**2.3. Society under two observation perspectives**

A scientific explanation can set spatial and temporal limits to the observation period of the conditions in which the social phenomenon of interest arises, while a theory must contemplate the core aspect of all its development. It must be capable of generalizing in a way that its

In a social science theory, the starting point is the set of constellations formed by systematically organized conditions that influence each other and that only in their joint action give rise to the result. In this sense, the methodological logic that is followed is a relational and systemic logic. However, it is also a procedural logic. By this, we mean that the result, the thought, language, or morality organization forms are not found within the constellation of conditions that constitute the starting point. The result is formed in the process. The difference with the methodology followed by philosophy is evident: in philosophy's logic of derivations, there never is a new phenomenon. Within the procedural logic, there is room for a new phenomenon to arise: life can surge from lifeless matter, from life devoid of spirituality,

However, the reconstruction of the conditions in which the sociocultural forms of life were formed represents only the first step. If we intend to objectively and scientifically analyze the sociocultural forms of life, including current ones, it is necessary to explain why the sociocultural forms of life developed and grew in a specific way. Of course, this approach involves the task of reflecting on the development of history in its entirety. However, a sociological theory is not about advancing the knowledge of the succession of events in their outward appearance, but to follow the footsteps of something like a development logic that sustains the process. Marx already tried this regarding production systems when he found out that the development of the productive forces in human history follows a line that started with hunting and gathering, continues with the agricultural forms of production and all the way till reaching industrial production. And, who would dare today to deny that, in this sense, social evolution is moving in this direction and hence follows a logic? In the same way, Piaget endeavored to demonstrate that the ontogenetic cognitive development parts from a sensory-motor intelligence go through the preoperational stage until reaching the operational and formal-operational stages. And although in the 1980s, a discussion arose regarding the universality of the sequence of stages, epistemologists do not hesitate to admit that cognition is subject to development and that it registers a logic,

The postmodernist idea that history follows the irrationality tenet undermines the knowledge that countless empirical studies have achieved, and we can consider reliable information. At this point, the postmodern stand is only based on the reluctance to place oneself in the field of knowledge that empirical studies have made available. History is not simply the sequence of innumerable events in which each of them differs from the previous state, the sequence of life forms with which man becomes accessible and reality follows a logic of development. This is precisely what a theory seeks to prove. History, as a man-determined history, in which he interprets himself, is susceptible to explanation. In a rigorous analysis of history, it is not possible to argue that the development has lacked logic, neither in its beginning, nor in its direction. If history is understood as a series of life forms in which man becomes accessible to the

application covers broader periods of time or a wider range of phenomena.

cognition, language, or morality rise.

14 Statistics - Growing Data Sets and Growing Demand for Statistics

as Piaget formulated it.

To answer the question: what should we consider a scientific approach in a science of society? We first must bear in mind that there are two orders of observation and interpretation [15]. An observation of the first order is the people's perspective, who observe and interpret social relations and, according to this, act. In the second-order perspective, people's actions, along with their observations and interpretations, are sociologically observed.

The main difference between the first-order observations level and the second-order observations level lies in the people, which act in relation with a reality on the foundation of their first-order observations, while second-order sociological observations are not linked to the action. Any sociological definition of society must include as reference the actions of the members of society and the knowledge of their actions in which "society" can be identified. Since society is built even without sociology's participation, sociological observation must adhere to the way in which people observe and interpret social relationships and act in society accordingly. As sociology observes and interprets the observations, interpretations, and actions of the people, it assumes the reality with which people act and thus escape the danger of constructing arbitrary conceptualizations, since people's interpretations cannot be of any kind if you do not want actions to cause any damage.

Andreas Balog points out that the solid foundation on which the formulation of a concept is based, what provides certainty over the identity of the social phenomena and sets limitations to sociological categorization, is common knowledge, which constitutes the basis for the orientation of the actors in their daily world and is manifested in their actions and in the language of daily life [16]. In this sense, sociology is always a second-order observation.

Thus, since sociology is a second-order observation, its subject of study is society in the sense that there is a group that understands itself as society. It is totally irrelevant if the sociologist thinks there are no reasons to consider that Paraguay and Uruguay are two different societies, what matters is that for the people living in Paraguay and Uruguay—that is, in the firstorder observation—there are enough differences to consider them as two different societies. In the second-order perspective, the concept of society is applied to recover what in society (as empirical group) is perceived and interpreted as society. The concept of society in the second order of observation is that which exists and acts in society.

Given that everything in society can be observed in the second-order sociology, even sociology itself, the observes can become themselves observable, or first-order observers. And, since everything observed from the second-order perspective turns into first-order observation, empirical sociological research becomes first-order observation and sociologists themselves become "the people" [4]. When this occurs, it is observed how sociologists observe, interpret, and act in the sociological practice. According to Vobruba, sociology can have itself as object of study, since it can become its own object of observation (id.).

of labor, men in modern society find themselves increasingly in dependency relationships, which moderates their selfishness and converts them into moral beings. "In one word: since the division of labor becomes the main source of social solidarity, it simultaneously becomes the basis of the moral order" [17]. Society's integration is the result then of a single principle: the moral order. However, modern society, unlike a community in which relationships occur face to face, is not based on morality. The term "community" is applied to premodern relationships, in which ties of kinship and friendship play a key role in social integration, but in society this is not the case. In society, a shared morality, outside of a minimum, that allows interaction, is not a condition for its constitution. From the epistemological perspective, Durkheim's thinking is halfway between the break between absolutist thinking and modern thought, between a substantialist conception of society and a conception that under-

The Relationship between Theory, Scientific Explanation and Statistics in the Social Sciences

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.75117

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In the second third of the twentieth century, other contributions with important repercussions in the way of understanding society emerged. Among them, a new observation approach for social relationships linked to the growing inclusiveness of the concept of society was introduced. In this approach, the effects on society are seen and systematized as separate from the intentions; the individual intents can have collective consequences that distinguish themselves qualitatively from these intents. That was the beginning of the end of the idea that society is composed of individual efforts or intentions that seek social unity. The creation of a level of observation in which it is possible to separate the intentions from the effects is the requirement to deprive the social from the moralization and cognitivization. Society thus becomes an object of observation and the materialization of the effects that result from social

As soon as the actions´ intentions and effects are disengaged, that is, as soon as it is possible to think of society as a result of unintended effects, "the good purposes" lose their significance. With this, categories such as inequalities, power struggle, conflict, or antagonisms regain relevance in the conceptualizations of society, and solidarity and morality are reduced to a motivation for action among many others. In modern sociological theories, social phenomena can

Due to the introduction of the difference between intentions and effects and the disassociation of the concept of society from the intentions, a semantic space emerges to separate the concepts of society (unintended) and community (intended). However, there still are sociological approaches that try to explain society and all the events that happen in it by the hand of its actors´ intentions, and because of this they acquire a futuristic character that starts from the

**3. The "short circuit" between empirical results and second-degree** 

Empirical research has gathered a considerable amount of valuable descriptions with its statistical-descriptive method. The main problem of these investigations is that they are

be attributed to actions, but not to the intentions that guide them.

stands it as a rising process.

good intentions of the social actors.

**observation: The case of sociobiology**

relations.

In the sociological perspective of first-order observations with the purpose of conducting research, the concept of society can only be required to cover the field of study. Hence, the concepts of society cannot be considered as true or false, but simply as practical or impractical. Every sociologist, or first-order observer, can formulate a concept of society and deduce the consequences that result from it. Sociology's scientific means do not allow to establish "the right concept of society." Therefore, each author can formulate their own concept, and it can also be expected for other observers to present their own different concepts, which can be documented empirically with the number of concepts of society available [4].

This differentiates sociology from other disciplines. There cannot be a medicine of medicine, nor a legal science of social science, nor an economics of economics. However, there is a sociology of medicine, a sociology of law, a sociology of economics, and, also, a sociology of sociology in the sense that a sociological analysis of the cognitive requirements sociology must present.

Statistics is a first-order observation. However, this is a better knowledge than which comes straight from the senses and which has a subjective character. In this context, better means a more direct picture of reality. Hard data are an attempt to understand objective reality in a more precise and correct way. However, data alone do not say anything. Second-order conceptual research is necessary to place it in a context that gives it meaning.

#### **2.4. Separating intentions and consequences in social integration**

In the past, the concept of society used to designate social groups that were intentionally established and were aimed for specific objectives. At the beginning of the modern era, society was understood as an intentional institution of equals (bourgeois) for economic purposes. Because of this, the concept was used in a more plural often. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau thought of society as the product of a constitutive act at some point in history, the result of their intention to ensure peace, protect their property, or a willingness to ensure equality and the freedom. Society was understood as the product of a social pact that ensured its future integration. Later, the concept of society was transferred to problems of social order, which maintained the intentional structure of the understanding of society. It was believed that, due to the importance of politics as a guiding system for society, it was possible to translate the intentions into any desired political model, society was thought of as a malleable political entity.

Durkheim strove to overcome the vision of a society built by a social agreement or to discard the idea of an "invisible hand" that regulated social relations. Because of the division of labor, men in modern society find themselves increasingly in dependency relationships, which moderates their selfishness and converts them into moral beings. "In one word: since the division of labor becomes the main source of social solidarity, it simultaneously becomes the basis of the moral order" [17]. Society's integration is the result then of a single principle: the moral order. However, modern society, unlike a community in which relationships occur face to face, is not based on morality. The term "community" is applied to premodern relationships, in which ties of kinship and friendship play a key role in social integration, but in society this is not the case. In society, a shared morality, outside of a minimum, that allows interaction, is not a condition for its constitution. From the epistemological perspective, Durkheim's thinking is halfway between the break between absolutist thinking and modern thought, between a substantialist conception of society and a conception that understands it as a rising process.

Given that everything in society can be observed in the second-order sociology, even sociology itself, the observes can become themselves observable, or first-order observers. And, since everything observed from the second-order perspective turns into first-order observation, empirical sociological research becomes first-order observation and sociologists themselves become "the people" [4]. When this occurs, it is observed how sociologists observe, interpret, and act in the sociological practice. According to Vobruba, sociology can have itself as object

In the sociological perspective of first-order observations with the purpose of conducting research, the concept of society can only be required to cover the field of study. Hence, the concepts of society cannot be considered as true or false, but simply as practical or impractical. Every sociologist, or first-order observer, can formulate a concept of society and deduce the consequences that result from it. Sociology's scientific means do not allow to establish "the right concept of society." Therefore, each author can formulate their own concept, and it can also be expected for other observers to present their own different concepts, which can be

This differentiates sociology from other disciplines. There cannot be a medicine of medicine, nor a legal science of social science, nor an economics of economics. However, there is a sociology of medicine, a sociology of law, a sociology of economics, and, also, a sociology of sociology in the sense that a sociological analysis of the cognitive requirements sociology

Statistics is a first-order observation. However, this is a better knowledge than which comes straight from the senses and which has a subjective character. In this context, better means a more direct picture of reality. Hard data are an attempt to understand objective reality in a more precise and correct way. However, data alone do not say anything. Second-order con-

In the past, the concept of society used to designate social groups that were intentionally established and were aimed for specific objectives. At the beginning of the modern era, society was understood as an intentional institution of equals (bourgeois) for economic purposes. Because of this, the concept was used in a more plural often. In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau thought of society as the product of a constitutive act at some point in history, the result of their intention to ensure peace, protect their property, or a willingness to ensure equality and the freedom. Society was understood as the product of a social pact that ensured its future integration. Later, the concept of society was transferred to problems of social order, which maintained the intentional structure of the understanding of society. It was believed that, due to the importance of politics as a guiding system for society, it was possible to translate the intentions into any desired political model,

Durkheim strove to overcome the vision of a society built by a social agreement or to discard the idea of an "invisible hand" that regulated social relations. Because of the division

of study, since it can become its own object of observation (id.).

16 Statistics - Growing Data Sets and Growing Demand for Statistics

must present.

documented empirically with the number of concepts of society available [4].

ceptual research is necessary to place it in a context that gives it meaning.

**2.4. Separating intentions and consequences in social integration**

society was thought of as a malleable political entity.

In the second third of the twentieth century, other contributions with important repercussions in the way of understanding society emerged. Among them, a new observation approach for social relationships linked to the growing inclusiveness of the concept of society was introduced. In this approach, the effects on society are seen and systematized as separate from the intentions; the individual intents can have collective consequences that distinguish themselves qualitatively from these intents. That was the beginning of the end of the idea that society is composed of individual efforts or intentions that seek social unity. The creation of a level of observation in which it is possible to separate the intentions from the effects is the requirement to deprive the social from the moralization and cognitivization. Society thus becomes an object of observation and the materialization of the effects that result from social relations.

As soon as the actions´ intentions and effects are disengaged, that is, as soon as it is possible to think of society as a result of unintended effects, "the good purposes" lose their significance. With this, categories such as inequalities, power struggle, conflict, or antagonisms regain relevance in the conceptualizations of society, and solidarity and morality are reduced to a motivation for action among many others. In modern sociological theories, social phenomena can be attributed to actions, but not to the intentions that guide them.

Due to the introduction of the difference between intentions and effects and the disassociation of the concept of society from the intentions, a semantic space emerges to separate the concepts of society (unintended) and community (intended). However, there still are sociological approaches that try to explain society and all the events that happen in it by the hand of its actors´ intentions, and because of this they acquire a futuristic character that starts from the good intentions of the social actors.
