**1. Introduction**

This chapter answers the following question: what relationship is there between the datagathering and statistically oriented empirical research and the theoretical formulation and explanations of the social sciences? Even though it might seem obsolete after the discussions promoted by the rise of positivism, this question has obtained renewed relevance, due,

© 2016 The Author(s). Licensee InTech. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. © 2018 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

among other reasons, to the predominance of the comparative-descriptive method in sociological and psychological research and that it has become one of the main analysis methodologies for society. Away from other debates, the comparative-descriptive analysis's only justification is its empirical reference; its goal doesn't offer anything beyond a picture of the similarities and differences observed in national societies. For example, there are investigations about the differences in moral values or unemployment, birth, marriage, divorce, mortality rates, and so on. This stems from the conviction that the comparison between social groups or between regions within a nation facilitates getting to know a society. Indeed, its results make it clear that there are differences within societies, for example, between north and south, east and west, and so on. However, these differences between one region and another, between the north and south of Italy, for example, tell very little about what makes the Italian society a society. This type of research appeals to empirical researchers or sociologists, although it barely helps to explain the emergence of society as a rising phenomenon. Society does not result from it. Many of its parts are classified and assessed, but their sum does not make a society [1].

agencies or institutions, gather valuable information about nation states´ populations and analyze their similarities and differences. However, as indicated before, these comparisons help to understand that there are significant differences between countries, for example, they help us to understand that the economies of Mexico and Germany are very different, but their contribution to understand the world order's reorganization or the globalization processes is not very significant. The challenge for quantification does not derive from the comparison between countries with similar social structures but between large regions. Undoubtedly, the European national societies can be compared to each other since they are units with multiple similar internal factors in a homogeneous social space and can be seen as elements of an institutionally defined space that encompasses them. However, what can Europe, for example, be compared with? Obviously, only with something comparable; with the United States, or China, or Latin America, probably [1]. However, due to the large dimensions of these units, their complex internal structures of subunits, which interact in a very particular manner, and their lack of a common space, it is difficult to establish comparison points. In addition, the way to compare regions in a way that contributes to understand the formation process of a

The Relationship between Theory, Scientific Explanation and Statistics in the Social Sciences

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9

To identify the contribution of quantitative strategies to the formulation of theory, we must pay attention to the conditions social sciences thought theories must fulfill. For this, we must first explain what is meant by "modern thinking." From this follows a guide for the construction of any social theory. Once the logical cognitive scheme every scientific explanation should be based upon is presented, the chapter describes the requirements that should be covered by any explanatory or theoretical reflection. First, it points out the need to resort to the conditions in which a phenomenon emerges. Any object or event results from a formation process that must be causally observed and reconstructed to achieve an explanation. This is also true in natural sciences, indispensable to understand diseases or the characteristics of a territory, for example.

Subsequently, the chapter addresses the distinction between first- and second-order observations, which allows us to distinguish between the empirical research activity and a reflection that relates the results of this activity to the wealth of conceptualizations and theories, which constitute a solid knowledge and have achieved the understanding of other phenomena, or,

Separating the intentions of the members from their effects has resulted essential for the study of societies. Society is no longer seen as the result of a collective idea inspired on the achievement of the common good. Therefore, in the next point, this distinction is addressed, which allows for the entry of categories such as power, competence, or conflict, to explain the dynamics of social order and places morality as a relevant means only in a community where

Then, we identify three requirements that may be considered the starting point for any explanation and theorization. In each of them, the role played by quantification is indicated. Given the results of statistical instruments that are often linked to assumptions that escape empirical verification, I present a sociobiology study at the end as example, which is supported by a

the neighborly, kinship, or face-to-face relationship ties prevail.

global society is an open question.

in any case, constructs it.

Another reason why it is important to ask the question about the relationship between the statistical data elaboration method and theory is the current conditions in social science research. Subjected to the logic of project financing, many observers of society are forced to present "useful" results, inspired by logical positivism. At the end of their work, they invariably maintain that their conclusions have been rigorously tested, that they are based on first-hand experiences, and that they have resulted from logical analysis. The result has been a colossal amount of empirical knowledge, which is hardly the object of a second-order observation, with explanatory aims, or rebuttals that lead to social theories.

In terms of Piaget's theory, it could be said that a formal-operational thinking exercise, which considers the thought and not only reality itself, is needed [2]. Data alone say nothing. To understand it, a reasoning is necessary that thoughtfully relates it to ideas that give it a meaning. Concisely, it can be said that there is too much sociological research and a growing theoretical deficit. One of the reasons that have led to this is easily identified: in terms of projects financing, the institutional preference to support quantitative research that provides immediate political usefulness instead of the thoughtful sociological observation.

Another reason why we are inclined to consider the relationship between empirical research and the scientific and theoretical explanation is the recent emergence of a global society and regional societies of considerable dimensions, for example, the European society, which represents a challenge for quantification and theorization [3]. So far, the comparative-descriptive method and its statistical resources in sociological research had application within the limits of national borders [4]. When we look at the reports provided by the institutes devoted to statistical information, as well as the publications resulting from empirical research in social sciences, it is possible to argue we are before a "nationalist" methodology [4]. The nation state constitutes the basic unit for the calculation of every social research [5]. However, comparative-descriptive research has broadened its application area. Studies, like those performed by the OECD in its member states or those done by the European Union through academic agencies or institutions, gather valuable information about nation states´ populations and analyze their similarities and differences. However, as indicated before, these comparisons help to understand that there are significant differences between countries, for example, they help us to understand that the economies of Mexico and Germany are very different, but their contribution to understand the world order's reorganization or the globalization processes is not very significant. The challenge for quantification does not derive from the comparison between countries with similar social structures but between large regions. Undoubtedly, the European national societies can be compared to each other since they are units with multiple similar internal factors in a homogeneous social space and can be seen as elements of an institutionally defined space that encompasses them. However, what can Europe, for example, be compared with? Obviously, only with something comparable; with the United States, or China, or Latin America, probably [1]. However, due to the large dimensions of these units, their complex internal structures of subunits, which interact in a very particular manner, and their lack of a common space, it is difficult to establish comparison points. In addition, the way to compare regions in a way that contributes to understand the formation process of a global society is an open question.

among other reasons, to the predominance of the comparative-descriptive method in sociological and psychological research and that it has become one of the main analysis methodologies for society. Away from other debates, the comparative-descriptive analysis's only justification is its empirical reference; its goal doesn't offer anything beyond a picture of the similarities and differences observed in national societies. For example, there are investigations about the differences in moral values or unemployment, birth, marriage, divorce, mortality rates, and so on. This stems from the conviction that the comparison between social groups or between regions within a nation facilitates getting to know a society. Indeed, its results make it clear that there are differences within societies, for example, between north and south, east and west, and so on. However, these differences between one region and another, between the north and south of Italy, for example, tell very little about what makes the Italian society a society. This type of research appeals to empirical researchers or sociologists, although it barely helps to explain the emergence of society as a rising phenomenon. Society does not result from it. Many of its parts are classified and assessed, but their sum

Another reason why it is important to ask the question about the relationship between the statistical data elaboration method and theory is the current conditions in social science research. Subjected to the logic of project financing, many observers of society are forced to present "useful" results, inspired by logical positivism. At the end of their work, they invariably maintain that their conclusions have been rigorously tested, that they are based on first-hand experiences, and that they have resulted from logical analysis. The result has been a colossal amount of empirical knowledge, which is hardly the object of a second-order observation,

In terms of Piaget's theory, it could be said that a formal-operational thinking exercise, which considers the thought and not only reality itself, is needed [2]. Data alone say nothing. To understand it, a reasoning is necessary that thoughtfully relates it to ideas that give it a meaning. Concisely, it can be said that there is too much sociological research and a growing theoretical deficit. One of the reasons that have led to this is easily identified: in terms of projects financing, the institutional preference to support quantitative research that provides immedi-

Another reason why we are inclined to consider the relationship between empirical research and the scientific and theoretical explanation is the recent emergence of a global society and regional societies of considerable dimensions, for example, the European society, which represents a challenge for quantification and theorization [3]. So far, the comparative-descriptive method and its statistical resources in sociological research had application within the limits of national borders [4]. When we look at the reports provided by the institutes devoted to statistical information, as well as the publications resulting from empirical research in social sciences, it is possible to argue we are before a "nationalist" methodology [4]. The nation state constitutes the basic unit for the calculation of every social research [5]. However, comparative-descriptive research has broadened its application area. Studies, like those performed by the OECD in its member states or those done by the European Union through academic

with explanatory aims, or rebuttals that lead to social theories.

ate political usefulness instead of the thoughtful sociological observation.

does not make a society [1].

8 Statistics - Growing Data Sets and Growing Demand for Statistics

To identify the contribution of quantitative strategies to the formulation of theory, we must pay attention to the conditions social sciences thought theories must fulfill. For this, we must first explain what is meant by "modern thinking." From this follows a guide for the construction of any social theory. Once the logical cognitive scheme every scientific explanation should be based upon is presented, the chapter describes the requirements that should be covered by any explanatory or theoretical reflection. First, it points out the need to resort to the conditions in which a phenomenon emerges. Any object or event results from a formation process that must be causally observed and reconstructed to achieve an explanation. This is also true in natural sciences, indispensable to understand diseases or the characteristics of a territory, for example.

Subsequently, the chapter addresses the distinction between first- and second-order observations, which allows us to distinguish between the empirical research activity and a reflection that relates the results of this activity to the wealth of conceptualizations and theories, which constitute a solid knowledge and have achieved the understanding of other phenomena, or, in any case, constructs it.

Separating the intentions of the members from their effects has resulted essential for the study of societies. Society is no longer seen as the result of a collective idea inspired on the achievement of the common good. Therefore, in the next point, this distinction is addressed, which allows for the entry of categories such as power, competence, or conflict, to explain the dynamics of social order and places morality as a relevant means only in a community where the neighborly, kinship, or face-to-face relationship ties prevail.

Then, we identify three requirements that may be considered the starting point for any explanation and theorization. In each of them, the role played by quantification is indicated. Given the results of statistical instruments that are often linked to assumptions that escape empirical verification, I present a sociobiology study at the end as example, which is supported by a rigorous statistical exercise but whose premises and conclusions lack an analytical foundation. Absent this, most thesis, no matter how crazy, can find a statistical basis to give it some credibility.

a paradigm for another. According to the old logic, explaining meant to part from the concrete object or phenomenon—natural or social—and to assign it an ultimate origin to claim it as its cause. This way of proceeding forced us to think of the cause as an origin analogous to what

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The attempt to find explanations through this process lost strength for the same question about the origin that could not be answered by resorting to an absolute origin anymore, not

Accordingly, every form of explanation where the explainer is present in the initial explanation from which it emerges is unsatisfactory, for example, in the explanation of a social phenomenon where the said phenomenon is already embedded in the actors' wills, or in the explanation

Modern thinking imposes then a first requirement for sociological research: it is not feasible to opt for a research strategy where the concept is defined beforehand to apply it then to the phenomenon being researched; we would rather have to work the other way, we must per-

Nevertheless, in many modern sociological and psychological theoretical approaches survive remnants of the absolutist and substantialist logic, which are especially visible in sociology's classical theories and authors because during the historical transition from one logic to another—and despite their attempt to abandon the old explanatory scheme—they retain the idea of an absolute as explanation, but under a different tag. In Durkheim's sociology of religion, for example, "society" is attributed to all forms of religious thought, but this concept in his theory does not provide any information about the creation process of mental constructions. Society is the only origin of the social. With regard to religious phenomena, Durkheim reaffirms the formula that inspired his sociological theory and is based on the identity logic that resort to the Absolute. In it, "society" appears as the origin and cause of all phenomena

The general result of the book (The elementary forms of religious life) is that religion is a prominently social issue, religious ideas are collective ideas that express collective realities: rites are behaviors that can only arise within groups and must be useful to maintain or restore certain psychic states of these groups [8]. In a different place: "just like the concept of religious power and divinity, the concept of soul is not devoid of reality…since society – the only source of everything sacred – is not content with moving us from outside temporarily; it is

As shown, Durkheim's concept of society is an ontological construction placed in an allexplaining position by theory, and society precedes everything which sabotages any other possible explanation. The best proof that we are dealing with a secularized form of the metaphysical structure of thought is provided by Durkheim himself, when he declares that it will

be necessary to choose between god and society as explanation [9].

of specific social phenomena that are already in the own qualities of that society [4].

would emerge from it. Cause and effect were (partially) identical.

form an observation and then specify how it developed.

*2.1.1. The survival of the old explanatory scheme*

that require explanation.

permanently installed in us." [8].

without falling into an endless return.

Surely, at this point, specialists in empirical research await an explanation of the observations´ methodology followed in this chapter, but methodological strategy is a procedure proper of the first-order observations, as we will see hereunder.
