlation between depression and dyslexia in boys, especially younger ones. Carroll et al., thus, concluded that specific reading disabilities were associated with all the major psychiatric diagnosis except with depression where no relationship was found. No link between dyslexia and depression was found (Carroll et al., 2005).

Results from research by Miller, Hynd and Miller (2005) conducted in the USA, based on a different methodology with three sources of information, were similar to those of Carroll et al. (2005). These researchers did not test for the impact of gender due to sample size (N = 79 with 20 people with dyslexia and 59 without, from 6 to 16 years old). Instead they used three sources of information (i.e., parents, children, and teachers), and two types of diagnosis for dyslexia as well as measuring depression, anxiety and somatic symptoms. Since no significant difference in level of depressive symptoms was found between dyslexic children and the control group, when comparing depressive symptoms according to information source, type of dyslexic diagnosis or measurement, Miller et al. concluded there was no significant difference between the two groups. For dyslexic children and adolescents all the depression scores were within the norms and no age effect was found.

In a more recent study conducted by Alexander-Passe (2006), the depression scores of 19 dyslexic adolescents (12 boys and 7 girls from 14 to 16 years old) were compared with scores of different groups of subjects from other studies using the same measurements (i.e., Beck Depression Inventory-II; Beck, Steer, & Brown, 1996). These girls seemed to have a moderate level of depression, whereas boys had a low level. The overall depression scores of dyslexic adolescents were slightly higher than the norm of students without dyslexia, though not reaching clinical levels.

What conclusions can be drawn from these studies? First of all, it is difficult to compare these studies as they use different methodologies, samples and measurement tools. Secondly, when control groups were used, certain researchers found the differences significant (e.g. Casey et al., 1992), whereas others considered depression scores of dyslexic students to be similar to those of the control group (e.g. Boetsch et al., 1996; Miller et al., 2005; Alexander-Passe, 2006) or that only girls' scores were different (e.g. Willcutt & Pennington, 2000). Thirdly, only three studies namely, Alexander-Passe (2006), Miller and al. (2005) and Willcutt & Pennington (2000) refer to normal depression scores to evaluate levels of depression in the studied samples. Therefore, though problems of depression seem to be associated with reading disabilities, particularly with girls, more systematic studies using same methodologies, similar samples and same measurement protocols are needed to conclusively evaluate the risks of depression with dyslexia.

Languages' alphabetical systems differ in their degree of grapheme-phoneme correspondence transparency. Some languages have systems that are considered to be transparent as they transcribe surface phonology with relative fidelity. Others have opaque spelling; their graphicphonologic encoding rules are inconsistent (Grigorenko, 2001; Ziegler & Montant, 2005).

Research on reading and writing acquisition in French has found that French is in between these two groups of languages. French is closer to transparent languages when being read. On the other hand, phoneme-grapheme relationships in French are much more irregular

Depression in Dyslexic Children Attending Specialized Schools: A Case of Switzerland 151

This information was obtained from parents' responses to a questionnaire designed for this study. The socio-demographic characteristics of the families are presented in Table 1.

35 (13 female and 22 male) dyslexic children (M = 10 years 7 months, SD = 1.49, from 8 years 2 months to 14 years 10 months) took part in the study. All had been diagnosed as dyslexic by age 8 - 9 years by the canton school system. All had global IQs greater than 80 (IQ scores were indicated in their school files). All the children had remedial speech therapy three times per week during the school year (average weekly duration: one and half hours) and their reading skills were between 1 year 8 months and 4 years 9 months behind, according to Test de l'Alouette. Their hyperactivity scores in SDQ (Goodman, 2001) were less than 6

Age chosen for the sample is justified since obligatory schooling in Switzerland is from 6 to 15 years old. As a result, one of dyslexia's known characteristics, being 2 years behind in

The children in the control group were all recruited from French-speaking schools in Fribourg canton. 31 (16 female and 15 male) children (M = 11 years 2 months, SD = 2.46, from 8 years 4 months to 15 years 1 month) participated in the study. All children had their parents' consent. To collect information about families and their child's development, parents also completed a questionnaire identical to the one completed for dyslexic children. Dyslexic and control groups were matched for age and gender as best possible. The socio-

Data analysis suggests that more mothers finished secondary school in the control group than did mothers of dyslexic children. More mothers of dyslexic children have manual professions. Significantly more mothers of the control group are housewives. Overall, mothers of children without dyslexia had higher levels of schooling, and as housewives, they had more opportunity to take care of the children and better help them with their

We were not allowed to give IQ tests to the control group: according to the school, all children in the normal school system had normal IQs. The children in the control group took a reading test (i.e. Test de l'Alouette) to test the reading skills, as well as Children's Depression Inventory by Kovacs (2001). The Test de l'Alouette results confirmed that children in the control group had normal reading skills for their age. Since students' schedules were already quite busy, the school did not authorize us to diagnose for dyslexia

During the first step, we tested to confirm that the children in the dyslexic group were properly diagnosed as dyslexic. Reading level was assessed using Test de l'Alouette (Lefevrais, 1967), a standard reading achievement test widely used with French children. A

Informed and written consent was obtained from subjects' parents.

**4.1.1 Selection of the dyslexic children** 

reading skills, can be found in 8 year old children.

**4.1.2 Selection of children in the control group** 

using ODEDYS (*Outil de Dépistage des Dyslexies*) tests.

demographic characteristics of the families are presented in Table 1.

(within the normal range).

schoolwork.

**4.2 Procedure** 

(Peereman & Content, 1999; Sprenger-Charolles & Serniclaes, 2003; Ziegler, Jacobs, & Stone, 1996). As a result, when learning spelling, French is closer to opaque or irregular languages like English (Ziegler & Montant, 2005). Since French spelling is more regular than English, French dyslexics have less problems with reading skills than English ones do. French dyslexic reading disabilities should have less impact on other school learning than for English speakers, and thus one might argue that there should be less symptoms of depression. English-speaking dyslexics seem be the most linguistically and thus socially disadvantaged. Applying generalized findings about the psychological well-being of this group to other groups with linguistic advantages would be unjustified. We can conclude that in the case of dyslexia, the language spoken by a dyslexic person must be taken into consideration when evaluating their difficulties.

Language regularity is not the only factor limiting the external validity of findings with English-speakers. Other factors, part of cultural context, are also pertinent as they affect the quality and quantity of difficulties that dyslexics confront. Some studies have highlighted the effect of school choice on dyslexic child self-esteem (Burden, 2005; Humphrey, 2002; Thomson, 1990) and on general psychological functioning of children with learning disabilities (Wiener & Tardif, 2004). Even if the findings of these studies are sometimes contradictory or difficult to interpret due to methodology (e.g., no control group or inadequate sample selection) they still suggest that school choice influences the psychological well-being of dyslexic children.

We hypothesize therefore both that language characteristics (opaque verses transparent spelling) influence the visibility of dyslexia in a person and that educational systems, in particular specialized ones, affect a student's psychological well-being. Since educational systems in different countries, attitudes towards dyslexia and knowledge about this specific learning disability in different cultures are quite different, generalizing findings from research on English-speakers or other countries or languages would be unjustifiable.

#### **3. Objectives**

Our study has two objectives: 1) examine the level of depressive symptoms in Frenchspeaking dyslexic children in a specialized school in French-speaking Switzerland and compare them with children without dyslexia, and 2) evaluate the level of depressive symptoms in the two populations. Little international research has been conducted on this type of specialized schooling for dyslexic children.

#### **4. Method**

#### **4.1 Participants**

Sixty-six children participated in the study: 35 dyslexic children in a specialized school and 31 children without dyslexia. All were from Fribourg canton in Switzerland and had French as their maternal and only language spoken at home. They all had started school at age 5 to 62, had traditional schooling, no serious neurological, sight or hearing problems, took no regular medication, nor had any oral language problems, anxiety or depressive disorders.

 2 In Fribourg canton, school is not obligatory for children when they are 5 years old. Most children start primary school at age 6.

This information was obtained from parents' responses to a questionnaire designed for this study. The socio-demographic characteristics of the families are presented in Table 1. Informed and written consent was obtained from subjects' parents.

#### **4.1.1 Selection of the dyslexic children**

150 Dyslexia – A Comprehensive and International Approach

(Peereman & Content, 1999; Sprenger-Charolles & Serniclaes, 2003; Ziegler, Jacobs, & Stone, 1996). As a result, when learning spelling, French is closer to opaque or irregular languages like English (Ziegler & Montant, 2005). Since French spelling is more regular than English, French dyslexics have less problems with reading skills than English ones do. French dyslexic reading disabilities should have less impact on other school learning than for English speakers, and thus one might argue that there should be less symptoms of depression. English-speaking dyslexics seem be the most linguistically and thus socially disadvantaged. Applying generalized findings about the psychological well-being of this group to other groups with linguistic advantages would be unjustified. We can conclude that in the case of dyslexia, the language spoken by a dyslexic person must be taken into

Language regularity is not the only factor limiting the external validity of findings with English-speakers. Other factors, part of cultural context, are also pertinent as they affect the quality and quantity of difficulties that dyslexics confront. Some studies have highlighted the effect of school choice on dyslexic child self-esteem (Burden, 2005; Humphrey, 2002; Thomson, 1990) and on general psychological functioning of children with learning disabilities (Wiener & Tardif, 2004). Even if the findings of these studies are sometimes contradictory or difficult to interpret due to methodology (e.g., no control group or inadequate sample selection) they still suggest that school choice influences the

We hypothesize therefore both that language characteristics (opaque verses transparent spelling) influence the visibility of dyslexia in a person and that educational systems, in particular specialized ones, affect a student's psychological well-being. Since educational systems in different countries, attitudes towards dyslexia and knowledge about this specific learning disability in different cultures are quite different, generalizing findings from

Our study has two objectives: 1) examine the level of depressive symptoms in Frenchspeaking dyslexic children in a specialized school in French-speaking Switzerland and compare them with children without dyslexia, and 2) evaluate the level of depressive symptoms in the two populations. Little international research has been conducted on this

Sixty-six children participated in the study: 35 dyslexic children in a specialized school and 31 children without dyslexia. All were from Fribourg canton in Switzerland and had French as their maternal and only language spoken at home. They all had started school at age 5 to 62, had traditional schooling, no serious neurological, sight or hearing problems, took no regular medication, nor had any oral language problems, anxiety or depressive disorders.

In Fribourg canton, school is not obligatory for children when they are 5 years old. Most children start

research on English-speakers or other countries or languages would be unjustifiable.

consideration when evaluating their difficulties.

psychological well-being of dyslexic children.

type of specialized schooling for dyslexic children.

**3. Objectives** 

**4. Method** 

 2

**4.1 Participants** 

primary school at age 6.

35 (13 female and 22 male) dyslexic children (M = 10 years 7 months, SD = 1.49, from 8 years 2 months to 14 years 10 months) took part in the study. All had been diagnosed as dyslexic by age 8 - 9 years by the canton school system. All had global IQs greater than 80 (IQ scores were indicated in their school files). All the children had remedial speech therapy three times per week during the school year (average weekly duration: one and half hours) and their reading skills were between 1 year 8 months and 4 years 9 months behind, according to Test de l'Alouette. Their hyperactivity scores in SDQ (Goodman, 2001) were less than 6 (within the normal range).

Age chosen for the sample is justified since obligatory schooling in Switzerland is from 6 to 15 years old. As a result, one of dyslexia's known characteristics, being 2 years behind in reading skills, can be found in 8 year old children.

#### **4.1.2 Selection of children in the control group**

The children in the control group were all recruited from French-speaking schools in Fribourg canton. 31 (16 female and 15 male) children (M = 11 years 2 months, SD = 2.46, from 8 years 4 months to 15 years 1 month) participated in the study. All children had their parents' consent. To collect information about families and their child's development, parents also completed a questionnaire identical to the one completed for dyslexic children. Dyslexic and control groups were matched for age and gender as best possible. The sociodemographic characteristics of the families are presented in Table 1.

Data analysis suggests that more mothers finished secondary school in the control group than did mothers of dyslexic children. More mothers of dyslexic children have manual professions. Significantly more mothers of the control group are housewives. Overall, mothers of children without dyslexia had higher levels of schooling, and as housewives, they had more opportunity to take care of the children and better help them with their schoolwork.

We were not allowed to give IQ tests to the control group: according to the school, all children in the normal school system had normal IQs. The children in the control group took a reading test (i.e. Test de l'Alouette) to test the reading skills, as well as Children's Depression Inventory by Kovacs (2001). The Test de l'Alouette results confirmed that children in the control group had normal reading skills for their age. Since students' schedules were already quite busy, the school did not authorize us to diagnose for dyslexia using ODEDYS (*Outil de Dépistage des Dyslexies*) tests.

#### **4.2 Procedure**

During the first step, we tested to confirm that the children in the dyslexic group were properly diagnosed as dyslexic. Reading level was assessed using Test de l'Alouette (Lefevrais, 1967), a standard reading achievement test widely used with French children. A

Depression in Dyslexic Children Attending Specialized Schools: A Case of Switzerland 153

*Number of irregular words correctly read* 6.61 (20)a 4.66 *Time taken for task (sec)* 51.52 25.85 *Number of regular words correctly read* 14.39 (20) 4.42 *Time taken for task (sec)* 44.85 24.32 *Number of pseudo words correctly read* 12.06 (20) 4.38 *Time taken for task (sec)* 46.76 22.95 *Number of correct responses in suppression task* 6.67 (10) 2.47 *Number of correct responses in fusion task* 6.91 (10) 2.55

*Number of irregular words correctly written* 2.36 (10) 3.00 *Number of regular words correctly written* 6.06 (10) 2.81 *Number of pseudo words correctly written* 5.61 (10) 3.07

CDI is a self-evaluation scale of depression for children and adolescents, 7 to 17 years old, elaborated by Kovacs in 1981. It has 27 items to specifically evaluate the different aspects of depression. Each item has three phrases , rated 0 to 2, to describe the increasing intensity of the depressive symptom. The child chooses the phrase that corresponds best to his state during the last 15 days (Bouvard et al., 2002). The global depression score is the sum of the scores of the 27 items. Global scores run from 0 to 54, higher scores representing more severe depression. CDI scores above 13 correspond to a moderate-severe depression (Greenham,

We chose this test for three reasons. First, it is often used in research about depression in children and adolescents. It may be the optimal measurement of depression in children and adolescents (Vella, Heath, & Miezitis, 1992). Secondly, it is relatively short (27 items compared with 79 in MDI-C (*Multiscore Depression Inventory for Children,* Berndt & Kaiser, 1999), which is also validated in French); as a result it is particularly well adapted for students with learning disabilities whose attention and concentration spans are quite limited. Finally, it has good psychometric characteristics (see Table 3 for comparison with alphas of Cronbach) and good retest reproducibility (r = .82) after a period of one month (Finch, Saylor, Edwards, & McIntosh, 1987). The validity of CDI has been confirmed by significant correlations with other methods of depression self-evaluation (Asarnow &

*Short term memory - right span - wrong span* 

**4.3 Measurements** 

1999).

a Number in parentheses is maximal score for each task.

Children's Depression Inventory (CDI) (Kovacs, 2001)

Table 2. Means and standard deviations of the ODEDYS tests

ODEDYS tasks *M SD* 

5.91 (8) 2.73 (8) 1.91 1.13

meaningful passage was presented, and the participant had to read it aloud (within a 3-min time limit). Time (in sec/syllable) and accuracy (number of errors, adjusted for the amount of text read) were measured.

We used ODEDYS (2002), which offers a number of tasks designed to evaluate skills that are frequently limited or deficient in dyslexic children. The scores for each task in ODEDYS are presented in Table 2.


ª %

<sup>b</sup> *p* < .001 (χ2 (2, *N* = 62) = 17.94

<sup>c</sup> *p* < .05 (χ2 (2, *N* = 62) = 3.90

d *p* < .001 (χ2 (2, *N* = 62) = 23.09

Table 1. Demographic characteristics of the sample

The second step was to evaluate children's depression.

All of the evaluations took place individually in a room set aside by the corresponding school for the researchers. To insure that dyslexic students' reading difficulties did not interfere with their understanding the questionnaire, each item of the CDI (*Children's Depression Inventory*, Kovacs, 2001) was read aloud to the dyslexic child, after which the child indicated the sentence that best described himself/herself. The same procedure was followed with the control group.

At the end of the session each student was thanked and received a candy.


a Number in parentheses is maximal score for each task.

Table 2. Means and standard deviations of the ODEDYS tests

#### **4.3 Measurements**

152 Dyslexia – A Comprehensive and International Approach

meaningful passage was presented, and the participant had to read it aloud (within a 3-min time limit). Time (in sec/syllable) and accuracy (number of errors, adjusted for the amount

We used ODEDYS (2002), which offers a number of tasks designed to evaluate skills that are frequently limited or deficient in dyslexic children. The scores for each task in ODEDYS are

(*n* = 35)

*SD* = 1.49

37a 63

45.9

5.4 38.7

*Primary* 5.4 3.2 *Secondary* 43.3b 58.1b

*Non manual* 64.9 67.7 *Housewife* 5.4d 19.4d *No response* 5.4 -

*Non manual* 45.9 58.1 *No response* 5.4 -

**Control group**  (*n =* 31)

*M* = 11.2 years *SD* = 2.46

> 52 48

> > -

**Dyslexic children** 

Age *M* = 10.7 years

*Higher education No response* 

Mother's profession *Manual* 24.3c 12.9c

Father's profession *Manual* 48.7 41.9

All of the evaluations took place individually in a room set aside by the corresponding school for the researchers. To insure that dyslexic students' reading difficulties did not interfere with their understanding the questionnaire, each item of the CDI (*Children's Depression Inventory*, Kovacs, 2001) was read aloud to the dyslexic child, after which the child indicated the sentence that best described himself/herself. The same procedure was

At the end of the session each student was thanked and received a candy.

*Boys*

of text read) were measured.

Sex *Girls* 

presented in Table 2.

Mother's level of

studies

ª % <sup>b</sup> *p* < .001 (

<sup>c</sup> *p* < .05 (χ

d *p* < .001 (

χ

χ

2 (2, *N* = 62) = 17.94

2 (2, *N* = 62) = 23.09

Table 1. Demographic characteristics of the sample

The second step was to evaluate children's depression.

2 (2, *N* = 62) = 3.90

followed with the control group.

Children's Depression Inventory (CDI) (Kovacs, 2001)

CDI is a self-evaluation scale of depression for children and adolescents, 7 to 17 years old, elaborated by Kovacs in 1981. It has 27 items to specifically evaluate the different aspects of depression. Each item has three phrases , rated 0 to 2, to describe the increasing intensity of the depressive symptom. The child chooses the phrase that corresponds best to his state during the last 15 days (Bouvard et al., 2002). The global depression score is the sum of the scores of the 27 items. Global scores run from 0 to 54, higher scores representing more severe depression. CDI scores above 13 correspond to a moderate-severe depression (Greenham, 1999).

We chose this test for three reasons. First, it is often used in research about depression in children and adolescents. It may be the optimal measurement of depression in children and adolescents (Vella, Heath, & Miezitis, 1992). Secondly, it is relatively short (27 items compared with 79 in MDI-C (*Multiscore Depression Inventory for Children,* Berndt & Kaiser, 1999), which is also validated in French); as a result it is particularly well adapted for students with learning disabilities whose attention and concentration spans are quite limited. Finally, it has good psychometric characteristics (see Table 3 for comparison with alphas of Cronbach) and good retest reproducibility (r = .82) after a period of one month (Finch, Saylor, Edwards, & McIntosh, 1987). The validity of CDI has been confirmed by significant correlations with other methods of depression self-evaluation (Asarnow &

Depression in Dyslexic Children Attending Specialized Schools: A Case of Switzerland 155

weak levels of depression and only 3% had clinical levels. Separate chi-square tests for each group showed significant differences in the number of students with weak vs clinical levels

Table 4. Means and standard deviations of depression scores as a function of group, sex and

Dyslexics (*n* = 35)

*Global CDI* 80ac 20ad 97bc 3bd

Table 5. Percentage of students with low vs high levels of depression as a function of group

The objective of our study was to compare the levels of depressive symptoms in dyslexic French-speaking students in specialized schools with students without dyslexia and to establish the prevalence of depressive symptoms in these dyslexic students. As mentioned in the introduction, relatively little research has been conducted to investigate depression in people with dyslexia. Their results are inconsistent. In addition, most of these studies have been carried out with English speakers. Nonetheless, educational systems and specialized educational structures differ from one country to the next. Furthermore, different languages offer intrinsically different levels of difficulty for people with dyslexia. The extremely irregular grapheme-to-phoneme correspondence (GPC) of English is quite an obstacle for students learning to read, and particularly so for dyslexic children (Seymour, Aro, & Erskine, 2003). Even though French is classified as a language with irregular GPC, as noted

The findings in this study suggest that global scores of depression appear to be the same for dyslexic children and the control group. These results are consistent with those found by Miller et al. (2005), who used CDI with children and adolescents from 6 to 16 years old.

High level of depression

Low level of depression

Children with dyslexia (*n* = 35) 8.74 7.24 Children without dyslexia (*n* = 31) 6.77 3.99 Girls (*n* = 29) 7.14 5.19 Boys (*n* = 37) 8.35 6.55 8-10 year-olds (*n* = 34) 8.44 6.80 11-15 year-olds (*n* = 32) 7.16 4.98

*M SD* 

Control group (*n* = 31)

> High level of depression

Low level of depression

of depression (p < .01).

age.

a, b *<sup>p</sup>* < .001 c *<sup>p</sup>* < .05 <sup>d</sup> *p* < .05

**6. Discussion** 

earlier, it is more regular for reading than English.


Carlson, 1985; Shain, Naylor, & Alessi, 1990) and with ranking of depressive symptoms by clinical psychologists (Hodges & Craighead, 1990; Shain and al., 1990).

a after Cuillerier (2004)

Table 3. Cronbach's alphas of CDI by Kovacs (2001) from different studies

## **5. Results**

#### **5.1 Level of depressive symptoms**

To compare the level of depression between dyslexic students and those in the control group, we performed an analysis of variance (ANOVA), using 2 (Group: dyslexics vs control) x 2 (Sex: girls vs boys) x 2 (Age: 8-10 vs 11-15 years old) as between-subjects variables with variable Group introduced as a fixed variable and the variables Sex and Age as covariates. The results show that there was no significant main effect of the variable Group (F(1, 62) = 1.23, p > .05). There was no main effect of the variable Sex (F < 1) and the variable Age (F < 1). The means and standard deviations are presented in Table 4.

#### **5.2 Prevalence of depressive symptoms in dyslexic children and adolescents**

Do dyslexic children and the control group have the same risk of depression? To answer this question, we analyzed the two groups by comparing the dimension of the severity of depression. One of the advantages of CDI scale is that it has normative references used by professionals to establish the clinical level of depression. Global CDI scores above 13 correspond to a moderate to severe depression. Table 4 shows means and SD of CDI scores for dyslexic and non-dyslexic children.

To evaluate the severity of depression in children, we reassigned the global score of depression a categorical value of 1 for CDI scores between 0 and 13, and 2 for scores over 13. We thereby distinguished between weak and clinical cases of depression (i.e. moderate and severe). We then calculated percentages of children with weak and clinical levels of depression for each group. The results presented in Table 5 clearly show that in the group of dyslexic children 80% have weak levels of depression and 20% have moderate to severe levels. Results from the control group revealed that in children without dyslexia 97% had


Table 4. Means and standard deviations of depression scores as a function of group, sex and age.


a, b *<sup>p</sup>* < .001 c *<sup>p</sup>* < .05

154 Dyslexia – A Comprehensive and International Approach

Carlson, 1985; Shain, Naylor, & Alessi, 1990) and with ranking of depressive symptoms by

(2001)

French version of Lise Saint-Laurent

clinical psychologists (Hodges & Craighead, 1990; Shain and al., 1990).

Subcategories Our study Kovacs

*Pleasure* .60 .66 -

*Negative mood* .48 .62 -

*Feeling of inefficiency* .52 .63 -

*Interpersonal problems* .71 .59 -

*Negative self-esteem* .64 .68 -

*Global CDI* .85 .71-.89 .92 a

variable Age (F < 1). The means and standard deviations are presented in Table 4.

**5.2 Prevalence of depressive symptoms in dyslexic children and adolescents** 

To compare the level of depression between dyslexic students and those in the control group, we performed an analysis of variance (ANOVA), using 2 (Group: dyslexics vs control) x 2 (Sex: girls vs boys) x 2 (Age: 8-10 vs 11-15 years old) as between-subjects variables with variable Group introduced as a fixed variable and the variables Sex and Age as covariates. The results show that there was no significant main effect of the variable Group (F(1, 62) = 1.23, p > .05). There was no main effect of the variable Sex (F < 1) and the

Do dyslexic children and the control group have the same risk of depression? To answer this question, we analyzed the two groups by comparing the dimension of the severity of depression. One of the advantages of CDI scale is that it has normative references used by professionals to establish the clinical level of depression. Global CDI scores above 13 correspond to a moderate to severe depression. Table 4 shows means and SD of CDI scores

To evaluate the severity of depression in children, we reassigned the global score of depression a categorical value of 1 for CDI scores between 0 and 13, and 2 for scores over 13. We thereby distinguished between weak and clinical cases of depression (i.e. moderate and severe). We then calculated percentages of children with weak and clinical levels of depression for each group. The results presented in Table 5 clearly show that in the group of dyslexic children 80% have weak levels of depression and 20% have moderate to severe levels. Results from the control group revealed that in children without dyslexia 97% had

Table 3. Cronbach's alphas of CDI by Kovacs (2001) from different studies

a after Cuillerier (2004)

**5.1 Level of depressive symptoms** 

for dyslexic and non-dyslexic children.

**5. Results** 

<sup>d</sup> *p* < .05

Table 5. Percentage of students with low vs high levels of depression as a function of group

#### **6. Discussion**

The objective of our study was to compare the levels of depressive symptoms in dyslexic French-speaking students in specialized schools with students without dyslexia and to establish the prevalence of depressive symptoms in these dyslexic students. As mentioned in the introduction, relatively little research has been conducted to investigate depression in people with dyslexia. Their results are inconsistent. In addition, most of these studies have been carried out with English speakers. Nonetheless, educational systems and specialized educational structures differ from one country to the next. Furthermore, different languages offer intrinsically different levels of difficulty for people with dyslexia. The extremely irregular grapheme-to-phoneme correspondence (GPC) of English is quite an obstacle for students learning to read, and particularly so for dyslexic children (Seymour, Aro, & Erskine, 2003). Even though French is classified as a language with irregular GPC, as noted earlier, it is more regular for reading than English.

The findings in this study suggest that global scores of depression appear to be the same for dyslexic children and the control group. These results are consistent with those found by Miller et al. (2005), who used CDI with children and adolescents from 6 to 16 years old.

Depression in Dyslexic Children Attending Specialized Schools: A Case of Switzerland 157

perspective of intercultural research on the psychological well-being of dyslexic children as a function of different systems of school integration of these children in countries such France, Switzerland, Canada and Belgium. Research in this field until now has been limited

First, dyslexic children in a specialized school do not show more signs of emotional distress than students without dyslexia. As a group, regardless of age or sex, they are no more at risk

Secondly, though as a group dyslexic students had a relatively low level of depression, the percentage of dyslexic students with clinical depression is significantly higher than that of the control group. This implies that parents and teachers must be attentive to these children's psychological well-being and wary of their slightest signs of distress. Adults must constantly be aware of the considerable individual differences within a group of dyslexic students. As risk factors and protection have not been studied much in dyslexic students, we can only conclude that these students are not all the same when facing psychological problems they may develop during their years of schooling. Though the current results showing no difference between dyslexic and non-dyslexic children may be reassuring, they must not be generalized for all dyslexic students, regardless of system of integration in

We would like to extend our gratitude to the direction of Institut Saint-Joseph in Fribourg (Switzerland), Mr. Noël and Ms. Savoy, as well as the medico-pedagogical team, whose open-minded and helpful attitude allowed us to complete this research. We would also like

Alexander-Passe, N. (2006). How dyslexic teenagers cope: an investigation of self-esteem,

Arnold, E.M., Goldston, D.B., & Walsh, A.K. (2005). Severity of emotional and behavioural

Asarnow, J.R., & Carlson, G.A. (1985). Depression self-relating scale: Utility with child psychiatric inpatients. *Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology*, 53, pp. 491-499. Beck, A.T., Steer, R.A., & Brown, G.K. (1996). *Beck Depression Inventory*, The Psychological

Bender, W.N., Rosenkrans, C.B., & Crane, M. (1999). Stress, depression, and suicide among

Billard, C., Fluss, J., Richard, G., Ziegler, J., Ecaille, J., Magnan, A. et al. (2007). *Résultats* 

problems among poor and typical readers. *Journal of Abnormal Child Psychology*, 33,

students with learning disabilities: Assessing the risk. *Learning Disability Quarterly*,

*préliminaires d'une étude épidémiologique transversale des apprentissages en lecture,* 

What recommendations and warnings can be drawn from the results of this study?

school, nor even within a group of dyslexic students in the same system.

to sincerely thank the parents and children who participated in this study.

coping and depression. *Dyslexia*, 12, pp. 256-275

to investigating self-esteem.

**7. Acknowledgments** 

pp. 205-217

Corp: San Antonio

22, pp. 143-156

**8. References** 

**6.2 Pedagogical and educational implications** 

of becoming depressed than peers without dyslexia.

Their results are also similar to those found by Alexander-Passe (2006), who found no difference between dyslexic adolescents (14-16 years old) and those without dyslexia though using a different research methodology. The study by Willcutt and Pennington (2000) based on the comparison of twins with and without dyslexia revealed the same results. This last study is all the more valuable since Willcutt and Pennington used CDI to measure depression. Our study found no difference due to gender or age. As such, our results agree with those of Carroll et al. (2005) and de Miller and al. (2005).

In our study, no difference was found when average global scores of depressive symptoms were compared between student groups with and without dyslexia. Nonetheless, evaluation of the prevalence of those having clinical levels of depression showed that dyslexic students were much more susceptible to develop depression than students without dyslexia. Twenty percent of the dyslexic children and adolescents in our study had clinical levels of depression whereas 3% did in the control group. As 10% of the general population is considered to have clinical levels of depression (Greenham, 1999), this leads us to conclude that dyslexic students are more at risk of developing depression.

#### **6.1 Limitations and research perspective**

The first limitation of this study is its limited generalization. We have investigated depression level in dyslexic students going to a specialized school in French-speaking Switzerland. While these children may have severe levels of dyslexia (which justify their placement in this school), they are in a school environment that is well adapted for their disabilities. Scholastic expectations, rhythm and individual assistance are appropriate to meet their specific needs. In this school a medico-pedagogical team of specialized teachers, psychologists, and speech therapists accompanies each child and offers effective social support to both the student and parents.

When we consider the favorable context of the dyslexic students in our study, we are concerned about the psychological well-being, especially depression, of dyslexic students in integrated in traditional classes. Different systems of school integration for dyslexic students may offer different levels of support. A recent study of parents of Irish dyslexic children (Nugent, 2007) found that when schooling began these parents preferred integrating their children in traditional classes. Nonetheless, Nugent (2007) argued that their children would benefit from better schooling conditions in specialized schools. In Sweden, mothers of dyslexic students integrated in traditional classes emphasized that schools did not offer appropriate support for the needs of their children (Roll-Pettersson & Mattson, 2007). Another study suggested that dyslexic students integrated in traditional classes in the Netherlands considered teachers and peers as threatening their self-esteem (Singer, 2007). Empirical evidence also supports specialized schooling. Butler and Marinov-Glassman (1994) concluded that with LD students' self-perception in specialized schools was more positive than that of students with LD in special classes or low-achieving students without LD. Burden (2005) found that specialized schools promote the psychological well-being of dyslexic students.

The conclusions of these studies lead us to be extremely prudent when making generalizations about dyslexic students from our findings. This limitation opens the perspective of intercultural research on the psychological well-being of dyslexic children as a function of different systems of school integration of these children in countries such France, Switzerland, Canada and Belgium. Research in this field until now has been limited to investigating self-esteem.

#### **6.2 Pedagogical and educational implications**

What recommendations and warnings can be drawn from the results of this study?

First, dyslexic children in a specialized school do not show more signs of emotional distress than students without dyslexia. As a group, regardless of age or sex, they are no more at risk of becoming depressed than peers without dyslexia.

Secondly, though as a group dyslexic students had a relatively low level of depression, the percentage of dyslexic students with clinical depression is significantly higher than that of the control group. This implies that parents and teachers must be attentive to these children's psychological well-being and wary of their slightest signs of distress. Adults must constantly be aware of the considerable individual differences within a group of dyslexic students. As risk factors and protection have not been studied much in dyslexic students, we can only conclude that these students are not all the same when facing psychological problems they may develop during their years of schooling. Though the current results showing no difference between dyslexic and non-dyslexic children may be reassuring, they must not be generalized for all dyslexic students, regardless of system of integration in school, nor even within a group of dyslexic students in the same system.

## **7. Acknowledgments**

We would like to extend our gratitude to the direction of Institut Saint-Joseph in Fribourg (Switzerland), Mr. Noël and Ms. Savoy, as well as the medico-pedagogical team, whose open-minded and helpful attitude allowed us to complete this research. We would also like to sincerely thank the parents and children who participated in this study.

#### **8. References**

156 Dyslexia – A Comprehensive and International Approach

Their results are also similar to those found by Alexander-Passe (2006), who found no difference between dyslexic adolescents (14-16 years old) and those without dyslexia though using a different research methodology. The study by Willcutt and Pennington (2000) based on the comparison of twins with and without dyslexia revealed the same results. This last study is all the more valuable since Willcutt and Pennington used CDI to measure depression. Our study found no difference due to gender or age. As such, our results agree

In our study, no difference was found when average global scores of depressive symptoms were compared between student groups with and without dyslexia. Nonetheless, evaluation of the prevalence of those having clinical levels of depression showed that dyslexic students were much more susceptible to develop depression than students without dyslexia. Twenty percent of the dyslexic children and adolescents in our study had clinical levels of depression whereas 3% did in the control group. As 10% of the general population is considered to have clinical levels of depression (Greenham, 1999), this leads us to conclude

The first limitation of this study is its limited generalization. We have investigated depression level in dyslexic students going to a specialized school in French-speaking Switzerland. While these children may have severe levels of dyslexia (which justify their placement in this school), they are in a school environment that is well adapted for their disabilities. Scholastic expectations, rhythm and individual assistance are appropriate to meet their specific needs. In this school a medico-pedagogical team of specialized teachers, psychologists, and speech therapists accompanies each child and offers effective social

When we consider the favorable context of the dyslexic students in our study, we are concerned about the psychological well-being, especially depression, of dyslexic students in integrated in traditional classes. Different systems of school integration for dyslexic students may offer different levels of support. A recent study of parents of Irish dyslexic children (Nugent, 2007) found that when schooling began these parents preferred integrating their children in traditional classes. Nonetheless, Nugent (2007) argued that their children would benefit from better schooling conditions in specialized schools. In Sweden, mothers of dyslexic students integrated in traditional classes emphasized that schools did not offer appropriate support for the needs of their children (Roll-Pettersson & Mattson, 2007). Another study suggested that dyslexic students integrated in traditional classes in the Netherlands considered teachers and peers as threatening their self-esteem (Singer, 2007). Empirical evidence also supports specialized schooling. Butler and Marinov-Glassman (1994) concluded that with LD students' self-perception in specialized schools was more positive than that of students with LD in special classes or low-achieving students without LD. Burden (2005) found that specialized schools promote the psychological well-being of

The conclusions of these studies lead us to be extremely prudent when making generalizations about dyslexic students from our findings. This limitation opens the

with those of Carroll et al. (2005) and de Miller and al. (2005).

that dyslexic students are more at risk of developing depression.

**6.1 Limitations and research perspective** 

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**9** 

Jonathan Glazzard *University of Huddersfield* 

(Lawrence, 1996, p.x1)

*United Kingdom* 

**Dyslexia and Self-Esteem: Stories of Resilience** 

This study investigates stories of resilience in people with dyslexia. It provides a brief overview of some of the key literature in this area and draws on earlier research which I conducted (Glazzard, 2010). Data was collected using narrative genre. Four informants volunteered to tell their stories. The study considers ways in which dyslexia has shaped the self-esteem, self-concepts and identities of the informants. The stories provide powerful insights into the lives of people with dyslexia and the reader is invited to draw their own interpretations from the narratives. The study concludes that an early diagnosis of dyslexia is essential for creating a positive self-image and recommends that further narrative research is necessary to explore the significant impact that dyslexia has on people's sense of self.

Despite a barrage of anecdotal evidence from teachers and practitioners, there is a paucity of published research in self-concept and self-esteem in children with dyslexia. (Humphrey 2002: 30)

One of the most exciting discoveries in educational psychology in recent times has been the finding that people's levels of achievement are influenced by how they feel about

Key research findings indicate that learners with dyslexia experience teasing and bullying and feelings of exclusion (Edwards, 1994; Riddick, 1995; Riddick, 1996; Humphrey, 2001;

Much of the research into dyslexia has focused on causation and remediation. Consequently this study examines the effects of dyslexia on people's lives in general and on their selfconcepts and self-esteem more specifically. Gurney defines 'self-concept' as 'the image or picture that we have of ourselves which we carry around and use to define ourselves as well as to categorise our behaviour' (Gurney, 1988: 4). In contrast, self-esteem is defined as 'the relative degree of worthiness, or acceptability, which people perceive their self-concept to

**1. Introduction** 

**2. Theoretical framework 2.1 Summary of key literature** 

According to Humphrey:

possess' (Gurney, 1988, p.13)

themselves (and vice-versa)'.

According to Lawrence:


## **Dyslexia and Self-Esteem: Stories of Resilience**

Jonathan Glazzard

*University of Huddersfield United Kingdom* 

#### **1. Introduction**

162 Dyslexia – A Comprehensive and International Approach

Wong, D.A. (1985). The relationship between learning disabilities and depression in

Wright-Strawderman, C., & Watson, B.L. (1992). The prevalence of depressive symptoms in children with learning disabilities. *Journal of Learning Disabilities*, 25, pp. 258-264 Ziegler, J.C., & Montant, M. (2005). L'apprentissage de la lecture dans différentes langues:

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Psychology, Los Angeles

children. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, California School of Professional

inconsistency of spelling and sound in French. *Behavior Research Methods,* 

dyslexia in different languages: Language-specific or universal? *Journal of* 

This study investigates stories of resilience in people with dyslexia. It provides a brief overview of some of the key literature in this area and draws on earlier research which I conducted (Glazzard, 2010). Data was collected using narrative genre. Four informants volunteered to tell their stories. The study considers ways in which dyslexia has shaped the self-esteem, self-concepts and identities of the informants. The stories provide powerful insights into the lives of people with dyslexia and the reader is invited to draw their own interpretations from the narratives. The study concludes that an early diagnosis of dyslexia is essential for creating a positive self-image and recommends that further narrative research is necessary to explore the significant impact that dyslexia has on people's sense of self.

#### **2. Theoretical framework**

#### **2.1 Summary of key literature**

According to Humphrey:

Despite a barrage of anecdotal evidence from teachers and practitioners, there is a paucity of published research in self-concept and self-esteem in children with dyslexia. (Humphrey 2002: 30)

Much of the research into dyslexia has focused on causation and remediation. Consequently this study examines the effects of dyslexia on people's lives in general and on their selfconcepts and self-esteem more specifically. Gurney defines 'self-concept' as 'the image or picture that we have of ourselves which we carry around and use to define ourselves as well as to categorise our behaviour' (Gurney, 1988: 4). In contrast, self-esteem is defined as 'the relative degree of worthiness, or acceptability, which people perceive their self-concept to possess' (Gurney, 1988, p.13)

According to Lawrence:

One of the most exciting discoveries in educational psychology in recent times has been the finding that people's levels of achievement are influenced by how they feel about themselves (and vice-versa)'.

(Lawrence, 1996, p.x1)

Key research findings indicate that learners with dyslexia experience teasing and bullying and feelings of exclusion (Edwards, 1994; Riddick, 1995; Riddick, 1996; Humphrey, 2001; Humphrey, 2002; Humphrey, 2003). Unfair treatment by teachers has also been a consistent theme in the literature (Edwards, 1990; Osmond, 1996; Humphrey, 2001; Humphrey and Mullins, 2002; Humphrey, 2003) as well as teacher resistance to the existence of dyslexia (Riddick, 1996).

Osmond (1996) presented case studies with children and adults with dyslexia. According to Osmond 'the worst problem any dyslexic has to face is not reading, writing or even spelling, but a lack of understanding' (1996: 21). Osmond's case study descriptions show evidence of pupils experiencing feelings of anger and frustration with their own difficulties. The reader is provided with vivid descriptions of life experiences using the participants' own words. There is evidence of pupils' efforts being destroyed by teachers and persecution from other pupils (Osmond, 1996, p.21). There is evidence in this research of pupils experiencing anxiety when placed in situations where their difficulties were exposed. Examples of this include forcing pupils to read out in class and being made to leave their regular class for special lessons. Osmond's interviews with the pupils' parents provide evidence of schools and local education authorities adopting dismissive attitudes towards dyslexia. He quotes one parent who said:

I think they regarded us as middle-class pushy parents, probably making too much fuss over a problem that would come right of its own accord…

(Osmond, 1996, p.75)

Dyslexia and Self-Esteem: Stories of Resilience 165

groups of pupils. In this study, the pupils ranged in ages between the ages of eight years to fifteen years. One group of pupils with dyslexia were taught in mainstream settings, a second group attended specialist units for specific learning difficulties and a third group formed a control group of pupils who did not have learning difficulties. Teachers' ratings of their pupils' levels of self-esteem were assessed using an adaptation of Lawrence's (1996) self-esteem checklist. Humphrey (2002) used a Likert scale to assess the behavioural manifestations of self-esteem. The teachers who were involved in the research were asked to assess the frequency of each behaviour trait on a four-point scale: 'Never', 'Sometimes', 'Most of the time' and 'Always'. An example of this is that the teacher was asked '*Does he/she make excuses to avoid situations which may be stressful*?' The teacher responded by circling one of the four words. In addition to the teacher ratings of pupil's self-esteem, Humphrey (2002) measured pupils' ratings of self-esteem using the 'semantic differential' method adopted by Richmond (1984). The pupil participants were required to place themselves on a seven-point scale between two opposite adjectives to represent their perception themselves. This relates to Lawrence's (1987) concept of 'self-image'. Humphrey (2002, p.31) provides an example to illustrate this: The pupils were asked for example, to place themselves on a scale of popularity ranging from popular to unpopular with a score of one representing 'extremely popular' to a score of seven indicating 'extremely unpopular'. The scale consisted of ten items. On completion of the initial scale, the pupils were asked to repeat the task but on the second scale, the pupils were required to indicate where they would like to be on the scale. This relates to Lawrence's (1987) concept of 'ideal self'. Humphrey (2002) then calculated the discrepancy scores between the pupils' self-image and ideal image for each item and mean discrepancy scores were then calculated for each group. The results of Humphrey's (2002) teacher ratings indicated that the pupils with dyslexia in mainstream settings and in units were significantly more likely to ask continually for help and reassurance than the pupils in the control group were (Humphrey, 2002, p.32). His findings also indicated that both dyslexic groups were more likely to display timid behaviour and avoid situations of possible stress compared with the pupils in the control group (Humphrey, 2002, p.32). The results of the pupil ratings of self-esteem also produced interesting findings. According to Humphrey (2002), the dyslexic-mainstream group had significantly lower levels of selfesteem than the other two groups in reading ability and writing ability. Humphrey (2002) also found that there was a significant difference in self-esteem related to spelling, intelligence and popularity between the dyslexic mainstream group and the control group, with the mainstream group having significantly lower levels of self-esteem in these three areas. Interestingly, Humphrey (2002) found no significant differences in pupils' ratings of self-esteem between the control group and the group from the specialist units in the areas of reading, spelling, writing, perceptions of intelligence and popularity. Humphrey argues that his results 'support the notion that dyslexia has an effect on the self-esteem of children' (Humphrey 2002, p.34). He argues that his results show differences in the self-concept and self-esteem levels between pupils with dyslexia who are placed in mainstream settings and pupils without learning difficulties. However, he also argues that his research shows that dyslexic pupils who are placed in separate units 'develop more positive self-concepts and levels of self-esteem than those left in mainstream education' (Humphrey 2002, p.34). This could be due to teachers in units having specialist training, more knowledge about selfesteem and smaller class sizes which enable them to spend more time talking to their pupils than their mainstream colleagues. The validity of the findings depends on whether selfesteem remains stable or changes over time and this has been debated in the literature.

The case studies which Osmond (1996) describes, provide rich detail of pupils' experiences of living with dyslexia. This detail is essential in order for the reader to develop understanding of what it is truly like to have dyslexia or be a parent of someone with dyslexia.

Edwards (1994) carried out case studies on a sample of eight adolescent boys from a special school for dyslexics where she worked. During her interviews with the students, it became evident that the majority of the participants had suffered extremely bad experiences as a result of having dyslexia. Many of these experiences were related to their education prior to coming to the special school. Indeed, Edwards was deeply shocked by the severity, extent and multiplicity of unpleasant experiences, which the pupils in her study had suffered. She found that five out of the eight boys had been on the receiving end of violence from their teachers, the cause of which they attributed to them having dyslexia. This is alarming. Edwards (1994) also found that seven out of the eight students had been humiliated and 'shown-up' by their teachers and incidents ranged from work being torn up, 'put-downs' and low teacher expectations. Additionally, Edwards (1994) found evidence of teasing and persecution from other students. This was in the form of verbal abuse and tormenting about their dyslexia. Seven of the students registered an extreme lack of confidence and all the students developed behaviour problems at some point.

Edwards' (1994) research provides an insight into the lives of students with dyslexia. Whilst both studies are now dated, they make an important contribution to the knowledge base within this field. Interestingly more recent studies have demonstrated similar findings.

Humphrey's (2002) study into teacher and pupil ratings of self-esteem of pupils with developmental dyslexia also makes an important contribution to the knowledge base on the relationship between dyslexia and self-esteem. Humphrey (2002) gathered data from three

Humphrey, 2002; Humphrey, 2003). Unfair treatment by teachers has also been a consistent theme in the literature (Edwards, 1990; Osmond, 1996; Humphrey, 2001; Humphrey and Mullins, 2002; Humphrey, 2003) as well as teacher resistance to the existence of dyslexia

Osmond (1996) presented case studies with children and adults with dyslexia. According to Osmond 'the worst problem any dyslexic has to face is not reading, writing or even spelling, but a lack of understanding' (1996: 21). Osmond's case study descriptions show evidence of pupils experiencing feelings of anger and frustration with their own difficulties. The reader is provided with vivid descriptions of life experiences using the participants' own words. There is evidence of pupils' efforts being destroyed by teachers and persecution from other pupils (Osmond, 1996, p.21). There is evidence in this research of pupils experiencing anxiety when placed in situations where their difficulties were exposed. Examples of this include forcing pupils to read out in class and being made to leave their regular class for special lessons. Osmond's interviews with the pupils' parents provide evidence of schools and local education authorities adopting dismissive attitudes towards dyslexia. He quotes

I think they regarded us as middle-class pushy parents, probably making too much fuss

The case studies which Osmond (1996) describes, provide rich detail of pupils' experiences of living with dyslexia. This detail is essential in order for the reader to develop understanding of what it is truly like to have dyslexia or be a parent of someone with

Edwards (1994) carried out case studies on a sample of eight adolescent boys from a special school for dyslexics where she worked. During her interviews with the students, it became evident that the majority of the participants had suffered extremely bad experiences as a result of having dyslexia. Many of these experiences were related to their education prior to coming to the special school. Indeed, Edwards was deeply shocked by the severity, extent and multiplicity of unpleasant experiences, which the pupils in her study had suffered. She found that five out of the eight boys had been on the receiving end of violence from their teachers, the cause of which they attributed to them having dyslexia. This is alarming. Edwards (1994) also found that seven out of the eight students had been humiliated and 'shown-up' by their teachers and incidents ranged from work being torn up, 'put-downs' and low teacher expectations. Additionally, Edwards (1994) found evidence of teasing and persecution from other students. This was in the form of verbal abuse and tormenting about their dyslexia. Seven of the students registered an extreme lack of confidence and all the

Edwards' (1994) research provides an insight into the lives of students with dyslexia. Whilst both studies are now dated, they make an important contribution to the knowledge base within this field. Interestingly more recent studies have demonstrated similar findings.

Humphrey's (2002) study into teacher and pupil ratings of self-esteem of pupils with developmental dyslexia also makes an important contribution to the knowledge base on the relationship between dyslexia and self-esteem. Humphrey (2002) gathered data from three

(Osmond, 1996, p.75)

over a problem that would come right of its own accord…

students developed behaviour problems at some point.

(Riddick, 1996).

one parent who said:

dyslexia.

groups of pupils. In this study, the pupils ranged in ages between the ages of eight years to fifteen years. One group of pupils with dyslexia were taught in mainstream settings, a second group attended specialist units for specific learning difficulties and a third group formed a control group of pupils who did not have learning difficulties. Teachers' ratings of their pupils' levels of self-esteem were assessed using an adaptation of Lawrence's (1996) self-esteem checklist. Humphrey (2002) used a Likert scale to assess the behavioural manifestations of self-esteem. The teachers who were involved in the research were asked to assess the frequency of each behaviour trait on a four-point scale: 'Never', 'Sometimes', 'Most of the time' and 'Always'. An example of this is that the teacher was asked '*Does he/she make excuses to avoid situations which may be stressful*?' The teacher responded by circling one of the four words. In addition to the teacher ratings of pupil's self-esteem, Humphrey (2002) measured pupils' ratings of self-esteem using the 'semantic differential' method adopted by Richmond (1984). The pupil participants were required to place themselves on a seven-point scale between two opposite adjectives to represent their perception themselves. This relates to Lawrence's (1987) concept of 'self-image'. Humphrey (2002, p.31) provides an example to illustrate this: The pupils were asked for example, to place themselves on a scale of popularity ranging from popular to unpopular with a score of one representing 'extremely popular' to a score of seven indicating 'extremely unpopular'. The scale consisted of ten items. On completion of the initial scale, the pupils were asked to repeat the task but on the second scale, the pupils were required to indicate where they would like to be on the scale. This relates to Lawrence's (1987) concept of 'ideal self'. Humphrey (2002) then calculated the discrepancy scores between the pupils' self-image and ideal image for each item and mean discrepancy scores were then calculated for each group. The results of Humphrey's (2002) teacher ratings indicated that the pupils with dyslexia in mainstream settings and in units were significantly more likely to ask continually for help and reassurance than the pupils in the control group were (Humphrey, 2002, p.32). His findings also indicated that both dyslexic groups were more likely to display timid behaviour and avoid situations of possible stress compared with the pupils in the control group (Humphrey, 2002, p.32). The results of the pupil ratings of self-esteem also produced interesting findings. According to Humphrey (2002), the dyslexic-mainstream group had significantly lower levels of selfesteem than the other two groups in reading ability and writing ability. Humphrey (2002) also found that there was a significant difference in self-esteem related to spelling, intelligence and popularity between the dyslexic mainstream group and the control group, with the mainstream group having significantly lower levels of self-esteem in these three areas. Interestingly, Humphrey (2002) found no significant differences in pupils' ratings of self-esteem between the control group and the group from the specialist units in the areas of reading, spelling, writing, perceptions of intelligence and popularity. Humphrey argues that his results 'support the notion that dyslexia has an effect on the self-esteem of children' (Humphrey 2002, p.34). He argues that his results show differences in the self-concept and self-esteem levels between pupils with dyslexia who are placed in mainstream settings and pupils without learning difficulties. However, he also argues that his research shows that dyslexic pupils who are placed in separate units 'develop more positive self-concepts and levels of self-esteem than those left in mainstream education' (Humphrey 2002, p.34). This could be due to teachers in units having specialist training, more knowledge about selfesteem and smaller class sizes which enable them to spend more time talking to their pupils than their mainstream colleagues. The validity of the findings depends on whether selfesteem remains stable or changes over time and this has been debated in the literature.

Dyslexia and Self-Esteem: Stories of Resilience 167

their data to challenge the findings by Humphrey and Mullins into the relationship between dyslexia, self-esteem and locus of control. In contrast, Burden and Burdett (2005) found that the pupils with dyslexia had 'highly positive attitudes towards learning' (p.103) and had a strong sense of being in control of their own destinies. The study found that the participants felt in control of their own learning and they felt capable of achieving their ambitions. Thus, the participants had not generally internalised feelings of learned helplessness (Burden and

It is just feasible that similar results might be forthcoming from a comparison group of pupils with dyslexia attending mainstream secondary schools, but we very much doubt

My own research (Glazzard, 2010) challenges this hypothesis. The mainstream pupils with dyslexia whom I interviewed were all very confident and they attributed this to the diagnosis and ownership of the label. For these pupils the label helped them to explain their difficulties. They realised that they had a specific difficulty and that this was unrelated to intelligence. Prior to the diagnosis their self-esteem was significantly lower than it appeared to be after diagnosis, in part due to negative interactions with peers or teachers. Their selfesteem had been damaged as a result of negative interactions with teachers and peers, although in all cases the parents had worked hard to preserve their self-image (Glazzard, 2010). Research has also indicated that peers are an important source of self-esteem (Kirchner and Vondraek, 1975). My data suggests that the negative influences from both teachers and peers negated the positive support provided by parents (Glazzard, 2010). The diagnosis was a turning point in terms of building up confidence, self-concept and selfesteem and consequently its significance should not be under-estimated. Thus, I concluded that the need for an early diagnosis is therefore crucial in order to stop children from

I have chosen to use narrative as a methodological tool to explore the effects of dyslexia on self-esteem. In adopting a narrative genre I have used the life history specifically to tell the stories of four people who were diagnosed with dyslexia. I had personal and professional connections with the informants and this is a common thread in life history research. Through my connections with the informants it became evident that dyslexia had had a profound impact on their lives. The stories they tell illustrate the powerful effects of dyslexia on self-esteem and personal identity and what emerged throughout all the stories was the theme of resilience. This theme united all the informants and this formed the basis

The life history method emerged in the early part of the twentieth century and was further popularized by the emergence of feminism and the growth of sociology as a discipline. I have chosen to dedicate most of this chapter to telling the stories of my informants and in doing so, I make no apologies. My intention is to privilege the stories that people have told me, to let their voices speak and consequently to allow the reader to make their own sense of the stories they have been told. Clough (2003: 448) believes that narratives should 'challenge their readers to create their own meanings from them'. He believes that the narrative should

(Burden and Burdett, 2005:103)

Burdett, 2005).

it.

developing learned helplessness.

**3. Methodology** 

for selecting the sample.

Humphrey and Mullins (2002) collected rich qualitative data relating to pupils' individual experiences of dyslexia. They interviewed the pupils about their general self-concept and self-esteem, peer relations, teacher-pupil relations and academic self. This allowed the pupils to have a 'voice' and gave them the opportunity to provide richer information relating to their experiences of being dyslexic than quantitative data was able to supply. They found that around half of the pupils with dyslexia in mainstream settings and special units were regularly bullied or teased about their dyslexia. This is in line with the findings of Edwards (1994) and Riddick (1996). They also found that almost half of the dyslexic pupils in mainstream settings and in special units, prior to their placement, had been 'persecuted' (Humphrey and Mullins 2002, p.7) by their teachers. Indeed, they state that '…many of the participants had been called lazy, stupid or thick by teachers' (Humphrey and Mullins 2002, p.7). This is in line with Dewhirst's finding (1995) who quotes an extract from an interview with a teacher:

**Teacher:** Well…I mean, it's one of those things that has been conjured up by 'pushy parents' for their thick or lazy children; quite often both.

(Dewhirst, 1995 in Riddick, 1996 p.94)

Humphrey and Mullins (2002) found that around one third of the dyslexic mainstream group felt they were 'stupid', 'lazy' or 'thick' (p.8). They also found that one quarter of the dyslexic mainstream group and one third of the dyslexic pupils in special units felt that they were less intelligent than their peers. In addition, they found that in both groups, the pupils felt least confident in situations where their dyslexic tendencies were on display, such as reading out in front of the class. Another interesting finding was that around half of the pupils in both groups indicated a desire to swap places with someone else. The data provides evidence that the pupils with dyslexia in the special units have had negative experiences prior to their placement in the units. According to Humphrey and Mullins (2002) this has left them with 'emotional baggage' (p.10), or what Edwards (1994) refers to as the 'scars' of dyslexia.

The research by Humphrey and Mullins (2002) indicates that the experience of dyslexia can have a negative impact on pupils' self-concept and self-esteem. In addition, they found that pupils with dyslexia tended to attribute success to external factors rather than internal factors (Humphrey and Mullins, 2002), thus illustrating the theory of 'learned helplessness' (Peterson, Maier and Seligman, 1993). Research has indicated that learners with dyslexia attribute success to factors such as teacher quality rather than to their own intelligence (Humphrey and Mullins, 2002). Success is therefore blamed on external factors rather than being perceived as something which can be controlled (Humphrey and Mullins, 2002). This suggests that learners with dyslexia have a very poor internal locus of control. They feel that they are not in control of their own success in relation to learning, due to their own perceived inadequacies. Research has pointed to the link between learned helplessness, attributional style and low self-concept (Butkowsky and Willows, 1980; Humphrey, 2001). In contrast learners without dyslexia blame failure on internal factors such as lack of effort or lack of interest in a subject but not lack of ability, thus protecting their self-concept (Humphrey and Mullins, 2002). This suggests that learners without dyslexia have a very strong locus of control.

Burden and Burdett (2005) focused on pupils' attitudes towards learning and their sense of agency in an independent residential school for pupils with dyslexia. The researchers use

Humphrey and Mullins (2002) collected rich qualitative data relating to pupils' individual experiences of dyslexia. They interviewed the pupils about their general self-concept and self-esteem, peer relations, teacher-pupil relations and academic self. This allowed the pupils to have a 'voice' and gave them the opportunity to provide richer information relating to their experiences of being dyslexic than quantitative data was able to supply. They found that around half of the pupils with dyslexia in mainstream settings and special units were regularly bullied or teased about their dyslexia. This is in line with the findings of Edwards (1994) and Riddick (1996). They also found that almost half of the dyslexic pupils in mainstream settings and in special units, prior to their placement, had been 'persecuted' (Humphrey and Mullins 2002, p.7) by their teachers. Indeed, they state that '…many of the participants had been called lazy, stupid or thick by teachers' (Humphrey and Mullins 2002, p.7). This is in line with Dewhirst's finding (1995) who quotes an extract

**Teacher:** Well…I mean, it's one of those things that has been conjured up by 'pushy

Humphrey and Mullins (2002) found that around one third of the dyslexic mainstream group felt they were 'stupid', 'lazy' or 'thick' (p.8). They also found that one quarter of the dyslexic mainstream group and one third of the dyslexic pupils in special units felt that they were less intelligent than their peers. In addition, they found that in both groups, the pupils felt least confident in situations where their dyslexic tendencies were on display, such as reading out in front of the class. Another interesting finding was that around half of the pupils in both groups indicated a desire to swap places with someone else. The data provides evidence that the pupils with dyslexia in the special units have had negative experiences prior to their placement in the units. According to Humphrey and Mullins (2002) this has left them with 'emotional baggage' (p.10), or what Edwards (1994) refers to as the 'scars' of dyslexia.

The research by Humphrey and Mullins (2002) indicates that the experience of dyslexia can have a negative impact on pupils' self-concept and self-esteem. In addition, they found that pupils with dyslexia tended to attribute success to external factors rather than internal factors (Humphrey and Mullins, 2002), thus illustrating the theory of 'learned helplessness' (Peterson, Maier and Seligman, 1993). Research has indicated that learners with dyslexia attribute success to factors such as teacher quality rather than to their own intelligence (Humphrey and Mullins, 2002). Success is therefore blamed on external factors rather than being perceived as something which can be controlled (Humphrey and Mullins, 2002). This suggests that learners with dyslexia have a very poor internal locus of control. They feel that they are not in control of their own success in relation to learning, due to their own perceived inadequacies. Research has pointed to the link between learned helplessness, attributional style and low self-concept (Butkowsky and Willows, 1980; Humphrey, 2001). In contrast learners without dyslexia blame failure on internal factors such as lack of effort or lack of interest in a subject but not lack of ability, thus protecting their self-concept (Humphrey and Mullins, 2002). This suggests that learners without dyslexia have a very

Burden and Burdett (2005) focused on pupils' attitudes towards learning and their sense of agency in an independent residential school for pupils with dyslexia. The researchers use

(Dewhirst, 1995 in Riddick, 1996 p.94)

parents' for their thick or lazy children; quite often both.

from an interview with a teacher:

strong locus of control.

their data to challenge the findings by Humphrey and Mullins into the relationship between dyslexia, self-esteem and locus of control. In contrast, Burden and Burdett (2005) found that the pupils with dyslexia had 'highly positive attitudes towards learning' (p.103) and had a strong sense of being in control of their own destinies. The study found that the participants felt in control of their own learning and they felt capable of achieving their ambitions. Thus, the participants had not generally internalised feelings of learned helplessness (Burden and Burdett, 2005).

It is just feasible that similar results might be forthcoming from a comparison group of pupils with dyslexia attending mainstream secondary schools, but we very much doubt it.

#### (Burden and Burdett, 2005:103)

My own research (Glazzard, 2010) challenges this hypothesis. The mainstream pupils with dyslexia whom I interviewed were all very confident and they attributed this to the diagnosis and ownership of the label. For these pupils the label helped them to explain their difficulties. They realised that they had a specific difficulty and that this was unrelated to intelligence. Prior to the diagnosis their self-esteem was significantly lower than it appeared to be after diagnosis, in part due to negative interactions with peers or teachers. Their selfesteem had been damaged as a result of negative interactions with teachers and peers, although in all cases the parents had worked hard to preserve their self-image (Glazzard, 2010). Research has also indicated that peers are an important source of self-esteem (Kirchner and Vondraek, 1975). My data suggests that the negative influences from both teachers and peers negated the positive support provided by parents (Glazzard, 2010). The diagnosis was a turning point in terms of building up confidence, self-concept and selfesteem and consequently its significance should not be under-estimated. Thus, I concluded that the need for an early diagnosis is therefore crucial in order to stop children from developing learned helplessness.

#### **3. Methodology**

I have chosen to use narrative as a methodological tool to explore the effects of dyslexia on self-esteem. In adopting a narrative genre I have used the life history specifically to tell the stories of four people who were diagnosed with dyslexia. I had personal and professional connections with the informants and this is a common thread in life history research. Through my connections with the informants it became evident that dyslexia had had a profound impact on their lives. The stories they tell illustrate the powerful effects of dyslexia on self-esteem and personal identity and what emerged throughout all the stories was the theme of resilience. This theme united all the informants and this formed the basis for selecting the sample.

The life history method emerged in the early part of the twentieth century and was further popularized by the emergence of feminism and the growth of sociology as a discipline. I have chosen to dedicate most of this chapter to telling the stories of my informants and in doing so, I make no apologies. My intention is to privilege the stories that people have told me, to let their voices speak and consequently to allow the reader to make their own sense of the stories they have been told. Clough (2003: 448) believes that narratives should 'challenge their readers to create their own meanings from them'. He believes that the narrative should

Dyslexia and Self-Esteem: Stories of Resilience 169

criteria of 'authenticity' or the extent to which the events in the story ring true to life. I share these positions and hope that my readers can take something away from the stories I have

*The 1944 Education Act in England emphasised the importance of segregated education for children who were deemed to be 'uneducable'. The term 'educationally subnormal' was used to describe children who had learning difficulties. During the 1960s the disability rights movement emphasised the rights of children with disabilities to a mainstream education. The comprehensive system of education was introduced and the 1970 Education Act facilitated the development of special education units within mainstream schools. There was an increasing acceptance during this time that children* 

Rich was born in 1959 to a middle class family in South Yorkshire, England. His father was a relatively successful engineer. His mother, whose background was from a working class family in Barnsley, England, had great ambitions for both of her children. She had achieved little in her own life and was seemingly intent on rectifying the situation by driving her children to success at all costs. Rich was, as a young child, placid and somewhat withdrawn. He lacked confidence when faced with social interactions with his peers and in such situations, whenever possible, would stay by the side of his older sibling for comfort and reassurance. In more familiar situations he appeared comfortable. He generally conformed to the expectations of the household, that he should be seen and not heard and other than an occasional confrontation with his sister was in general a very easy going child. Shortly after his birth his mother suffered from severe post natal depression and for the first 18 months of

In 1964, 3 months before his 5th birthday, Rich began full time education in a local primary school. From the outset he found this new experience distressing. He spent much of each day choosing to isolate himself from his peers and in tears. His teachers would frequently call upon his older sibling to visit him in his classroom to offer him reassurance. However this only provided temporary consolation, and as soon as she left, the traumas of school life quickly enveloped him again. Rich would stand alone anxiously searching for his older sister during playtimes. His distress was so great that he was unable to develop relationships with his peers. Within only a few months of starting school life it became evident that Rich was struggling with early reading and writing skills. This in turn caused his mother great distress. Her anxieties were evident and these must have been transmitted to her son. However it cannot be doubted that all subsequent events retold in this story were

Rich seemed unable to grasp the rudiments of the alphabetic code. As children in his class began to make progress and develop a basic knowledge of phoneme/grapheme correspondence, Rich sat in a wilderness, seemingly unable to make sense of it all. His mother set to work cutting graphemes from sticky backed paper and adhering them to his

*with learning difficulties had rights to a good education within mainstream provision.* 

his life Rich and his sister were brought up by their elderly grandparents.

intended to be in his best interests.

chosen to present.

**4. The stories** 

**4.1 Rich Context:** 

'lead the reader to a place where they might begin to search for the meanings and issues that lie behind and surround the story' (Clough, 2003: 448). In keeping my analysis relatively brief, my intention is to allow the reader to make their own sense of the stories that they have been told.

Drawing on Goodson and Sikes (2001) I view a life stories as as stories as told. In contrast my analysis essentially transforms the stories into life histories by exploring the wider contextual discourses which have shaped the lives of my informants. I believe that life histories can expose suffering, pain, misfortune, and injustice in order to 'speak to the heart of social consciousness' (Clough, 2002: 8). According to Goodson and Sikes (2001: 42), 'as social beings we are constantly storying our lives'. People enjoy telling and listening to stories and this renders this approach dynamic in that it has the potential to expose pain and suffering and illuminate the wider political, social and cultural discourses which have shaped people's lives. For my informants this approach can be empowering and emancipatory(Goodson and Sikes, 2001). Bowker (1993) has argued that an age of biography is upon us.

It has been argued that:

…in their nature, already removed from life experiences: they are lives interpreted and made textual. They represent a partial, selective commentary on lived experience.

(Goodson and Sikes, 2001: 16)

In presenting my stories I accept that I have presented partial and edited lives. In choosing specific storylines, I have effectively rejected others (Goodson and Sikes, 2001). This inevitably raises ethical issues around researcher neutrality. However I reject assertions that any research can be objective, neutral or value free (Greenbank, 2003). I am mindful that some critics question the value of approaches that are value-laden, subjective, nongeneralisable (see for example Tooley's critique of educational research, 1998). I am not concerned with such criticisms. In my view stories can serve as powerful research tools by casting lights onto the lived experiences of those whose voices have been silenced and consequently marginalized. I argue that certain criteria used to judge the credibility of a piece of research (for example, objectivity, reliability, validity) are inappropriate indicators for judging the credibility of narrative research. I do not claim that my stories are generalisable but they are stories that others might relate to and consequently for some readers, the stories might ring true to them. In evaluating the quality of this research I hope that my readers choose to evaluate the extent to which the events of the stories engage them, and seem to be true. My intention is for the readers to bring their own interpretations to the stories. Several authors have emphasised that criteria other than objectivity, validity and reliability should be used to judge literary work. For example, Denzin (2003) cites Ellis (2000) who argues that texts should be engaging and have the capacity to evoke thoughts and feelings. Ellis (ibid) argues that texts should include authentic and life-like experiences woven into a good dramatic plot. Two other authors are cited by Denzin (2003), namely, Bochner (2000) and Richardson (2000a and b). Bochner (ibid) wishes to read a story that 'moves me, my heart and belly as well as my head' (cited in Denzin, 2003: 255). Richardson (2000a) is concerned with stories that contribute substantially to our understanding of social life, which are 'a credible account of a cultural, social, individual or communal sense of the "real"' (Richardson, 2000b in Denzin, 2003: 255). Hitchcock and Hughes (2003) refer to the criteria of 'authenticity' or the extent to which the events in the story ring true to life. I share these positions and hope that my readers can take something away from the stories I have chosen to present.

#### **4. The stories**

#### **4.1 Rich**

168 Dyslexia – A Comprehensive and International Approach

'lead the reader to a place where they might begin to search for the meanings and issues that lie behind and surround the story' (Clough, 2003: 448). In keeping my analysis relatively brief, my intention is to allow the reader to make their own sense of the stories that they

Drawing on Goodson and Sikes (2001) I view a life stories as as stories as told. In contrast my analysis essentially transforms the stories into life histories by exploring the wider contextual discourses which have shaped the lives of my informants. I believe that life histories can expose suffering, pain, misfortune, and injustice in order to 'speak to the heart of social consciousness' (Clough, 2002: 8). According to Goodson and Sikes (2001: 42), 'as social beings we are constantly storying our lives'. People enjoy telling and listening to stories and this renders this approach dynamic in that it has the potential to expose pain and suffering and illuminate the wider political, social and cultural discourses which have shaped people's lives. For my informants this approach can be empowering and emancipatory(Goodson and Sikes, 2001). Bowker (1993) has argued that an age of biography

…in their nature, already removed from life experiences: they are lives interpreted and made textual. They represent a partial, selective commentary on lived experience.

In presenting my stories I accept that I have presented partial and edited lives. In choosing specific storylines, I have effectively rejected others (Goodson and Sikes, 2001). This inevitably raises ethical issues around researcher neutrality. However I reject assertions that any research can be objective, neutral or value free (Greenbank, 2003). I am mindful that some critics question the value of approaches that are value-laden, subjective, nongeneralisable (see for example Tooley's critique of educational research, 1998). I am not concerned with such criticisms. In my view stories can serve as powerful research tools by casting lights onto the lived experiences of those whose voices have been silenced and consequently marginalized. I argue that certain criteria used to judge the credibility of a piece of research (for example, objectivity, reliability, validity) are inappropriate indicators for judging the credibility of narrative research. I do not claim that my stories are generalisable but they are stories that others might relate to and consequently for some readers, the stories might ring true to them. In evaluating the quality of this research I hope that my readers choose to evaluate the extent to which the events of the stories engage them, and seem to be true. My intention is for the readers to bring their own interpretations to the stories. Several authors have emphasised that criteria other than objectivity, validity and reliability should be used to judge literary work. For example, Denzin (2003) cites Ellis (2000) who argues that texts should be engaging and have the capacity to evoke thoughts and feelings. Ellis (ibid) argues that texts should include authentic and life-like experiences woven into a good dramatic plot. Two other authors are cited by Denzin (2003), namely, Bochner (2000) and Richardson (2000a and b). Bochner (ibid) wishes to read a story that 'moves me, my heart and belly as well as my head' (cited in Denzin, 2003: 255). Richardson (2000a) is concerned with stories that contribute substantially to our understanding of social life, which are 'a credible account of a cultural, social, individual or communal sense of the "real"' (Richardson, 2000b in Denzin, 2003: 255). Hitchcock and Hughes (2003) refer to the

(Goodson and Sikes, 2001: 16)

have been told.

is upon us.

It has been argued that:

#### **Context:**

*The 1944 Education Act in England emphasised the importance of segregated education for children who were deemed to be 'uneducable'. The term 'educationally subnormal' was used to describe children who had learning difficulties. During the 1960s the disability rights movement emphasised the rights of children with disabilities to a mainstream education. The comprehensive system of education was introduced and the 1970 Education Act facilitated the development of special education units within mainstream schools. There was an increasing acceptance during this time that children with learning difficulties had rights to a good education within mainstream provision.* 

Rich was born in 1959 to a middle class family in South Yorkshire, England. His father was a relatively successful engineer. His mother, whose background was from a working class family in Barnsley, England, had great ambitions for both of her children. She had achieved little in her own life and was seemingly intent on rectifying the situation by driving her children to success at all costs. Rich was, as a young child, placid and somewhat withdrawn. He lacked confidence when faced with social interactions with his peers and in such situations, whenever possible, would stay by the side of his older sibling for comfort and reassurance. In more familiar situations he appeared comfortable. He generally conformed to the expectations of the household, that he should be seen and not heard and other than an occasional confrontation with his sister was in general a very easy going child. Shortly after his birth his mother suffered from severe post natal depression and for the first 18 months of his life Rich and his sister were brought up by their elderly grandparents.

In 1964, 3 months before his 5th birthday, Rich began full time education in a local primary school. From the outset he found this new experience distressing. He spent much of each day choosing to isolate himself from his peers and in tears. His teachers would frequently call upon his older sibling to visit him in his classroom to offer him reassurance. However this only provided temporary consolation, and as soon as she left, the traumas of school life quickly enveloped him again. Rich would stand alone anxiously searching for his older sister during playtimes. His distress was so great that he was unable to develop relationships with his peers. Within only a few months of starting school life it became evident that Rich was struggling with early reading and writing skills. This in turn caused his mother great distress. Her anxieties were evident and these must have been transmitted to her son. However it cannot be doubted that all subsequent events retold in this story were intended to be in his best interests.

Rich seemed unable to grasp the rudiments of the alphabetic code. As children in his class began to make progress and develop a basic knowledge of phoneme/grapheme correspondence, Rich sat in a wilderness, seemingly unable to make sense of it all. His mother set to work cutting graphemes from sticky backed paper and adhering them to his

Dyslexia and Self-Esteem: Stories of Resilience 171

*The comments made by Rich's teachers poerfully illustrate the medical model of disability that prevailed during this time. Within-child factors were blamed for Rich's problems. There was no onus on the school to reflect on its policies or practices and make adaptations to cater for Rich's needs. Consequently Rich was labelled as a failure by a schooling system that failed to accept* 

As a teenager, he was reminded on a daily basis of his 'failings'. Homework, which must have already been a challenge for him, heralded a daily battle ground. He was, by now, extremely de-motivated and frequently failed to complete homework. He often denied that any homework had been set. Communication between home and school all those years ago was sadly lacking and this enabled Rich to dodge the bullets until the annual parent's evening when his lies were usually unearthed. He began to truant from school. Everyday tasks were a challenge for him. His mother no longer blamed schools for Rich's difficulties. On a very personal basis his failure was now totally levelled at him. She perceived him as 'difficult' and uncooperative and their relationship was at an all time low. Rich took exams but his grades were poor and he left school at the age of 16. It is only thanks to his father that he managed to acquire a job in the mining industry as a fitter. Within 5 years he was,

Redundancy resulted in Rich living at home with his parents. They were thrust together for 24 hours each day. The relationship between Rich and his mother was one of total conflict. His father was now retired and disabled and such conflicts caused him great stress. The stress placed upon him now resulted in a rapid decline in the relationship between Rich and his father. There were tranquil moments but these would be short lived. The inevitable conflict between Rich and his mother resulted in a snowball effect and would quickly lead

Over the next 10 years Rich was perceived as the centre and cause of all conflicts within the household. He applied for several new jobs which would inevitably lead to renewed conflicts as he struggled to complete applications forms. His father would write them for him but he found it difficult to copy what had been written. Time and again a new form had to be sent for before yet another error was made as he tried to copy onto the form.

Life continued in the vain for several years. How the family existed on a day to day basis under the same roof is nothing short of miraculous. In 1991 Rich's father suffered his final illness. It was a surprise to his family that although his father's death was imminent Rich made no attempts to visit him in the hospital. This was in fact to be the turning point in Rich's life. He was informed of his father's death. He chose not to be present at the funeral. Rich made one last visit to his home several weeks after his father's funeral. There was another dispute with his mother who ordered Rich out of the house. Twenty years later Rich has never been seen by any members of his family since that day. No-one has any idea of his whereabouts. He has simply vanished without trace. His mother is left distraught by the absence of her son, seemingly confused by his ability to cut himself off from his family. Rich, however, is happy and well. In 1959 there was seemingly little support or understanding of children with dyslexia. For Rich there was additionally little support or comfort offered by his parents. He simply made his escape to begin a new life. There is a plethora of support

unfortunately made redundant and for the next ten years did not work again.

*that it played a significant part in the problems that Rich was experiencing.* 

to conflict between Rich and his father, who simply wanted peace and quiet.

Arguments and verbal abuse would follow.

bedroom wall in an attempt to support him. Relentlessly his mother subjected him to several coaching sessions each day. These had little or no effect and the alphabetic code continued to remain inaccessible to him. The obvious anxiety and desperation exhibited by his mother, without doubt, was absorbed by Rich who became more withdrawn. Unsurprisingly his behaviour also became more challenging. He would become very uncooperative, refusing to comply with even the most trivial expectations. He would begin to undertake tasks but would rarely complete them. The household became a battle ground and Rich became more and more unhappy and challenging, resulting in his mother becoming increasingly anxious. The downward spiral had begun.

Within a year of Rich starting school his mother contacted a local teacher and weekly private tuition was arranged. Rich was offered exactly the same diet as he was being given at school. There was simply more of it. His private tutor found him difficult to motivate and it was equally difficult to keep him focused on a task. He much preferred to engage with her dog or to engage her in discussions which in her view had little relevance to given tasks and were simply a means of distracting her from the role she had been given. She suggested to Rich's mother that private tuition was not supporting Rich and even indicated that they had so little value that the tuition was of no value and should cease. Rich's mother did not appear to hear such comments and the private tuition continued for a further two years while Rich made very little headway. When he was 7 his private tutor withdrew her services. This was apparently due to her retirement although this is questionable and may have been a means of dismissing her challenging pupil and his equally persistent mother.

Rich continued to display challenging behaviour at home. By now he had begun to feel a failure in many aspects of his life. His initial difficulties were in reading and writing as well as some aspects of maths. He was now perceived by his mother as badly behaved, uncooperative and as having an inability to concentrate. Their relationship was deteriorating rapidly.

The school which Rich attended became the next target. The classes were too big and in the eyes of his mother Rich was simply not receiving enough attention. A private education became the next perceived solution to his difficulties. Smaller class sizes would surely result in more attention being given to Rich and he would quickly make progress. A private school in the city was chosen where Rich would continue his education. He was only 8 years old. The school clearly had reservations about Rich joining their role. These were ignored by Rich's mother and a transfer to this fee paying school was swiftly arranged. Rich hated every day of every week that he attended the school. There were frequent communications from the school in regard to Rich relating to his lack of academic ability. He continued to struggle in school and after only a year he returned to the primary school where he had initially begun his education. He was certainly happy to return there despite the fact that he continued to find reading and writing, particularly difficult.

His secondary education did little to improve the situation. Reports from school consistently made reference to his 'poor' work, lack of concentration and inability to organise the daily demands of school life. Another private tutor was employed to support him but this tutor also quickly expressed concerns and declined to support him further.

bedroom wall in an attempt to support him. Relentlessly his mother subjected him to several coaching sessions each day. These had little or no effect and the alphabetic code continued to remain inaccessible to him. The obvious anxiety and desperation exhibited by his mother, without doubt, was absorbed by Rich who became more withdrawn. Unsurprisingly his behaviour also became more challenging. He would become very uncooperative, refusing to comply with even the most trivial expectations. He would begin to undertake tasks but would rarely complete them. The household became a battle ground and Rich became more and more unhappy and challenging, resulting in his mother becoming increasingly anxious.

Within a year of Rich starting school his mother contacted a local teacher and weekly private tuition was arranged. Rich was offered exactly the same diet as he was being given at school. There was simply more of it. His private tutor found him difficult to motivate and it was equally difficult to keep him focused on a task. He much preferred to engage with her dog or to engage her in discussions which in her view had little relevance to given tasks and were simply a means of distracting her from the role she had been given. She suggested to Rich's mother that private tuition was not supporting Rich and even indicated that they had so little value that the tuition was of no value and should cease. Rich's mother did not appear to hear such comments and the private tuition continued for a further two years while Rich made very little headway. When he was 7 his private tutor withdrew her services. This was apparently due to her retirement although this is questionable and may have been a means of dismissing her challenging pupil and his

Rich continued to display challenging behaviour at home. By now he had begun to feel a failure in many aspects of his life. His initial difficulties were in reading and writing as well as some aspects of maths. He was now perceived by his mother as badly behaved, uncooperative and as having an inability to concentrate. Their relationship was

The school which Rich attended became the next target. The classes were too big and in the eyes of his mother Rich was simply not receiving enough attention. A private education became the next perceived solution to his difficulties. Smaller class sizes would surely result in more attention being given to Rich and he would quickly make progress. A private school in the city was chosen where Rich would continue his education. He was only 8 years old. The school clearly had reservations about Rich joining their role. These were ignored by Rich's mother and a transfer to this fee paying school was swiftly arranged. Rich hated every day of every week that he attended the school. There were frequent communications from the school in regard to Rich relating to his lack of academic ability. He continued to struggle in school and after only a year he returned to the primary school where he had initially begun his education. He was certainly happy to return there despite the fact that he

His secondary education did little to improve the situation. Reports from school consistently made reference to his 'poor' work, lack of concentration and inability to organise the daily demands of school life. Another private tutor was employed to support him but this tutor

continued to find reading and writing, particularly difficult.

also quickly expressed concerns and declined to support him further.

The downward spiral had begun.

equally persistent mother.

deteriorating rapidly.

*The comments made by Rich's teachers poerfully illustrate the medical model of disability that prevailed during this time. Within-child factors were blamed for Rich's problems. There was no onus on the school to reflect on its policies or practices and make adaptations to cater for Rich's needs. Consequently Rich was labelled as a failure by a schooling system that failed to accept that it played a significant part in the problems that Rich was experiencing.* 

As a teenager, he was reminded on a daily basis of his 'failings'. Homework, which must have already been a challenge for him, heralded a daily battle ground. He was, by now, extremely de-motivated and frequently failed to complete homework. He often denied that any homework had been set. Communication between home and school all those years ago was sadly lacking and this enabled Rich to dodge the bullets until the annual parent's evening when his lies were usually unearthed. He began to truant from school. Everyday tasks were a challenge for him. His mother no longer blamed schools for Rich's difficulties. On a very personal basis his failure was now totally levelled at him. She perceived him as 'difficult' and uncooperative and their relationship was at an all time low. Rich took exams but his grades were poor and he left school at the age of 16. It is only thanks to his father that he managed to acquire a job in the mining industry as a fitter. Within 5 years he was, unfortunately made redundant and for the next ten years did not work again.

Redundancy resulted in Rich living at home with his parents. They were thrust together for 24 hours each day. The relationship between Rich and his mother was one of total conflict. His father was now retired and disabled and such conflicts caused him great stress. The stress placed upon him now resulted in a rapid decline in the relationship between Rich and his father. There were tranquil moments but these would be short lived. The inevitable conflict between Rich and his mother resulted in a snowball effect and would quickly lead to conflict between Rich and his father, who simply wanted peace and quiet.

Over the next 10 years Rich was perceived as the centre and cause of all conflicts within the household. He applied for several new jobs which would inevitably lead to renewed conflicts as he struggled to complete applications forms. His father would write them for him but he found it difficult to copy what had been written. Time and again a new form had to be sent for before yet another error was made as he tried to copy onto the form. Arguments and verbal abuse would follow.

Life continued in the vain for several years. How the family existed on a day to day basis under the same roof is nothing short of miraculous. In 1991 Rich's father suffered his final illness. It was a surprise to his family that although his father's death was imminent Rich made no attempts to visit him in the hospital. This was in fact to be the turning point in Rich's life. He was informed of his father's death. He chose not to be present at the funeral. Rich made one last visit to his home several weeks after his father's funeral. There was another dispute with his mother who ordered Rich out of the house. Twenty years later Rich has never been seen by any members of his family since that day. No-one has any idea of his whereabouts. He has simply vanished without trace. His mother is left distraught by the absence of her son, seemingly confused by his ability to cut himself off from his family. Rich, however, is happy and well. In 1959 there was seemingly little support or understanding of children with dyslexia. For Rich there was additionally little support or comfort offered by his parents. He simply made his escape to begin a new life. There is a plethora of support

Dyslexia and Self-Esteem: Stories of Resilience 173

James was not the easiest baby. He was born at 36 weeks and spent the first month of his life in intensive care. He rapidly made progress and was discharged from the hospital to return home with his parents. In terms of sleeping he was a challenge for his young parents and from the early weeks of his life would sleep for only three hours before waking. This continued until James began full time education shortly prior to his 5th birthday. The school he attended was placed in a very middle class catchment area and systems in the school can only be described as traditional. James had always been an extremely active child. His energy levels seemingly had no bounds. He was inquisitive, the world was exciting and every waking moment was a journey of exploration and intrigue. Life was full of questions. He had a genuine love of books and the times he frequently shared these with his parents were undoubtedly the only occasions on which he ever sat still. School life was not the easiest of transitions for James. Suddenly there was an expectation that he would sit still and listen for extended periods of time. He asked copious questions and within weeks he was already labeled as difficult to motivate. The questions he asked were viewed a challenge to authority. On one occasion he had spent an entire Friday afternoon immersed in developing a model. As the school day drew to a close he was asked to disassemble his creation. He enquired as to whether or not he could leave his construction and complete it the following week. This was viewed as challenging behaviour and communications with his mother quickly followed. His teacher was clearly none too impressed. James was happy when engaged in practical tasks. Such opportunities rarely presented themselves and he quickly developed a reputation for being a disruptive influence on his peers. His parents endeavored to offer James additional support at home. They would concede to this day that James much preferred situations in which learning was active and as teachers made every effort to capitalize on this need to engage him in his learning. James enjoyed a degree of success although he was clearly falling behind his peers in terms of his attainment in school. Life was for living, life was fun and quickly James became the class clown. He was by no means a naughty child. He could best be described as a rogue and both at home and at school he would often test the boundaries and needed to know exactly where those boundaries were. His antics gained him huge popularity with his male peers and he loved the attention. In retrospect it was clear that James was a square peg in a round hole. The educational establishment chosen for him did not effectively meet either his needs or his preferred learning style. He spent many play times completing unfinished work. James clearly found acquiring both early reading and writing skills challenging. He worked slowly and was made to complete one task set by his teachers before beginning and completing the next. To enable him to do so he often missed the elements of the curriculum that he so enjoyed such as physical education. and technology. Consequently he spent the most part of each day tied to a desk, trudging through endless reading and writing tasks that he clearly hated and found very challenging. There were few opportunities for him to express himself or to engage in physical activities which he clearly needed. James gravitated towards children with similar personalities. They often came from backgrounds which were very dissimilar to his own and such children did not enjoy the support of parents like those of James. He found a common ground with these children and was thrilled by their antics and freedoms in life. His parents continued to work with James and also to work alongside the school to support him. James at the very least raised a few eyebrows amongst his teachers. By the age of 8 he encountered one very severe teacher who was prepared to make absolutely no adjustments to her 30 years of practice to accommodate the likes of James. Her systems and approaches were extraordinarily rigid and there was absolutely no room for manoevre. His

which he can now access to overcome his difficulties. Rich was never diagnosed as having dyslexia. This could well have remained the case today. He did, however, encounter severe difficulties in both reading and writing. He faced an uphill struggle, but, having left his old life behind him, he has successfully made a transition to a life in which he has managed to overcome his difficulties in peace and without judgement.

*At the time when Rich went to school in the 1960s and 1970s there was no assumption that a child's learning difficulties could be the product of a schooling system that has failed to meet the needs of a child. The medical discourse located the problems firmly within the child. Had Rich attended school in the late 1990s rather than in the 1960s his story could have had a very different ending. Rich was ultimately failed by a system of education that assumed he was responsible for his own problems. The inclusion agenda, in contrast, places an onus on schools to be practive in meeting children's individual learning needs.* 

#### **4.2 James**

#### **Context:**

*The Warnock Report (Warnock, 1978) examined the education of handicapped pupils and recommended the concept of 'handicap' be replaced by the term 'special educational needs'. The report recommended the integration of pupils with special educational needs into mainstream schools and classes and it emphasised the importance of parent partnership and an expansion in the role of local authority support services to support the needs of children with specific needs. The 1981 Education Act established the concept of integration and the statementing process. This process (which still exists today in the UK) involves local education authorities in conducting an assessment of the child to identify their specific needs. If the needs are severe, local authorities issue statements of special educational needs which set out the statutory educational entitlements that the school and Local Authority must provide to ensure that a child's needs are met. The 1988 Education Act saw the introduction of a National Curriculum which became an entitlement for all children, irrespective of the type of school that a child attended. In 1989 the United Nations Rights of the Child emphasised the social and educational inclusion of children with special educational needs and disabilities. The 1994 UNESCO Salamanca Statement emphasised the rights of all children to an education and the important role that mainstreaming can play in combating discriminatory attitudes. The 1993 Education Act resulted in the first Code of Practice. This led to the introduction of a named person within schools who was responsible for the education of children with special educational needs, the special educational needs coordinator (SENCO).* 

James is 28 years old. He is the eldest child from a marriage between 2 teachers. James views his life today as happy and secure and he eagerly looks towards the future with great optimism. He is no different in many respects to thousands of people of the same age. Life is good and the future looks bright. So what makes James and his enthusiasm for life different? In reality James has travelled a very long and often turbulent journey. It is that journey that has made James the young man he is today. His journey has paved the way to what he now believes to be a future abounding with renewed optimism.

James was born in Sheffield, England in 1983. He was the first child of a middle class couple and his arrival in the world was welcomed and celebrated by both his parents and their extended families.

which he can now access to overcome his difficulties. Rich was never diagnosed as having dyslexia. This could well have remained the case today. He did, however, encounter severe difficulties in both reading and writing. He faced an uphill struggle, but, having left his old life behind him, he has successfully made a transition to a life in which he has managed to

*At the time when Rich went to school in the 1960s and 1970s there was no assumption that a child's learning difficulties could be the product of a schooling system that has failed to meet the needs of a child. The medical discourse located the problems firmly within the child. Had Rich attended school in the late 1990s rather than in the 1960s his story could have had a very different ending. Rich was ultimately failed by a system of education that assumed he was responsible for his own problems. The inclusion agenda, in contrast, places an onus on schools* 

*The Warnock Report (Warnock, 1978) examined the education of handicapped pupils and recommended the concept of 'handicap' be replaced by the term 'special educational needs'. The report recommended the integration of pupils with special educational needs into mainstream schools and classes and it emphasised the importance of parent partnership and an expansion in the role of local authority support services to support the needs of children with specific needs. The 1981 Education Act established the concept of integration and the statementing process. This process (which still exists today in the UK) involves local education authorities in conducting an assessment of the child to identify their specific needs. If the needs are severe, local authorities issue statements of special educational needs which set out the statutory educational entitlements that the school and Local Authority must provide to ensure that a child's needs are met. The 1988 Education Act saw the introduction of a National Curriculum which became an entitlement for all children, irrespective of the type of school that a child attended. In 1989 the United Nations Rights of the Child emphasised the social and educational inclusion of children with special educational needs and disabilities. The 1994 UNESCO Salamanca Statement emphasised the rights of all children to an education and the important role that mainstreaming can play in combating discriminatory attitudes. The 1993 Education Act resulted in the first Code of Practice. This led to the introduction of a named person within schools who was responsible for the education of children with special educational needs, the* 

James is 28 years old. He is the eldest child from a marriage between 2 teachers. James views his life today as happy and secure and he eagerly looks towards the future with great optimism. He is no different in many respects to thousands of people of the same age. Life is good and the future looks bright. So what makes James and his enthusiasm for life different? In reality James has travelled a very long and often turbulent journey. It is that journey that has made James the young man he is today. His journey has paved the way to what he now

James was born in Sheffield, England in 1983. He was the first child of a middle class couple and his arrival in the world was welcomed and celebrated by both his parents and their

overcome his difficulties in peace and without judgement.

*to be practive in meeting children's individual learning needs.* 

*special educational needs coordinator (SENCO).* 

extended families.

believes to be a future abounding with renewed optimism.

**4.2 James Context:** 

James was not the easiest baby. He was born at 36 weeks and spent the first month of his life in intensive care. He rapidly made progress and was discharged from the hospital to return home with his parents. In terms of sleeping he was a challenge for his young parents and from the early weeks of his life would sleep for only three hours before waking. This continued until James began full time education shortly prior to his 5th birthday. The school he attended was placed in a very middle class catchment area and systems in the school can only be described as traditional. James had always been an extremely active child. His energy levels seemingly had no bounds. He was inquisitive, the world was exciting and every waking moment was a journey of exploration and intrigue. Life was full of questions. He had a genuine love of books and the times he frequently shared these with his parents were undoubtedly the only occasions on which he ever sat still. School life was not the easiest of transitions for James. Suddenly there was an expectation that he would sit still and listen for extended periods of time. He asked copious questions and within weeks he was already labeled as difficult to motivate. The questions he asked were viewed a challenge to authority. On one occasion he had spent an entire Friday afternoon immersed in developing a model. As the school day drew to a close he was asked to disassemble his creation. He enquired as to whether or not he could leave his construction and complete it the following week. This was viewed as challenging behaviour and communications with his mother quickly followed. His teacher was clearly none too impressed. James was happy when engaged in practical tasks. Such opportunities rarely presented themselves and he quickly developed a reputation for being a disruptive influence on his peers. His parents endeavored to offer James additional support at home. They would concede to this day that James much preferred situations in which learning was active and as teachers made every effort to capitalize on this need to engage him in his learning. James enjoyed a degree of success although he was clearly falling behind his peers in terms of his attainment in school. Life was for living, life was fun and quickly James became the class clown. He was by no means a naughty child. He could best be described as a rogue and both at home and at school he would often test the boundaries and needed to know exactly where those boundaries were. His antics gained him huge popularity with his male peers and he loved the attention. In retrospect it was clear that James was a square peg in a round hole. The educational establishment chosen for him did not effectively meet either his needs or his preferred learning style. He spent many play times completing unfinished work. James clearly found acquiring both early reading and writing skills challenging. He worked slowly and was made to complete one task set by his teachers before beginning and completing the next. To enable him to do so he often missed the elements of the curriculum that he so enjoyed such as physical education. and technology. Consequently he spent the most part of each day tied to a desk, trudging through endless reading and writing tasks that he clearly hated and found very challenging. There were few opportunities for him to express himself or to engage in physical activities which he clearly needed. James gravitated towards children with similar personalities. They often came from backgrounds which were very dissimilar to his own and such children did not enjoy the support of parents like those of James. He found a common ground with these children and was thrilled by their antics and freedoms in life. His parents continued to work with James and also to work alongside the school to support him. James at the very least raised a few eyebrows amongst his teachers. By the age of 8 he encountered one very severe teacher who was prepared to make absolutely no adjustments to her 30 years of practice to accommodate the likes of James. Her systems and approaches were extraordinarily rigid and there was absolutely no room for manoevre. His

Dyslexia and Self-Esteem: Stories of Resilience 175

made acutely aware of his strengths. As with other teachers she identified his interests and strengths. Unlike previous teachers she capitalized on his strengths and interests. This same teacher embraced his enthusiasm for computers. James was no longer expected to record all of his work through pen and paper. He was encouraged to record much of it through word processing. This was of course well received by James. Writing was no longer a chore and became more enjoyable. This new approach however clearly began to identify that James did indeed experience genuine difficulties in spelling and writing. He was now happy to engage in the process and it became easier to identify his difficulties. James had without doubt mastered the basics of the alphabetic code, however as he was now approaching his 11th birthday his work clearly identified his over reliance on phonics as the prime approach to spelling new words. The teacher was fascinated by what she had discovered and in discussions with James' mother expressed her concerns that James was showing all the signs of having surface dyslexia. This year in school was, for James, the happiest to date. He worked with enthusiasm as his teacher celebrated his achievements but he was now also able to acknowledge his difficulties and worked tirelessly to overcome these by sharing them with a supportive mentor. As the time to move to secondary education quickly approached this information was shared with the receiving school. James' future suddenly

The final year in primary school quickly became a distant memory of a successful and motivating time in James' life. The days of despair returned on his transfer to secondary school. His difficulties with both reading and writing were rapidly identified again. This of course was a positive beginning to his life in a new school. Surely James would continue to receive the support he needed. The reality was to the contrary. He was once again perceived to be failing and there were few support systems in place. Within only a few weeks James was again in the role of the class clown. He lacked focus in most lessons and failed to complete tasks that involved written work. Homework was rarely completed and again he gravitated towards other disruptive influences. During one parents' evening he was described by one teacher as the most stupid child she had ever met. His efforts now focused on having fun, taking risks and he came under the spell of peer pressure. James was excluded from school for taking alcohol onto the premises to drink with friends during the dinner time break. A watch with an alarm was deliberately set by him to coincide with the middle of a mathematics lesson. He was cautioned but repeated the prank the following week At home, despite the best efforts of his parents, he refused to complete homework. He had given up on school and was now relishing the excitement of testing and breaking rules and boundaries. A significant act of defiance is often recalled by his parents. They had negotiated a contract with him as vital examinations approached. He was to focus on revision during the day and could then enjoy time with friends in the evening. One night James prepared to leave the house to meet friends. He had not revised for his exams during the day. He was now 15 years old. His departure was stalled by his father. James had broken their contract and would not be allowed to meet his friends that night. In an act of total defiance James left the house. He never returned that night and it was only on the afternoon of the following day that he came home. His parents felt that this one incident was a turning point. James had realized that he was ultimately in control of his own life. He coped with the confrontations that followed his challenges to authority and when they were over he challenged it again. When he was just 14 his mother noticed a dramatic change in his behaviour and his personality. Intuitively she knew that such changes could well be the

took on a whole new and positive meaning.

mother later recalled the ways in which she had attempted to work in collaboration with this same teacher. She accepted, as a teacher herself, that James may not be the easiest or most willing child to educate. To some degree this teacher did enjoy a modicum of success with James. He was indeed terrified of her and would make every effort to complete written tasks. She required a written product at the end of every lesson and was perhaps the first teacher to ever successfully extract this from James. James spent much of his days in school seated alone. By now he was clearly operating at a level below that of the majority of his peers. He was however increasingly sharing, what he perceived to be, his current new found success with his mother. At the end of the academic year there was an annual parents' evening and with a new found optimism James' mother attended a meeting with the teacher. James' mother, although dubious about the teaching styles of the class teacher, did acknowledge the change in her son who by his accounts was seemingly more focused in his work and making progress. The meeting began. A torrent of negative attitudes in relation to James was all that his mother was offered. Yes he was completing writing tasks but, but, but….his writing was untidy, he could not spell words correctly even though they had been learned by him a month before. His reading was not fluent; he was only really focused when he was making things or 'playing' on a computer. The result of this conversation was an unexpected and unrehearsed outburst from James' mother. She had listened to a torrent of negative comments about her son from the very beginning of the conversation; she had not heard one positive comment. As if from no where James' mother halted the conversation and enquired as to whether the teacher had any positive comment whatsoever to make in relation to James. Stunned the teacher confirmed that James was both a polite and kind child. He was able to share and always carefully considered the needs of others. 'Thank you' his mother replied before explaining that she felt that James indeed needed to be aware of the ways in which he could make improvements to his work but that he must also be made aware of his strengths. She wished to communicate both to him on her return home. She then terminated the meeting thanking the teacher for advising her of the areas in which James needed to focus but most importantly for identifying some positive aspects of his nature.

For the next 2 years James slowly built on his progress in reading and writing. His reading was slow and he often read 'new' words using an over reliance on a phonological approach. Indeed when writing phonics was the prime approach he used to aid spelling. His mother continued to engage James in exciting first hand experiences at home in a continuing effort to both support and motivate him. She was now convinced that James, although very distractible, was also facing a genuine difficulty in acquiring skills in both reading and writing.

*James' experiences at primary school illustrate the dominant discourse of integration that was prevalent in the 1980s following the publication of the Warnock Report and the 1981 Education Act. Integration placed an onus on James to assimilate into a system of education that did not address his specific needs. The result was that James became demotivated and began to disengage with education. Within the discourse of integration there was no onus on the teacher or school to make any adaptation to practices and the medical model dominated traditional thinking around special educational needs*

As James began his final year in primary school he was to meet a teacher who he recalls with total admiration to this day. For the first time in his relatively young life James was

mother later recalled the ways in which she had attempted to work in collaboration with this same teacher. She accepted, as a teacher herself, that James may not be the easiest or most willing child to educate. To some degree this teacher did enjoy a modicum of success with James. He was indeed terrified of her and would make every effort to complete written tasks. She required a written product at the end of every lesson and was perhaps the first teacher to ever successfully extract this from James. James spent much of his days in school seated alone. By now he was clearly operating at a level below that of the majority of his peers. He was however increasingly sharing, what he perceived to be, his current new found success with his mother. At the end of the academic year there was an annual parents' evening and with a new found optimism James' mother attended a meeting with the teacher. James' mother, although dubious about the teaching styles of the class teacher, did acknowledge the change in her son who by his accounts was seemingly more focused in his work and making progress. The meeting began. A torrent of negative attitudes in relation to James was all that his mother was offered. Yes he was completing writing tasks but, but, but….his writing was untidy, he could not spell words correctly even though they had been learned by him a month before. His reading was not fluent; he was only really focused when he was making things or 'playing' on a computer. The result of this conversation was an unexpected and unrehearsed outburst from James' mother. She had listened to a torrent of negative comments about her son from the very beginning of the conversation; she had not heard one positive comment. As if from no where James' mother halted the conversation and enquired as to whether the teacher had any positive comment whatsoever to make in relation to James. Stunned the teacher confirmed that James was both a polite and kind child. He was able to share and always carefully considered the needs of others. 'Thank you' his mother replied before explaining that she felt that James indeed needed to be aware of the ways in which he could make improvements to his work but that he must also be made aware of his strengths. She wished to communicate both to him on her return home. She then terminated the meeting thanking the teacher for advising her of the areas in which James needed to focus but most importantly for identifying some positive

For the next 2 years James slowly built on his progress in reading and writing. His reading was slow and he often read 'new' words using an over reliance on a phonological approach. Indeed when writing phonics was the prime approach he used to aid spelling. His mother continued to engage James in exciting first hand experiences at home in a continuing effort to both support and motivate him. She was now convinced that James, although very distractible, was also facing a genuine difficulty in acquiring skills in both reading and

As James began his final year in primary school he was to meet a teacher who he recalls with total admiration to this day. For the first time in his relatively young life James was

*traditional thinking around special educational needs*

*James' experiences at primary school illustrate the dominant discourse of integration that was prevalent in the 1980s following the publication of the Warnock Report and the 1981 Education Act. Integration placed an onus on James to assimilate into a system of education that did not address his specific needs. The result was that James became demotivated and began to disengage with education. Within the discourse of integration there was no onus on the teacher or school to make any adaptation to practices and the medical model dominated* 

aspects of his nature.

writing.

made acutely aware of his strengths. As with other teachers she identified his interests and strengths. Unlike previous teachers she capitalized on his strengths and interests. This same teacher embraced his enthusiasm for computers. James was no longer expected to record all of his work through pen and paper. He was encouraged to record much of it through word processing. This was of course well received by James. Writing was no longer a chore and became more enjoyable. This new approach however clearly began to identify that James did indeed experience genuine difficulties in spelling and writing. He was now happy to engage in the process and it became easier to identify his difficulties. James had without doubt mastered the basics of the alphabetic code, however as he was now approaching his 11th birthday his work clearly identified his over reliance on phonics as the prime approach to spelling new words. The teacher was fascinated by what she had discovered and in discussions with James' mother expressed her concerns that James was showing all the signs of having surface dyslexia. This year in school was, for James, the happiest to date. He worked with enthusiasm as his teacher celebrated his achievements but he was now also able to acknowledge his difficulties and worked tirelessly to overcome these by sharing them with a supportive mentor. As the time to move to secondary education quickly approached this information was shared with the receiving school. James' future suddenly took on a whole new and positive meaning.

The final year in primary school quickly became a distant memory of a successful and motivating time in James' life. The days of despair returned on his transfer to secondary school. His difficulties with both reading and writing were rapidly identified again. This of course was a positive beginning to his life in a new school. Surely James would continue to receive the support he needed. The reality was to the contrary. He was once again perceived to be failing and there were few support systems in place. Within only a few weeks James was again in the role of the class clown. He lacked focus in most lessons and failed to complete tasks that involved written work. Homework was rarely completed and again he gravitated towards other disruptive influences. During one parents' evening he was described by one teacher as the most stupid child she had ever met. His efforts now focused on having fun, taking risks and he came under the spell of peer pressure. James was excluded from school for taking alcohol onto the premises to drink with friends during the dinner time break. A watch with an alarm was deliberately set by him to coincide with the middle of a mathematics lesson. He was cautioned but repeated the prank the following week At home, despite the best efforts of his parents, he refused to complete homework. He had given up on school and was now relishing the excitement of testing and breaking rules and boundaries. A significant act of defiance is often recalled by his parents. They had negotiated a contract with him as vital examinations approached. He was to focus on revision during the day and could then enjoy time with friends in the evening. One night James prepared to leave the house to meet friends. He had not revised for his exams during the day. He was now 15 years old. His departure was stalled by his father. James had broken their contract and would not be allowed to meet his friends that night. In an act of total defiance James left the house. He never returned that night and it was only on the afternoon of the following day that he came home. His parents felt that this one incident was a turning point. James had realized that he was ultimately in control of his own life. He coped with the confrontations that followed his challenges to authority and when they were over he challenged it again. When he was just 14 his mother noticed a dramatic change in his behaviour and his personality. Intuitively she knew that such changes could well be the

Dyslexia and Self-Esteem: Stories of Resilience 177

life on the wrong side of the law. It was an extremely volatile relationship and disagreements between the couple often resulted in James making his escape to return to his father only to be beaten up by gangs. His ribs were broken on several occasions and during

Finally, James admitted to wanting to escape from the horrific lifestyle he had chosen. With the continued support of his family he finally sought help. An initial appointment with the family doctor was made by James. He attended with his father. There was to be no lifeline. Many medical practices had a policy that drug addicts were not treated. Eventually James was accepted by a medical practice several miles away and began a methadone program. The distance between his home and the fact that he no longer resided with his father, meant that James rarely attended appointments with his doctor or missed appointments at the chemists where he was given methadone. Time and again the doctors began a methadone program for James ensuring that he also had access to human resources to support him.

In 2009 James' mother and his father financed a program in a rehabilitation centre. James was admitted for a week and placed under heavy sedations. On discharge from the centre he convalesced with his mother. He was weak, emaciated and 'on his own.' During the ensuing two years James continued to meet his needs for heroine from time to time. He never fully returned to the days of being an addict. Today James is finally 'clean'. He ensures that he attends all follow up appointments and is reunited with his family. James is 'high' on life. He finds casual work whenever and wherever he can, and looks forward to the day when he can find full time employment. His relationship with the mother of his daughter ended and currently he is engaged in a legal battle to ensure that he is able to be involved in his daughter's life. James and his family are indeed positive about the future. James frequently suffers periods of remorse and he still has a need to discuss those lost years. It is all part of the healing process for both James and his family. Without the support of a loving family James may well still be wandering the streets in search of his next heroine fix. In reality he is now well on the road to recovery and a 'new' life. James is eternally grateful for the support given by his family and the medical profession. His family is eternally grateful for his determination to battle through the hell of withdrawing from heroine. James and his family have lost over 10 years of his life to heroine. It is an experience that they will never forget. James' parents never stopped loving their son. Today, they

*Alex is slightly older than James. He was born in 1979 just after the publication of the Warnock report and during his early schooling in the 1980s the dominant discourse was one of integration. The medical model of disability prevailed at this time and 'within-child' factors were blamed for the cause* 

Alex began primary school in 1984. He attended a large school with approximately 400 pupils on roll in a two form entry system. Alex had good memories relating to school in general until he reached the age of 9. The year was 1989 and his clear memory was of being summoned, with no prior warning, to the Head Teacher's office. His initial reaction was one

one such incident James was stabbed.

Time and again the program failed.

**4.3 Alex Context:** 

*of children's difficulties.* 

watch proudly, as James boldly takes steps towards the future.

result of James experimenting with drugs. His father was far from receptive to this suggestion. James quickly identified and capitalized on such opposing opinions and skillfully used them to his advantage. He portrayed his mother as a crazed individual which compounded his father's view that indeed she was paranoid. The marriage did not survive this ordeal and James' parents separated. James and his sister stayed with their mother whilst their father moved on to pastures new. Indeed only two months after the separation James was 'outed' as a drug addict. Family life became very turbulent and strained. His younger sister also suffered as a result of his habit which now revolved around heroine. She was arrested when police forced entry into the house. She lived the nightmare of police knocking on the door in the middle of the night. He fraudulently took several thousand pounds from his mother's account. Eventually his mother was faced with the dilemma of meeting the needs of both of her children. Her decision was difficult but unavoidable and James moved out to live with his father.

*James' experiences at secondary school in the early 1990s illustrate the dominant discourse of integration. James was perceived by his teachers to be a failure. There was no onus on the school to be proactive by making adaptations to meet James' educational needs. Consequently James was stigmatised and marginalised by an education system that was based on a medical model of disability. This had disastrous consequences for James and his parents, as illustrated in the events below.* 

The years that followed were turbulent years in so many different respects for the different members of James' family. James divorced himself from his mother for much of the next 7 years. There were meetings and telephone conversations. James was admitted to hospitals on several occasions with life threatening conditions and his mother was always present and James was glad to see her. His parents recalled the stresses felt by both themselves and James during his admittance to hospital. In the main the system was supportive. James would be prescribed methadone. It was rarely administered 'on time' and James would quickly begin to suffer from withdrawal symptoms, threatening to discharge himself from the hospital. Frequently hospital staff refused to communicate with James' parents in relation to his drug addiction. In attempts to ensure that James remained in hospital to receive treatment for life threatening conditions they found themselves in the unthinkable position of collecting heroine for him. Once discharged from hospital he went back to his chosen lifestyle which was financially supported by his father in an attempt to prevent James from thieving to finance his habit. To a certain extent such financial support did minimize the number of occasions on which James became involved with the police although there were several occasions on which he was arrested and he was, on one occasion charged with shop lifting.

During this time James entered into a relationship and within 18 months his son was born. On the day his son was born James was himself in hospital awaiting major surgery and was unable to be present at his son's birth. The relationship floundered. James gave little emotional and no financial support to the mother of his child and the couple separated. James made a few attempts to see his son but has now lost contact with him. Another relationship began and a second child, a daughter, was born two years later. This relationship was with a woman who also had a police record and seemed to prefer to live

result of James experimenting with drugs. His father was far from receptive to this suggestion. James quickly identified and capitalized on such opposing opinions and skillfully used them to his advantage. He portrayed his mother as a crazed individual which compounded his father's view that indeed she was paranoid. The marriage did not survive this ordeal and James' parents separated. James and his sister stayed with their mother whilst their father moved on to pastures new. Indeed only two months after the separation James was 'outed' as a drug addict. Family life became very turbulent and strained. His younger sister also suffered as a result of his habit which now revolved around heroine. She was arrested when police forced entry into the house. She lived the nightmare of police knocking on the door in the middle of the night. He fraudulently took several thousand pounds from his mother's account. Eventually his mother was faced with the dilemma of meeting the needs of both of her children. Her decision was difficult but unavoidable and

The years that followed were turbulent years in so many different respects for the different members of James' family. James divorced himself from his mother for much of the next 7 years. There were meetings and telephone conversations. James was admitted to hospitals on several occasions with life threatening conditions and his mother was always present and James was glad to see her. His parents recalled the stresses felt by both themselves and James during his admittance to hospital. In the main the system was supportive. James would be prescribed methadone. It was rarely administered 'on time' and James would quickly begin to suffer from withdrawal symptoms, threatening to discharge himself from the hospital. Frequently hospital staff refused to communicate with James' parents in relation to his drug addiction. In attempts to ensure that James remained in hospital to receive treatment for life threatening conditions they found themselves in the unthinkable position of collecting heroine for him. Once discharged from hospital he went back to his chosen lifestyle which was financially supported by his father in an attempt to prevent James from thieving to finance his habit. To a certain extent such financial support did minimize the number of occasions on which James became involved with the police although there were several occasions on which he was arrested and he was, on one

*James' experiences at secondary school in the early 1990s illustrate the dominant discourse of integration. James was perceived by his teachers to be a failure. There was no onus on the school to be proactive by making adaptations to meet James' educational needs. Consequently James was stigmatised and marginalised by an education system that was based on a medical model of disability. This had disastrous consequences for James and his parents, as illustrated in the* 

During this time James entered into a relationship and within 18 months his son was born. On the day his son was born James was himself in hospital awaiting major surgery and was unable to be present at his son's birth. The relationship floundered. James gave little emotional and no financial support to the mother of his child and the couple separated. James made a few attempts to see his son but has now lost contact with him. Another relationship began and a second child, a daughter, was born two years later. This relationship was with a woman who also had a police record and seemed to prefer to live

James moved out to live with his father.

*events below.* 

occasion charged with shop lifting.

life on the wrong side of the law. It was an extremely volatile relationship and disagreements between the couple often resulted in James making his escape to return to his father only to be beaten up by gangs. His ribs were broken on several occasions and during one such incident James was stabbed.

Finally, James admitted to wanting to escape from the horrific lifestyle he had chosen. With the continued support of his family he finally sought help. An initial appointment with the family doctor was made by James. He attended with his father. There was to be no lifeline. Many medical practices had a policy that drug addicts were not treated. Eventually James was accepted by a medical practice several miles away and began a methadone program. The distance between his home and the fact that he no longer resided with his father, meant that James rarely attended appointments with his doctor or missed appointments at the chemists where he was given methadone. Time and again the doctors began a methadone program for James ensuring that he also had access to human resources to support him. Time and again the program failed.

In 2009 James' mother and his father financed a program in a rehabilitation centre. James was admitted for a week and placed under heavy sedations. On discharge from the centre he convalesced with his mother. He was weak, emaciated and 'on his own.' During the ensuing two years James continued to meet his needs for heroine from time to time. He never fully returned to the days of being an addict. Today James is finally 'clean'. He ensures that he attends all follow up appointments and is reunited with his family. James is 'high' on life. He finds casual work whenever and wherever he can, and looks forward to the day when he can find full time employment. His relationship with the mother of his daughter ended and currently he is engaged in a legal battle to ensure that he is able to be involved in his daughter's life. James and his family are indeed positive about the future. James frequently suffers periods of remorse and he still has a need to discuss those lost years. It is all part of the healing process for both James and his family. Without the support of a loving family James may well still be wandering the streets in search of his next heroine fix. In reality he is now well on the road to recovery and a 'new' life. James is eternally grateful for the support given by his family and the medical profession. His family is eternally grateful for his determination to battle through the hell of withdrawing from heroine. James and his family have lost over 10 years of his life to heroine. It is an experience that they will never forget. James' parents never stopped loving their son. Today, they watch proudly, as James boldly takes steps towards the future.

#### **4.3 Alex**

#### **Context:**

*Alex is slightly older than James. He was born in 1979 just after the publication of the Warnock report and during his early schooling in the 1980s the dominant discourse was one of integration. The medical model of disability prevailed at this time and 'within-child' factors were blamed for the cause of children's difficulties.* 

Alex began primary school in 1984. He attended a large school with approximately 400 pupils on roll in a two form entry system. Alex had good memories relating to school in general until he reached the age of 9. The year was 1989 and his clear memory was of being summoned, with no prior warning, to the Head Teacher's office. His initial reaction was one

Dyslexia and Self-Esteem: Stories of Resilience 179

move to the 'secondary special needs school' and was reunited with his peers and the

Alex has a clear recollection of facing National Curriculum test papers in mathematics and writing. The outcomes of these tests were never communicated to him. He does however recall, again, struggling to complete the writing of a story within the time constraints. Spelling also remained a challenge for him. There was never an opportunity for Alex to work towards GCSE examinations. He did, however, have the opportunity to undertake

As Alex completed year 11 in secondary school he had gained no qualifications. To the amazement of his parents, however, Alex made the decision to pursue his education at the local further education college. He had not enjoyed school life in more recent years but was able to identify the reasons for this. The challenging behaviour and constant disruptions effected by his peers had been central to his unhappiness. Alex however had never lost sight

At college Alex enrolled on a Health and Social Care course. He still did not perceive that he had encountered any difficulties in learning despite attending two special schools. On being asked if he had any learning difficulties Alex responded in the negative. Alex had a desire to reinvent himself and this seemed to be an appropriate time to do so. He wished to eradicate any associations with the special schools and wished to remove the label of 'the boy with special needs.' During his first year at college his tutor suggested that he should be assessed to determine whether he had dyslexia. Alex agreed to this and subsequently he was given a diagnosis of dyslexia. Following his diagnosis Alex encountered many other students, some of whom were mature, who also shared diagnoses of dyslexia. He listened to their personal recounts of school life which often mirrored his own experiences. Additionally students recalled incidents when they had been the recipients of verbal and physical abuse from teachers. Many had been excluded from lessons. For Alex this was a defining moment in his life. From these frank and open discussions he acquired a true sense of belonging and his sense of isolation was quickly dispersed. Alex was now being educated with like minded people who had similar aspirations for their future but who had all shared similar

A diagnosis of dyslexia for Alex opened the doors to additional focused support. He was able to access additional tutor support; computer aided dictionaries and electronic spell checkers as well as being able to readily access laptops during lessons. Through such support Alex achieved a distinction in his Health and Social Care course and further progressed onto vocational qualifications which led into a career in the health sector.

The impact of Alex's experiences continues, to some degree, to affect his life today. Attending courses to further enhance his own professional development are daunting experiences for him. He worries that on such occasions there may be an expectation for him to read or write in front of others. Alex continues to struggle with spelling, reading and writing and displays a strong preference for using a computer rather than writing by hand. In many aspects of his work he is required to hand write commentaries and notes, such

challenging behaviours they displayed.

of the importance and value of education.

experiences in their formative years in education.

Currently Alex is studying towards a science degree.

situations are unavoidable and remain a source of stress to Alex.

focused work placements.

of concern and he made the immediate assumption that this was a result of a misdemeanor on his part even though he was unable to identify what this could have been. On entering the office Alex was greeted by the Head Teacher (Mrs. P), his parents and his class teacher (Mrs. E).

It was at this meeting that, for the first in his life, Alex was made aware that he was considered to be a 'slow learner.' This was a totally new revelation to Alex who until this point in time was completely unaware that either his teacher, his, parents or the school held any concerns relating to his progress. Mrs. E explained that Alex had found it challenging to complete given tasks, in reading and writing, within a given time constraint. Mrs. P's solution to this problem was to suggest that Alex would benefit from a transfer to a special school. It was evident that Alex had absolutely no control or influence in the matter. The decision regarding his future education had already clearly been made. From the outset Alex had reservations about leaving a school where he was, happy settled, and had form strong friendships with his peers. The term 'special school' did not bode well with Alex either. Despite his anxieties Alex did not express his feelings. His mother insisted that Alex would indeed transfer to the 'special school.' Within three weeks of this meeting taking place Alex was attending his new school on a part time basis. Within half a term his placement was on a full time basis.

*Under the dominant discourse of integration the school had not been proactive in making changes to its practices to meet Alex's needs. Alex had been integrated into a school that was designed to educate the masses and no specialist provision had been made availalable to enable him to make progress. He had been labelled as a slow learner and no attempt had been made to differentiate the learning to cater for his needs. He was ultimately blamed for his difficulties, illustrating a dominant medical model of disability which prevailed in the post-Warnock period.* 

There swiftly followed a series of assessments, resulting in a diagnosis, for Alex, of moderate learning difficulties. Alex had been placed in a special school which supported pupils facing a multitude of differing special educational needs. He was educated in a class of approximately six other children. He witnessed events that are emblazoned on his memory to this day. Events that, until this point in his life, he had never witnessed before. Many of his peers frequently displayed aggression. Chairs were flung across the classroom, rulers were used as weapons, children were frequently restrained and teachers were verbally abused and assaulted. School reports for Alex changed significantly. They frequently made reference to his immature, irresponsible and unacceptable behaviour. His friendships were with those who had been placed in the school to support them in overcoming challenging behaviour. This disruptive behaviour was however, quickly halted following a severe verbal reprimand from and educational psychologist, witnessed by his parents. Thereafter his behaviour improved and he was frequently rewarded for meeting behavioural expectations.

At the age of 12 Alex was offered the option of returning to mainstream secondary education. He embraced this opportunity but quickly struggled to be educated alongside his main stream peers in larger classes. His entry to secondary school had already been delayed by one year. The transition was difficult for him and he faced it with neither peer support nor carefully considered transition planning in place. Consequently Alex made a decision to

of concern and he made the immediate assumption that this was a result of a misdemeanor on his part even though he was unable to identify what this could have been. On entering the office Alex was greeted by the Head Teacher (Mrs. P), his parents and his class teacher

It was at this meeting that, for the first in his life, Alex was made aware that he was considered to be a 'slow learner.' This was a totally new revelation to Alex who until this point in time was completely unaware that either his teacher, his, parents or the school held any concerns relating to his progress. Mrs. E explained that Alex had found it challenging to complete given tasks, in reading and writing, within a given time constraint. Mrs. P's solution to this problem was to suggest that Alex would benefit from a transfer to a special school. It was evident that Alex had absolutely no control or influence in the matter. The decision regarding his future education had already clearly been made. From the outset Alex had reservations about leaving a school where he was, happy settled, and had form strong friendships with his peers. The term 'special school' did not bode well with Alex either. Despite his anxieties Alex did not express his feelings. His mother insisted that Alex would indeed transfer to the 'special school.' Within three weeks of this meeting taking place Alex was attending his new school on a part time basis. Within half a term his

There swiftly followed a series of assessments, resulting in a diagnosis, for Alex, of moderate learning difficulties. Alex had been placed in a special school which supported pupils facing a multitude of differing special educational needs. He was educated in a class of approximately six other children. He witnessed events that are emblazoned on his memory to this day. Events that, until this point in his life, he had never witnessed before. Many of his peers frequently displayed aggression. Chairs were flung across the classroom, rulers were used as weapons, children were frequently restrained and teachers were verbally abused and assaulted. School reports for Alex changed significantly. They frequently made reference to his immature, irresponsible and unacceptable behaviour. His friendships were with those who had been placed in the school to support them in overcoming challenging behaviour. This disruptive behaviour was however, quickly halted following a severe verbal reprimand from and educational psychologist, witnessed by his parents. Thereafter his behaviour improved and he was frequently rewarded for meeting

*dominant medical model of disability which prevailed in the post-Warnock period.* 

*Under the dominant discourse of integration the school had not been proactive in making changes to its practices to meet Alex's needs. Alex had been integrated into a school that was designed to educate the masses and no specialist provision had been made availalable to enable him to make progress. He had been labelled as a slow learner and no attempt had been made to differentiate the learning to cater for his needs. He was ultimately blamed for his difficulties, illustrating a* 

At the age of 12 Alex was offered the option of returning to mainstream secondary education. He embraced this opportunity but quickly struggled to be educated alongside his main stream peers in larger classes. His entry to secondary school had already been delayed by one year. The transition was difficult for him and he faced it with neither peer support nor carefully considered transition planning in place. Consequently Alex made a decision to

(Mrs. E).

placement was on a full time basis.

behavioural expectations.

move to the 'secondary special needs school' and was reunited with his peers and the challenging behaviours they displayed.

Alex has a clear recollection of facing National Curriculum test papers in mathematics and writing. The outcomes of these tests were never communicated to him. He does however recall, again, struggling to complete the writing of a story within the time constraints. Spelling also remained a challenge for him. There was never an opportunity for Alex to work towards GCSE examinations. He did, however, have the opportunity to undertake focused work placements.

As Alex completed year 11 in secondary school he had gained no qualifications. To the amazement of his parents, however, Alex made the decision to pursue his education at the local further education college. He had not enjoyed school life in more recent years but was able to identify the reasons for this. The challenging behaviour and constant disruptions effected by his peers had been central to his unhappiness. Alex however had never lost sight of the importance and value of education.

At college Alex enrolled on a Health and Social Care course. He still did not perceive that he had encountered any difficulties in learning despite attending two special schools. On being asked if he had any learning difficulties Alex responded in the negative. Alex had a desire to reinvent himself and this seemed to be an appropriate time to do so. He wished to eradicate any associations with the special schools and wished to remove the label of 'the boy with special needs.' During his first year at college his tutor suggested that he should be assessed to determine whether he had dyslexia. Alex agreed to this and subsequently he was given a diagnosis of dyslexia. Following his diagnosis Alex encountered many other students, some of whom were mature, who also shared diagnoses of dyslexia. He listened to their personal recounts of school life which often mirrored his own experiences. Additionally students recalled incidents when they had been the recipients of verbal and physical abuse from teachers. Many had been excluded from lessons. For Alex this was a defining moment in his life. From these frank and open discussions he acquired a true sense of belonging and his sense of isolation was quickly dispersed. Alex was now being educated with like minded people who had similar aspirations for their future but who had all shared similar experiences in their formative years in education.

A diagnosis of dyslexia for Alex opened the doors to additional focused support. He was able to access additional tutor support; computer aided dictionaries and electronic spell checkers as well as being able to readily access laptops during lessons. Through such support Alex achieved a distinction in his Health and Social Care course and further progressed onto vocational qualifications which led into a career in the health sector. Currently Alex is studying towards a science degree.

The impact of Alex's experiences continues, to some degree, to affect his life today. Attending courses to further enhance his own professional development are daunting experiences for him. He worries that on such occasions there may be an expectation for him to read or write in front of others. Alex continues to struggle with spelling, reading and writing and displays a strong preference for using a computer rather than writing by hand. In many aspects of his work he is required to hand write commentaries and notes, such situations are unavoidable and remain a source of stress to Alex.

Dyslexia and Self-Esteem: Stories of Resilience 181

years with Sophie and although the evidence she presented could have related to most children of a similar age she was convinced of her findings. Indeed throughout the following year Sophie did begin to find it immensely difficult to acquire early reading and writing skills. She would appear to master a new skill but quickly lost the skill only needing to be supported again to address it. This vicious circle continued and Sophie's overall attainment, in these areas of her learning, became a cause for concern. She became very distressed when she anticipated the need to complete a reading or writing activity. Frequently her fears were unfounded but if she predicted that she would be asked to read or write she would become inconsolable. Her teachers were supportive and compassionate and Sophie consistently enjoyed praise for her achievements. This was to no avail. Sophie had already developed an innate fear of applying these skills. When engaged in other activities

During the ensuing 2 years the school worked in collaboration with Sophie's mother, never denying that there was now a possibility that Sophie was dyslexic. There was access to little support for the school to support Sophie. Any enquiries were quickly and abruptly dismissed. There was an age barrier to accessing further support for Sophie. Her mother and now her teachers were convinced that Sophie needed additional support to overcome her difficulties. Sophie finally reached that mile stone 7th birthday and the process of screening

In reality the process was slow. External agencies were involved and there was doubt that Sophie was dyslexic. Her mother and the school remained convinced. The specific diagnosis was not a concern. Their shared mission was to receive additional advice relating to supporting Sophie. It was in fact almost 3 years later before Sophie was officially diagnosed as having dyslexia. Until that time the school had worked tirelessly to support Sophie. Sophie in turn had begun to use her difficulties as a crutch. She approached all aspects of reading and writing with a dyslexic barrier firmly placed between herself and the teacher. She was difficult to motivate and had a plethora of excuses. She was able to support her negative attitudes with a multitude of reasons as to why she could not attempt them. The staff in school found her attitudes challenging and on occasions she was confronted by their frustrations. They made every effort to remain clam but the barrage of information relating to 'my dyslexia' aimed at them by Sophie became a huge challenge. Sophie's views were acknowledged and much was done in an attempt to meet her needs. One practitioner recalled the day when Sophie was using a computer to word process her work. She was particularly difficult to engage on this occasion and finally explained that she found it difficult to work when the screen background was white. The screen was in fact yellow and

had already been changed to meet her needs as Sophie had previously requested.

the challenges she faced. It was as if, in Sophie's mind, everyone now believed her.

During the final year of Sophie's primary school education she finally received the diagnosis she and her mother had sought. Additional support was now readily available for Sophie, her mother and the school. Much of what was offered had already been provided by the school in the years before her diagnosis. However the difference in Sophie's attitudes towards her learning was swift and positive. No one had ever doubted her difficulties with reading and writing, she had been supported by every teacher and yet it was her diagnosis that was the key to opening the door to engaging Sophie in working towards overcoming

Sophie was confident and during discussions she was extremely articulate.

for dyslexia could finally begin.

*Alex's later educational experiences at Further Education College powerfully illustrate a shift in thinking from a medical to a social model of disability. Ajustments were made to enable Alex to achieve his full educational potential and resources were provided which helped to break down barriers to learning and participation. Alex's experiences at college demonstrate the shift from a dominant discourse of integration to the discourse of inclusion, post Salamanca. Alex was no longer blamed for his difficulties and the proactive response demonstrated by the college is synonymous with inclusion which was advanced as a policy agenda under the Labour government post 1997.* 

#### **4.4 Sophie**

#### **Context:**

*The 1994 UNESCO Salamanca Statement emphasised the rights of all children to an education and the important role that mainstreaming can play in combating discriminatory attitudes. The 1993 Education Act resulted in the Code of Practice for special educational needs. This led to the introduction of a named person within schools who was responsible for the education of children with special educational needs, the special educational needs coordinator (SENCO). Differentiated educational provision became more common during the 1990s and teachers became skilled in planning learning activities to meet the diverse needs of a range of learners as the social model of disability began to dominate thinking around disability. . The Labour government advanced the inclusion agenda post 1997 and this placed an onus on all educational institutions to be proactive in meeting children's individual needs by making adaptations to policies and practices. Disability Discrimination legislation in the 1990s placed a duty on teachers to make 'reasonable adjustments' to cater for the needs of children with special educational needs.* 

Sophie was almost 5 years old when she went to school in a small village in England. Before this time in her life Sophie had enjoyed the continual love and support of her family. She had spent her young life enjoying the love and affection of her parents and grandparents and was never far away from either of them. Sophie found the transition from the securities of home life to the new experiences of school life traumatic. She struggled to cope when her mother left her at school each morning. Each experience was a new experience for Sophie and she yearned to be with her mother for support and comfort. Two weeks late, Sophie continued to find the transition difficult. Her teacher instigated a meeting with Sophie's mother in an attempt to work collaboratively to ease Sophie's distress. This was the prime purpose of the meeting and it was assumed by Sophie's teacher that the reasons would be totally transparent.

On the day of the meeting Sophie's mother arrived, already clearly distressed. She was in fact convinced that Sophie's teacher was poised to reveal her greatest fear. That Sophie was dyslexic. Sophie's mother explained in minute detail her reasoning. She had obviously held this fear for a long time. Well before Sophie had begun her full time education. Schools in England are usually unable to secure such a diagnosis until a child reaches the age of 7 and at this moment in time Sophie's teacher had no evidence to suggest that Sophie was dyslexic. She did not however dismiss the concerns of Sophie's mother. In two weeks she had no evidence to suggest that Sophie was encountering such difficulties. The main areas of concern were Sophie's social and emotional needs.

As the weeks went by the events of this meeting remained fresh in the teacher's mind. Why had Sophie's mother seemed so certain that Sophie was dyslexic? She had spent almost 5

*Alex's later educational experiences at Further Education College powerfully illustrate a shift in thinking from a medical to a social model of disability. Ajustments were made to enable Alex to achieve his full educational potential and resources were provided which helped to break down barriers to learning and participation. Alex's experiences at college demonstrate the shift from a dominant discourse of integration to the discourse of inclusion, post Salamanca. Alex was no longer blamed for his difficulties and the proactive response demonstrated by the college is synonymous with inclusion which was advanced as a policy agenda under the Labour government* 

*The 1994 UNESCO Salamanca Statement emphasised the rights of all children to an education and the important role that mainstreaming can play in combating discriminatory attitudes. The 1993 Education Act resulted in the Code of Practice for special educational needs. This led to the introduction of a named person within schools who was responsible for the education of children with special educational needs, the special educational needs coordinator (SENCO). Differentiated educational provision became more common during the 1990s and teachers became skilled in planning learning activities to meet the diverse needs of a range of learners as the social model of disability began to dominate thinking around disability. . The Labour government advanced the inclusion agenda post 1997 and this placed an onus on all educational institutions to be proactive in meeting children's individual needs by making adaptations to policies and practices. Disability Discrimination legislation in the 1990s placed a duty on teachers to make 'reasonable adjustments' to* 

Sophie was almost 5 years old when she went to school in a small village in England. Before this time in her life Sophie had enjoyed the continual love and support of her family. She had spent her young life enjoying the love and affection of her parents and grandparents and was never far away from either of them. Sophie found the transition from the securities of home life to the new experiences of school life traumatic. She struggled to cope when her mother left her at school each morning. Each experience was a new experience for Sophie and she yearned to be with her mother for support and comfort. Two weeks late, Sophie continued to find the transition difficult. Her teacher instigated a meeting with Sophie's mother in an attempt to work collaboratively to ease Sophie's distress. This was the prime purpose of the meeting and it was assumed by Sophie's teacher that the reasons would be totally transparent. On the day of the meeting Sophie's mother arrived, already clearly distressed. She was in fact convinced that Sophie's teacher was poised to reveal her greatest fear. That Sophie was dyslexic. Sophie's mother explained in minute detail her reasoning. She had obviously held this fear for a long time. Well before Sophie had begun her full time education. Schools in England are usually unable to secure such a diagnosis until a child reaches the age of 7 and at this moment in time Sophie's teacher had no evidence to suggest that Sophie was dyslexic. She did not however dismiss the concerns of Sophie's mother. In two weeks she had no evidence to suggest that Sophie was encountering such difficulties. The main areas

As the weeks went by the events of this meeting remained fresh in the teacher's mind. Why had Sophie's mother seemed so certain that Sophie was dyslexic? She had spent almost 5

*cater for the needs of children with special educational needs.* 

of concern were Sophie's social and emotional needs.

**4.4 Sophie Context:** 

*post 1997.* 

years with Sophie and although the evidence she presented could have related to most children of a similar age she was convinced of her findings. Indeed throughout the following year Sophie did begin to find it immensely difficult to acquire early reading and writing skills. She would appear to master a new skill but quickly lost the skill only needing to be supported again to address it. This vicious circle continued and Sophie's overall attainment, in these areas of her learning, became a cause for concern. She became very distressed when she anticipated the need to complete a reading or writing activity. Frequently her fears were unfounded but if she predicted that she would be asked to read or write she would become inconsolable. Her teachers were supportive and compassionate and Sophie consistently enjoyed praise for her achievements. This was to no avail. Sophie had already developed an innate fear of applying these skills. When engaged in other activities Sophie was confident and during discussions she was extremely articulate.

During the ensuing 2 years the school worked in collaboration with Sophie's mother, never denying that there was now a possibility that Sophie was dyslexic. There was access to little support for the school to support Sophie. Any enquiries were quickly and abruptly dismissed. There was an age barrier to accessing further support for Sophie. Her mother and now her teachers were convinced that Sophie needed additional support to overcome her difficulties. Sophie finally reached that mile stone 7th birthday and the process of screening for dyslexia could finally begin.

In reality the process was slow. External agencies were involved and there was doubt that Sophie was dyslexic. Her mother and the school remained convinced. The specific diagnosis was not a concern. Their shared mission was to receive additional advice relating to supporting Sophie. It was in fact almost 3 years later before Sophie was officially diagnosed as having dyslexia. Until that time the school had worked tirelessly to support Sophie. Sophie in turn had begun to use her difficulties as a crutch. She approached all aspects of reading and writing with a dyslexic barrier firmly placed between herself and the teacher. She was difficult to motivate and had a plethora of excuses. She was able to support her negative attitudes with a multitude of reasons as to why she could not attempt them. The staff in school found her attitudes challenging and on occasions she was confronted by their frustrations. They made every effort to remain clam but the barrage of information relating to 'my dyslexia' aimed at them by Sophie became a huge challenge. Sophie's views were acknowledged and much was done in an attempt to meet her needs. One practitioner recalled the day when Sophie was using a computer to word process her work. She was particularly difficult to engage on this occasion and finally explained that she found it difficult to work when the screen background was white. The screen was in fact yellow and had already been changed to meet her needs as Sophie had previously requested.

During the final year of Sophie's primary school education she finally received the diagnosis she and her mother had sought. Additional support was now readily available for Sophie, her mother and the school. Much of what was offered had already been provided by the school in the years before her diagnosis. However the difference in Sophie's attitudes towards her learning was swift and positive. No one had ever doubted her difficulties with reading and writing, she had been supported by every teacher and yet it was her diagnosis that was the key to opening the door to engaging Sophie in working towards overcoming the challenges she faced. It was as if, in Sophie's mind, everyone now believed her.

Dyslexia and Self-Esteem: Stories of Resilience 183

Whatever the reasons she worked tirelessly to ensure that Sophie could access the support she required. Throughout her life in school Sophie's difficulties, even before she gained an official diagnosis of dyslexia, were acknowledged and she eventually gained the specialist support that she needed. The greatest contribution to Sophie's success must be Sophie herself. She has shown great determination and ambition which culminated in Sophie now being poised to begin her first year in teaching as a newly qualified teacher. The future looks

The stories illustrate the powerful discourses which have influenced children with learning difficulties at various times. Rich's story illustrates schooling in England in the 1960s which failed to recognise individual needs and emphasised perceived deficits: '*There were frequent communications from the school in regard to Rich relating to his lack of academic ability' ....* '*Reports from school consistently made reference to his 'poor' work, lack of concentration and inability to organise the daily demands of school life'.* A powerful normalising discourse pervaded at the time. Children were expected to keep up with the rest of the class and deviations from the

Interestingly, the stories of James and Alex illustrate that two decades later, in the 1980s, little had changed despite policy rhetoric which emphasised the necessity for schools to meet children's individual needs. The influential Warnock Report (DES, 1978) had introduced the language of special educational needs and emphasised the capacity of mainstream schools to meet a diverse range of needs. However, under this discourse of integration, James' story powerfully illustrates that no attempts were made to meet his specific needs. Throughout his primary education teachers focused on his deficits and rather than the deficits in their own teaching, which may have contributed to James' disengagement. Within this normalising discourse, James was simply expected to assimilate into a largely unchanged system. Alex's story also illustrates a normalising discourse. The school failed to meet his diverse needs and consequently he was marginalized and excluded. He was viewed in terms of his deficits and punished by not being allowed to attend his mainstream primary school. This story powerfully illustrates the extent to which integration placed the onus on the child to adapt to the schooling system and how not adapting led to punishment. Both Alex and James' story illustrate how integration could be perceived as a normalising discourse which emphasised children's deficits. No attempts were made by Alex's and James' teachers to identify deficit aspects of their practices which

The connecting theme for Rich, James, Sophie and Alex is a theme of discrimination. The consequences of this discrimination were severe in James' case and his subsequent decision to engage in a life of crime could have been the consequence of his low self-concept. For Alex and Sophie discrimination was evident through a late diagnosis of dyslexia and, for

Sophie's story illustrates powerfully the impact of dyslexia on her self-concept. She approached tasks anxiously and with fear and often used made excuses to avoid certain tasks. Both Sophie's story and Alex's story illustrate the benefits of the diagnosis. In both cases the diagnosis was delayed but following the diagnosis both enjoyed additional support. It is pertinent to note that in both cases, the diagnosis came in the 1990s when

bright for Sophie and her dreams have finally become a reality

**5. Discussion** 

norm were treated as failures.

could have contributed to their disengagement.

Alex, his exclusion from mainstream education.

*Sophie's experiences illustrate that the process of formally recognising a child's specific needs in England can be a long drawn-out process. The statementing process that was introduced following the 1981 Education Act is complex and in reality children may not receive a diagnosis until the end of their primary education.* 

Sophie enjoyed her final year in primary school. She and her mother were now more relaxed and at ease. She was frequently visited by specialist and her diagnosis indeed did much to develop her confidence and self esteem.

Sophie's battle was briefly revisited when she began her secondary school education. It is thanks to her mother, who worked tirelessly for 6 months to ensure that Sophie received the support she was entitled to, that Sophie again began to make progress. Sophie enjoyed her success and left the secondary school with 6 GCSE s before continuing her education and also gaining 3 'A' levels. This was followed by a course in which she successfully qualified to become a nursery nurse.

*Sophie eventially managed to recieve the support she needed at secondary school to enable her to make good progress. This demonstrates the shift from integration to inclusion during the 1990s. The discourse of inclusion reflected a social model of disability which placed an onus on all educational institutions to make changes to their policies and practices to enable learners to make progress. Consequently Sophie was able to thrive during the final years of her school career due to the support that she received.* 

Sophie secured a position as a nursery nurse where she enjoyed every moment of the next 4 years. Her work was consistently praised and acknowledged. Sophie worked with a range of children with widely differing needs. She effectively supported them all. Over time, working under the direction of someone else became a frustration for Sophie. She had ideas and strategies of her own, which she wished to implement, but was unable to do so in the position she held. Her ideas of a new and different future began to form. In September 2008 Sophie applied to begin a teacher training course and was accepted.

Sophie was thrilled to have secured the opportunity to train as a teacher. Her difficulties with reading and writing had by no means disappeared and throughout her teacher training course she accessed a great deal of readily available additional support to aid her with the many assignments she was required to complete. She learned how to overcome her difficulties and spent far more time completing assignments than her contemporaries. Her grades began to improve. By now Sophie was married and the dedication to succeed she demonstrated was met with anger and aggression from her husband. He understood neither her drive nor her determination. The short marriage ended and Sophie was left devastated but still held onto a belief that she could succeed. In the practical aspects of her course Sophie excelled. She was truly committed to her chosen career path. She was creative and would spend hours carefully considering the ways in which she could engage her pupils whilst meeting their many individual needs. Committing her plans to paper was time consuming for Sophie but was deemed time well spent as she was highly motivated to ensure that her pupils enjoyed success. Sophie had been well supported throughout her life to overcome her difficulties. Her mother knew that from an early age Sophie was dyslexic. Could this possibly be because she recognized a mirror image of her own difficulties? Whatever the reasons she worked tirelessly to ensure that Sophie could access the support she required. Throughout her life in school Sophie's difficulties, even before she gained an official diagnosis of dyslexia, were acknowledged and she eventually gained the specialist support that she needed. The greatest contribution to Sophie's success must be Sophie herself. She has shown great determination and ambition which culminated in Sophie now being poised to begin her first year in teaching as a newly qualified teacher. The future looks bright for Sophie and her dreams have finally become a reality

## **5. Discussion**

182 Dyslexia – A Comprehensive and International Approach

*Sophie's experiences illustrate that the process of formally recognising a child's specific needs in England can be a long drawn-out process. The statementing process that was introduced following the 1981 Education Act is complex and in reality children may not receive a diagnosis until the end*

Sophie enjoyed her final year in primary school. She and her mother were now more relaxed and at ease. She was frequently visited by specialist and her diagnosis indeed did much to

Sophie's battle was briefly revisited when she began her secondary school education. It is thanks to her mother, who worked tirelessly for 6 months to ensure that Sophie received the support she was entitled to, that Sophie again began to make progress. Sophie enjoyed her success and left the secondary school with 6 GCSE s before continuing her education and also gaining 3 'A' levels. This was followed by a course in which she successfully qualified

Sophie secured a position as a nursery nurse where she enjoyed every moment of the next 4 years. Her work was consistently praised and acknowledged. Sophie worked with a range of children with widely differing needs. She effectively supported them all. Over time, working under the direction of someone else became a frustration for Sophie. She had ideas and strategies of her own, which she wished to implement, but was unable to do so in the position she held. Her ideas of a new and different future began to form. In September 2008

*Sophie eventially managed to recieve the support she needed at secondary school to enable her to make good progress. This demonstrates the shift from integration to inclusion during the 1990s. The discourse of inclusion reflected a social model of disability which placed an onus on all educational institutions to make changes to their policies and practices to enable learners to make progress. Consequently Sophie was able to thrive during the final years of her school career due to* 

Sophie was thrilled to have secured the opportunity to train as a teacher. Her difficulties with reading and writing had by no means disappeared and throughout her teacher training course she accessed a great deal of readily available additional support to aid her with the many assignments she was required to complete. She learned how to overcome her difficulties and spent far more time completing assignments than her contemporaries. Her grades began to improve. By now Sophie was married and the dedication to succeed she demonstrated was met with anger and aggression from her husband. He understood neither her drive nor her determination. The short marriage ended and Sophie was left devastated but still held onto a belief that she could succeed. In the practical aspects of her course Sophie excelled. She was truly committed to her chosen career path. She was creative and would spend hours carefully considering the ways in which she could engage her pupils whilst meeting their many individual needs. Committing her plans to paper was time consuming for Sophie but was deemed time well spent as she was highly motivated to ensure that her pupils enjoyed success. Sophie had been well supported throughout her life to overcome her difficulties. Her mother knew that from an early age Sophie was dyslexic. Could this possibly be because she recognized a mirror image of her own difficulties?

Sophie applied to begin a teacher training course and was accepted.

develop her confidence and self esteem.

to become a nursery nurse.

*the support that she received.* 

*of their primary education.* 

The stories illustrate the powerful discourses which have influenced children with learning difficulties at various times. Rich's story illustrates schooling in England in the 1960s which failed to recognise individual needs and emphasised perceived deficits: '*There were frequent communications from the school in regard to Rich relating to his lack of academic ability' ....* '*Reports from school consistently made reference to his 'poor' work, lack of concentration and inability to organise the daily demands of school life'.* A powerful normalising discourse pervaded at the time. Children were expected to keep up with the rest of the class and deviations from the norm were treated as failures.

Interestingly, the stories of James and Alex illustrate that two decades later, in the 1980s, little had changed despite policy rhetoric which emphasised the necessity for schools to meet children's individual needs. The influential Warnock Report (DES, 1978) had introduced the language of special educational needs and emphasised the capacity of mainstream schools to meet a diverse range of needs. However, under this discourse of integration, James' story powerfully illustrates that no attempts were made to meet his specific needs. Throughout his primary education teachers focused on his deficits and rather than the deficits in their own teaching, which may have contributed to James' disengagement. Within this normalising discourse, James was simply expected to assimilate into a largely unchanged system. Alex's story also illustrates a normalising discourse. The school failed to meet his diverse needs and consequently he was marginalized and excluded. He was viewed in terms of his deficits and punished by not being allowed to attend his mainstream primary school. This story powerfully illustrates the extent to which integration placed the onus on the child to adapt to the schooling system and how not adapting led to punishment. Both Alex and James' story illustrate how integration could be perceived as a normalising discourse which emphasised children's deficits. No attempts were made by Alex's and James' teachers to identify deficit aspects of their practices which could have contributed to their disengagement.

The connecting theme for Rich, James, Sophie and Alex is a theme of discrimination. The consequences of this discrimination were severe in James' case and his subsequent decision to engage in a life of crime could have been the consequence of his low self-concept. For Alex and Sophie discrimination was evident through a late diagnosis of dyslexia and, for Alex, his exclusion from mainstream education.

Sophie's story illustrates powerfully the impact of dyslexia on her self-concept. She approached tasks anxiously and with fear and often used made excuses to avoid certain tasks. Both Sophie's story and Alex's story illustrate the benefits of the diagnosis. In both cases the diagnosis was delayed but following the diagnosis both enjoyed additional support. It is pertinent to note that in both cases, the diagnosis came in the 1990s when

Dyslexia and Self-Esteem: Stories of Resilience 185

failure can have devastating consequences and although it is not possible to make a direct link between criminal activity and literacy failure, it could be argued that James'low selfconcept, could have been a significant factor in his criminal activities in later life. Parental support ranged from being supportive to over-bearing. For example, the support from Sophie's mum inevitably impacted on developing a secure sense of self which was clearly evident following her diagnosis However, Rich's mother had overly optimistic ambitions for him which resulted in his determination to rebel and dis-own his family. What emerges from these stories is a sense of success. Through determination and resilience, both Sophie and Alex have achieved their academic ambitions. James has overcome his drug addiction and is now considering re-engaging with education. Rich has made a new life for himself away from the pressures of his mother who, although over-bearing, only had what she considered to be his best interests at heart. The stories expose pain and suffering but, above all, they illumiate the discrimination experienced by all the informants in their education. Rich never had a diagnosis of dyslexia. If he had, the outcomes could have been more positive and Rich might still be in contact with his family today. Alex was denied access to a mainstream primary education. All informants believe that they have dyslexia. Some received official diagnoses, but these often came too late. Others, received no diagnosis, which left them vulnerable and unable to understand why they found reading and writing so difficult. Given the range of issues identified through these stories it is important that further narrative research is conducted and published to illustrate the effects of dyslexia on people's lives.

I wish to express my gratitude to all four of my informants for allowing me to write their

Bochner, A.P. (2000), 'Criteria against Ourselves', *Qualitative Inquiry*, 6, (2), 266-72, in: Denzin N.K. (2003), 'Reading and writing Performance', *Qualitative Research*, 3, (2), 243-68. Burden, R., and Burdett, J. (2005), 'Factors associated in successful learning in pupils with

Butkowsky, I.S., and Willows, D.M. (1980), 'Cognitive motivational characteristics of

Clough, P. (2003), 'A Reply by Peter Clough: Things, Objects, Truths, Narratives and

DFEE (2000), *SEN Code of Practice on the Identification and Assessment of Pupils with special* 

Dewhirst W (1995) 'Pushy Parents and Lazy Kids: Aspects of Dyslexia. An Investigation of

Edwards J (1994) *The Scars of Dyslexia: Eight Case Studies in Emotional Reactions,* London: Cassell.

Denzin N.K.(2003), 'Reading and writing Performance', *Qualitative Research*, 3, (2), 243-68. DES (1978), *Special Educational Needs: report of the Committee of Enquiry into the Education of* 

readers', *Journal of Educational Psychology,* 72, (3), 408-422.

*handicapped Children and Young People,* London: HMSO.

*provision for pupils with special educational needs. DFEE.* 

Fictions', *Research in Post-Compulsory Education*, 8, (3), 446- 449.

(1996) *Living with Dyslexia* London and New York: Routledge).

dyslexia: a motivational analysis', *British Journal of Special Education,* 32, (2), 100-104.

children varying in reading ability: evidence for learned helplessness in poor

*Educational Needs and SEN Thresholds: good practice guidance on identification and* 

the Experiences of Dyslexics and their Families in the Diagnostic Process ', Unpublished MSc in Social Research Methods, University of Teeside (in Riddick B

**7. Acknowledgment** 

stories of resilience.

**8. References** 

England was moving towards an agenda for inclusion. This discourse placed more of an onus on the schools to proactively meet the needs of the child rather than adopting a deficit perspective.

In all the stories there is an emerging theme of parental support but in some stories it is evident that parents had to fight to get support and worked tirelessly to achieve help for their child. Sophie's mother, for example, worked tirelessly to obtain a diagnosis of dyslexia. In Rich's story it is evident that parental support can be a negative factor: '*On a very personal basis his failure was now totally levelled at him. She perceived him as 'difficult' and uncooperative and their relationship was at an all time low'.* In Alex's case his parents were supportive but were clearly influenced by the views of more powerful professionals when the decision was made by the school for Alex to attend a special school. It was interesting that, at this time, the views of both Alex and his parents were seemingly irrelevant. This was a time before the dominant discourse which exists currently which emphasises the rights of parents and children to be involved in all decision making. This is now clearly articulated in the Code of Practice for Special Educational Needs (DFEE, 2000).

A connecting theme for all stories relates to the impact that dyslexia has had on the informants as adults. Sophie continually has to address her literacy difficulties every day whilst working as a teacher and he has to find strategies to overcome these. Form filling and note taking is problematic for Alex in his current job. Rich struggled to fill in job applications and needed support from his father. James continues to struggle with day-today writing tasks. However, despite this, a theme of resilience also connects all four stories. Alex is now successfully re-engaging in education. Sophie has achieved her life time ambition to be a teacher. James has broken away from his life of crime. For these three informants dyslexia has affected them but not paralysed them. For Rich resilience is manifest in a different way. He rejected his family to pursue a new life where he could enjoy being himself. The perpetual deficit view that he had been given was finally shaken off as he sought to re-invent a new identity for himself.

Alex's rejection of the term '*special needs*' powerfully illustrates the extent to which the terminology of special needs can pathologise individuals. The term emphasises a person's deficits, which reflects a medicalized view of disability. According to Thomas and Loxley (2007) 'there is an unspoken acceptance of need as a means of securing removal of the child' (p.54). Within this discourse the child is deemed in need to professional help from 'expert' professionals who focus their attention on locating the source of the difficulty within the child. Within a medical discourse the child is re-conceptualised as a *sufferer* and a *victim* and this reinforces a sense of powerlessness (Thomas and Loxley, 2007). Thus 'need' comes to represent deficit and disadvantage (Thomas and Loxley, 2007). There is a need to move away from such a pathologising discourse and focus on children's *rights* rather than *needs*. Such a paradigm shift has more positive connotations and emphasises the deficits in the school rather than the deficits in the child.

#### **6. Conclusion**

The narratives presented in this study evidence a united sense of resilience that emerges in all four stories. However, the resilience is demonstrated in differnet ways in each of the stories. There is evidence in these stories of low teacher expectations, for example in Rich's story, and there is evidence of marginalisation of children with dyslexia. Alex's story represents a powerful example of this. Jame's story illustrates that the costs of literacy

England was moving towards an agenda for inclusion. This discourse placed more of an onus on the schools to proactively meet the needs of the child rather than adopting a deficit

In all the stories there is an emerging theme of parental support but in some stories it is evident that parents had to fight to get support and worked tirelessly to achieve help for their child. Sophie's mother, for example, worked tirelessly to obtain a diagnosis of dyslexia. In Rich's story it is evident that parental support can be a negative factor: '*On a very personal basis his failure was now totally levelled at him. She perceived him as 'difficult' and uncooperative and their relationship was at an all time low'.* In Alex's case his parents were supportive but were clearly influenced by the views of more powerful professionals when the decision was made by the school for Alex to attend a special school. It was interesting that, at this time, the views of both Alex and his parents were seemingly irrelevant. This was a time before the dominant discourse which exists currently which emphasises the rights of parents and children to be involved in all decision making. This is now clearly articulated in the Code of

A connecting theme for all stories relates to the impact that dyslexia has had on the informants as adults. Sophie continually has to address her literacy difficulties every day whilst working as a teacher and he has to find strategies to overcome these. Form filling and note taking is problematic for Alex in his current job. Rich struggled to fill in job applications and needed support from his father. James continues to struggle with day-today writing tasks. However, despite this, a theme of resilience also connects all four stories. Alex is now successfully re-engaging in education. Sophie has achieved her life time ambition to be a teacher. James has broken away from his life of crime. For these three informants dyslexia has affected them but not paralysed them. For Rich resilience is manifest in a different way. He rejected his family to pursue a new life where he could enjoy being himself. The perpetual deficit view that he had been given was finally shaken off as he

Alex's rejection of the term '*special needs*' powerfully illustrates the extent to which the terminology of special needs can pathologise individuals. The term emphasises a person's deficits, which reflects a medicalized view of disability. According to Thomas and Loxley (2007) 'there is an unspoken acceptance of need as a means of securing removal of the child' (p.54). Within this discourse the child is deemed in need to professional help from 'expert' professionals who focus their attention on locating the source of the difficulty within the child. Within a medical discourse the child is re-conceptualised as a *sufferer* and a *victim* and this reinforces a sense of powerlessness (Thomas and Loxley, 2007). Thus 'need' comes to represent deficit and disadvantage (Thomas and Loxley, 2007). There is a need to move away from such a pathologising discourse and focus on children's *rights* rather than *needs*. Such a paradigm shift has more positive connotations and emphasises the deficits in the

The narratives presented in this study evidence a united sense of resilience that emerges in all four stories. However, the resilience is demonstrated in differnet ways in each of the stories. There is evidence in these stories of low teacher expectations, for example in Rich's story, and there is evidence of marginalisation of children with dyslexia. Alex's story represents a powerful example of this. Jame's story illustrates that the costs of literacy

Practice for Special Educational Needs (DFEE, 2000).

sought to re-invent a new identity for himself.

school rather than the deficits in the child.

**6. Conclusion** 

perspective.

failure can have devastating consequences and although it is not possible to make a direct link between criminal activity and literacy failure, it could be argued that James'low selfconcept, could have been a significant factor in his criminal activities in later life. Parental support ranged from being supportive to over-bearing. For example, the support from Sophie's mum inevitably impacted on developing a secure sense of self which was clearly evident following her diagnosis However, Rich's mother had overly optimistic ambitions for him which resulted in his determination to rebel and dis-own his family. What emerges from these stories is a sense of success. Through determination and resilience, both Sophie and Alex have achieved their academic ambitions. James has overcome his drug addiction and is now considering re-engaging with education. Rich has made a new life for himself away from the pressures of his mother who, although over-bearing, only had what she considered to be his best interests at heart. The stories expose pain and suffering but, above all, they illumiate the discrimination experienced by all the informants in their education. Rich never had a diagnosis of dyslexia. If he had, the outcomes could have been more positive and Rich might still be in contact with his family today. Alex was denied access to a mainstream primary education. All informants believe that they have dyslexia. Some received official diagnoses, but these often came too late. Others, received no diagnosis, which left them vulnerable and unable to understand why they found reading and writing so difficult. Given the range of issues identified through these stories it is important that further narrative research is conducted and published to illustrate the effects of dyslexia on people's lives.

#### **7. Acknowledgment**

I wish to express my gratitude to all four of my informants for allowing me to write their stories of resilience.

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## *Edited by Taeko N. Wydell and Liory Fern-Pollak*

This book brings together dyslexia research from different perspectives and from different parts of the world, with the aim of providing a valuable source of information to medical professionals specializing in paediatrics, audiology, psychiatry and neurology as well as general practitioners, to psychologists who specialise in developmental psychology, clinical psychology or educational psychology, to other professions such as school health professionals and educators, and to those who may be interested in research into developmental dyslexia. It provides a comprehensive overview of Developmental Dyslexia, its clinical presentation, pathophysiology and epidemiology, as well as detailed descriptions of particular aspects of the condition. It covers all aspects of the field from underlying aetiology to currently available, routinely used diagnostic tests and intervention strategies, and addresses important social, cultural and quality of life issues.

Photo by erwo1 / iStock

Dyslexia - A Comprehensive and International Approach

Dyslexia

A Comprehensive and

International Approach

*Edited by Taeko N. Wydell and Liory Fern-Pollak*