4. Results and discussion

#### 4.1. Trends in hazards causing vulnerability

Tables 2–4 present historical events of the hazards reported by men, women and youth during FGDs. The results show that drought, floods, strong winds, human and livestock pests and diseases, crop pests and diseases were hazards related to climate change that affected community livelihoods. Non-climatic hazards mentioned include low and fluctuation of price for agricultural produce and livestock, robbery of livestock, killings of people with albinism, and tribe wars between the Sukuma and the Taturu. These need to be addressed in order to achieve sustainable livelihoods in the communities. In order to justify these results, FGD participants reported the following:

"…Drought…we have lost hope at this point…when it rains, it is so windy…already it has destroyed 15 to 30 houses between January and February this year…the building of the primary society has been destroyed by a strong wind…the cemetery has also been destroyed by floods causing reburying of some bodies…" (Women FGD participants, Mwashata, March 2015).

#### Another quotation is:

"…El-Niño: It rained about 6 times a day in 1998…there were a lot of crop pests in bulrush millet and cotton. Rats destroyed sweet potatoes. Harvesting of bulrush millet before maturity was necessary to avoid a complete loss…" (Men FGD participants at Kidaru, March 2015).

Year Events 2015 Drought

Some survived by a single meal.

2011 Drought and famine (Kidaru had only three rain days throughout the year) 2010 Drought (At Mwashata village, there were good rainfall and good harvest this year)

2000 Election and census year, killing of people with albinism and there was drought and famine

stage, livestock died. The father of the nation J.K Nyerere also died this year

before full maturity was necessary to avoid a complete loss

1993 Good year because of good harvests (Mwaka Nsumba/Nsoga) 1992 Good year because of good harvests (Mwaka Nsumba/Nsoga)

1989 Drought and famine, livestock died and cholera erupted

1985 Famine because of war between the Sukuma and the Taturu

2012 Heavy rains and floods

20 weddings

2002 Drought and famine 2001 Enough rains and harvests

1997 Enough rains

1994 Famine

Sumbawanga

1988 Drought and livestock died 1987 Good year and harvests 1986 Was a good year

2007 Good year with enough rains

2006 Famine, rains started in February and livestock died

2005 There was drought and famine (bad year)

but pests destroyed paddy and millet

1991 Was a moderate year (Not so good not so bad) 1990 Good rains, good harvests (good year)

Table 2. Trends of events reported by men.

of pastures for the livestock 2003 Rain stopped before crop maturity

2014 Good year with enough rainfalls though accompanied by strong winds in November that damaged houses. Heavy rains occurred in March. There were enough harvests and pastures. Participated in electing local government leaders 2013 Famine, price of cereals went up to TAS 15,000 per cane. Livestock died. People survived by exchanging livestock for cereals.

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2009 Drought and Cholera eruption – Mwamanimba was different, it was a good year, harvests were good and there were about

2008 Enough rains and good harvests, but strong winds damaged houses while pests like rats damaged crops and stored cereals

2004 This was a local government election year. Cholera eruption. Rains were moderate, but in Mwamanimba there was shortage

1999 Famine called tonja in Meatu, caused by el-Niño rains that occurred in 1998. Pests destroyed sorghum and millet at an early

1998 El-Niño rains. It rained about 6 times a day. A lot of crop pests in millet and cotton. Rats destroyed potatoes. Harvesting

1996 Enough rains and good harvests of bulrush millet especially in Kidaru (Mwaka Dosa means a year with bumper harvests),

1995 Drought and famine. In Mwamanimba, about 30 families migrated to Dodoma, Maswa, Morogoro, Mbeya, Manyoni and

Another quotation is:

"…In 2002, heavy rains accompanied by 'ice falling' destroyed sweet potatoes and other crops. Fungal diseases, cholera, and malaria became common for humans in that year…" (Women FGD participants at Mwamanimba, March 2015).

Those quotations inform that farmers especially women had lost hope because of extreme weather events like drought, el Niño rains accompanied by strong winds and ice falling. In addition, killings of people with albinism, which rarely happened in the past, especially in the Sukuma communities of Meatu, were also reported indicating that they were becoming one of vulnerability hazards. Respondents associated killings with national elections because they increased during those periods. The hazards reported by men, women and the youth were almost similar suggesting that all had knowledge about previous and present hazards as shown in the quotations and in Tables 2–4. Inspite of the hazards that happened, some years, especially since 2000, were good as justified in the following quotation:

"…In 2007, we had all good times, there is nothing we did not do in this year because it was a very good year, we had plenty of food and money, we were drinking and having all the fun…" (Men FGD participants at Kidaru, March 2015).

It appears that most of the major hazards affecting livelihoods were related to climate change although non-climatic hazards were also concerns. Interestingly, non-climatic hazards were indirectly linked to climate change, which in turn exacerbated poor livelihoods. Tribal wars, for example, were linked to difficulties in making livelihoods aggravated by drought, and therefore causing theft of livestock by the Taturu to the Sukuma communities. This triggered the tribal wars. Similarly, price fluctuation of agricultural produce was attributed to poor productivity resulting from extreme weather events and changes in rainfall patterns. Killings of people with albinism were also attributed to difficulties in making a living in addition to cultural beliefs that albino body parts are sources of wealth. This implies that climate change manifested through, among other things, drought and changes in rainfall patterns, was the major vulnerability hazard having direct and indirect impact to communities' livelihoods.

Tables 2–4 also show frequency of hazards. Drought, that caused famine for example, occurred about 8 times in the previous 15 years since the 2000. A careful look at Tables 2–4 shows that drought frequencies and famine had increased over time. Natural events, like earthquakes, lightening that kills people, and "ice falling" when it is raining occurred in the previous 15 years. These exacerbated vulnerability of communities' livelihoods. It appears that those natural hazards rarely happened in the 1990s and beyond (Tables 2–4). In addition, drought frequencies, strong winds, human and animal diseases and other manifestations of climate change are likely to increase in the future. This leads to the argument that communities' livelihoods are likely to

#### Year Events

Another quotation is:

60 Arid Environments and Sustainability

Another quotation is:

FGD participants at Mwamanimba, March 2015).

(Men FGD participants at Kidaru, March 2015).

especially since 2000, were good as justified in the following quotation:

"…El-Niño: It rained about 6 times a day in 1998…there were a lot of crop pests in bulrush millet and cotton. Rats destroyed sweet potatoes. Harvesting of bulrush millet before maturity was necessary to avoid a complete loss…" (Men FGD participants at Kidaru, March 2015).

"…In 2002, heavy rains accompanied by 'ice falling' destroyed sweet potatoes and other crops. Fungal diseases, cholera, and malaria became common for humans in that year…" (Women

Those quotations inform that farmers especially women had lost hope because of extreme weather events like drought, el Niño rains accompanied by strong winds and ice falling. In addition, killings of people with albinism, which rarely happened in the past, especially in the Sukuma communities of Meatu, were also reported indicating that they were becoming one of vulnerability hazards. Respondents associated killings with national elections because they increased during those periods. The hazards reported by men, women and the youth were almost similar suggesting that all had knowledge about previous and present hazards as shown in the quotations and in Tables 2–4. Inspite of the hazards that happened, some years,

"…In 2007, we had all good times, there is nothing we did not do in this year because it was a very good year, we had plenty of food and money, we were drinking and having all the fun…"

It appears that most of the major hazards affecting livelihoods were related to climate change although non-climatic hazards were also concerns. Interestingly, non-climatic hazards were indirectly linked to climate change, which in turn exacerbated poor livelihoods. Tribal wars, for example, were linked to difficulties in making livelihoods aggravated by drought, and therefore causing theft of livestock by the Taturu to the Sukuma communities. This triggered the tribal wars. Similarly, price fluctuation of agricultural produce was attributed to poor productivity resulting from extreme weather events and changes in rainfall patterns. Killings of people with albinism were also attributed to difficulties in making a living in addition to cultural beliefs that albino body parts are sources of wealth. This implies that climate change manifested through, among other things, drought and changes in rainfall patterns, was the major vulnerability hazard having direct and indirect impact to communities' livelihoods.

Tables 2–4 also show frequency of hazards. Drought, that caused famine for example, occurred about 8 times in the previous 15 years since the 2000. A careful look at Tables 2–4 shows that drought frequencies and famine had increased over time. Natural events, like earthquakes, lightening that kills people, and "ice falling" when it is raining occurred in the previous 15 years. These exacerbated vulnerability of communities' livelihoods. It appears that those natural hazards rarely happened in the 1990s and beyond (Tables 2–4). In addition, drought frequencies, strong winds, human and animal diseases and other manifestations of climate change are likely to increase in the future. This leads to the argument that communities' livelihoods are likely to


1985 Famine because of war between the Sukuma and the Taturu

Table 2. Trends of events reported by men.


Year Events

never came back 2012 Good rains and good harvests 2011 Not so good not so bad year

2007 Good rains and good harvests

2001 Good rains and good harvests

damaged potatoes

1996 Good rains, good harvests

1991 Not so good, not so bad year

1988 Drought, livestock died

1986 Was a good year

1997 Eli-Niño came, it caused huge damage on crops

1995 There was national election and famine

1993 Was a good year (Mwaka Nsumba/Nsoga) 1992 Was a good year (Mwaka Nsumba/Nsoga)

1989 Drought and famine, cholera also erupted

Table 4. Trends of events reported by the youth.

2015 Drought: crop failure, livestock emaciation due to lack of pasture

2009 Drought and famine. People survived by eating wild food and fruits

2004 Not so good not so bad year in terms of rains and harvests

2014 Good rains, good pastures, but an earthquake occurred and destroyed some houses in Mwashata village

2008 Good rains and good harvests, some houses were destroyed by strong winds. Pests also destroyed crops

2006 Famine and lack of pasture. Several lightening occurred and they killed some people and livestock 2005 National election year, drought and famine year (labhalabha), 20 kg of maize sold 18,000 Tshs (bad year)

2000 National election and census year, drought and famine, rift valley fever erupted and trachoma 1999 Drought and famine, men moved in search of food and jobs to earn an income, livestock died

all together. Some women opted "sex for money and food" to save children

2013 No enough rains, some families migrated to other areas (out of the regions in Tabora). Some men left their families and

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2010 National election year, a war between the Sukuma and Taturus occurred because the Taturu were stealing livestock in the Sukuma communities. There were strong winds that destroyed houses. There was also poor harvests

2003 Famine. Some men left their homes and never come back. About 15 men abandoned their families (wives and children)

2002 Heavy rain accompanied by "ice falling" destroyed potatoes and other crops which were still in the farm. Human diseases like small pox, malaria and polio occurred especially to those families which ignored vaccination

1998 Eli-Niño destroyed crops and houses. Eruption of crop pests that destroyed millet, cotton and maize, Rats also

1994 Famine: Some men left their families (wives and children) and never came back. Some of the women who were left by

1990 There was a human fungal disease which affected adults and children. About five people died. People used traditional

their husbands decided to get married by other men so that they can be assisted to raise their kids

medicine until when vaccines were brought in the dispensaries especially in Mwamanimba.

1987 This was a good year because of good rains and good harvests (Mwaka Nsoga)

1985 Famine because of a war between the sukuma and the taturu that occurred in 1984


Table 3. Trends of events reported by women.

#### Year Events

Year Events

never came back 2012 Good rains and good harvests 2011 Not so good not so bad year

62 Arid Environments and Sustainability

2007 Good rains and good harvests

2001 Good rains and good harvests

1996 Good rains, good harvests 1995 There was national election

1991 Not so good, not so bad year

1988 Drought, livestock died

1986 Was a good year

1997 Eli-Niño came, it caused huge damage on crops

1993 Was a good year (Mwaka Nsumba/Nsoga) 1992 Was a good year (Mwaka Nsumba/Nsoga)

1989 Drought and famine, cholera also erupted

Table 3. Trends of events reported by women.

potatoes

famine

2015 Drought: crop failure, livestock emaciation due to lack of pasture

2009 Drought and famine. People survived by eating wild food and fruits

2006 Famine. Lightening occurred and they killed some people and livestock

all together. Some women opted 'sex for money and food' to rescue children

2004 Not so good not so bad year in terms of rains and harvests

2014 Good rains, good pastures, but an earthquake occurred and destroyed some houses in Mwashata village

2008 Good rains and good harvests, some houses were destroyed by strong winds. Pests also destroyed crops

2005 National election year, drought and famine year (labhalabha), 20 kg of maize sold 18,000 Tshs (bad year)

like small pox, malaria and polio occurred especially to those families which ignored vaccination

2000 National election and census year, drought and famine, rift valley fever erupted and trachoma 1999 Drought and famine, men moved in search of food and jobs to earn an income, livestock died

2013 No enough rains, some families migrated to other areas (out of the regions in Tabora). Some men left their families and

2010 National election year, a war between the Sukuma and Taturus occurred because the Taturu were stealing livestock in the Sukuma communities. There were strong winds that destroyed houses. There was also poor harvests resulted into

2003 Famine. Some men left their homes and never come back. About 15 men abandoned their families (wives and children)

2002 Heavy rain accompanied by ices falling destroyed potatoes and other crops which were still in the farm. Human diseases

1998 Eli-Niño destroyed crops and houses. Eruption of crop pests that destroyed millet, cotton and maize, Rats also damaged

1994 Famine. Some men left their families (wives and children) and never came back. Some of the women who were left by

1990 There was a human fungal disease which affected adults and children. About five people died. People used traditional

their husbands decided to get married by other men so that they can be assisted to raise their kids

medicine until when vaccines were brought in the dispensaries especially in Mwamanimba.

1987 This was a good year because of good rains and good harvests (Mwaka Nsoga)

1985 Famine because of a war between the sukuma and the taturu that occurred in 1984


Table 4. Trends of events reported by the youth.

become more vulnerable in the future especially if smallholder farmers are unable to cope with, or if the coping strategies are not working effectively, and or, if concerted government efforts are not fully integrated in the development programmes to minimize vulnerability.

#### 4.2. Gender vulnerability and seasonality

Table 5 presents seasonal responsibilities by a gender lens. The results show that men, women and youth were involved in agricultural activities. Control and grazing of livestock especially cattle were under men's domination, which is common for most of agro-pastoralist communities with a few exceptions like in Iramba where control was shared between men and women. Table 5 also shows that women were more responsible for most of agricultural based livelihoods activities relative to their men counterparts, though control over land was under men. This is also common in many agricultural communities in Africa. Seasonal responsibilities differed between men and women. Unlike men, women were busy throughout a year. For instance, in addition to domestic chores, women after farming period engaged in slicing and drying potatoes, collecting and drying wild vegetables and firewood, and participating in weddings. The knowledge of environmental management among women is therefore critical for sustainable management of natural resource base. The opposite may result into environmental degradation that can increase vulnerability to women. For that matter, women have less leisure time compared to men although they played pivotal roles regarding communities' livelihoods. Thus, women were more vulnerable because of increasing time and labor to collect water and firewood, a situation that was aggravated by climate change impacts.

Men spent most of the time for participating in traditional dances and visiting relatives and friends especially between April and September (Table 5). This is because, for a good year, harvesting started in April and therefore adequate food was available up to September each year. Thus, communities did not worry about food shortage and food insecurity during that particular period. Therefore, men used that period for leisure, particularly going out of their communities for traditional dances, leaving all responsibilities at home like fetching water and chopping firewood for women and children. Traditional dances that involved men's movements out of the communities happened during both, good and bad years. Youth, especially boys, also spent April to September period, among others, for participating in football league, traditional dances, and for taking livestock to the areas where they could get enough pasture and water (Table 5).

Participants reported that communities' vulnerability was high during December, January, February and sometimes March. Vulnerability was highest in January and February because of lack of income, and food insecurity (Table 5). In that period, food and income insecurity occur concurrently with dry spells, droughts, high incidence of human diseases like malaria and cholera ([24]; Synneva G et al., [29]) and therefore exacerbating vulnerability. That was also the period for men taking livestock to graze in conserved areas due to lack of grazing areas and water in some villages. In addition, women who were left behind coped by borrowing food or money from friends and relatives to be repaid sometimes later. Truancy among school children increased with vulnerability especially for girls who had to assist their mothers on off-farm activities. It is clear that climate change particularly drought is linked to vulnerability of communities' livelihoods. Those owning livestock, though price of livestock was low

during food and income insecurity months, could sell to earn income for food to cushion vulnerability. However, dependence on livestock for food and income, in communities like the Sukuma in Meatu where livestock and income are controlled by men, may not help much unless interventions are done to address men's mobility when vulnerability is at the peak. Even though, households without livestock felt the pinch most. The chapter therefore argue

Month Performed by men Performed by women Performed by youth

future use

firewood

Tilling the land and planting Tilling the land, weeding, planting

occur

for marriage

scale businesses

continues

league

preparation

Weeding. Dry spell Weeding. Dry spell

harvesting. Floods may occur

Farmers' Vulnerability to Climate Change Impacts in Semi-arid Environments in Tanzania: A Gender Perspective

Harvesting, drying vegetables for

Harvesting, drying vegetables, slicing potatoes and chopping

Slicing potatoes, making baskets using local materials, harvesting of

Slicing potatoes, making and selling local brew especially in Iramba and harvesting of cotton

Chopping firewood, visiting relatives and friends, participating in weddings, traditional dances and drinking local brew

Chopping firewood and gardening near the river banks

the river banks

and in the fields afar

and in the fields afar

Copping firewood, farm and seed preparation, and gardening near

Farm and seed preparation, and gardening near the home steads

Tilling the land, planting and gardening near the home steads

agricultural produce

and grazing livestock for the men

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Planting and weeding. Floods may

Harvesting, Drying vegetables and preparation of building poles

Harvesting, football league begin especially for men, slicing of potatoes, preparing bricks, and scaring of bird in the paddy fields. Taking livestock to conserved areas at Mwamanimba

Slicing of potatoes, harvesting and processing through traditional self-help groups and preparation

Slicing of potatoes, making bricks, houses construction, harvesting, football league and doing small

Visiting relatives and friends, houses construction, traditional dances, weddings, drinking local brews and football league

Seasonal movement of livestock, houses construction, and football

Football league continues, doing small scale businesses, and farm

Tilling the land with a plow, and planting of maize and cotton

Tilling the land, planting and weeding. Return of livestock from conserved areas at Mwamanimba

January Tilling the land and planting, but no money and enough food

April Harvesting and traditional dances begin. Floods may occur

May Harvesting, traditional dances,

storage devices

Mwashata

produce

houses

houses

planting

Table 5. Seasonal responsibilities.

October Preparing farms, finalizing

July Traditional dances, building houses, harvesting and transportation of agricultural

August Traditional dances, visiting

September Traditional dances, construction of

November Start of wet season. Farming starts especially tilling the land and

December Tilling the land and planting.

June Traditional dances (leisure time)

enough food. Normally there is a dry spell of 1 month or more

digging water holes for cattle's watering points, bricks making and preparing post-harvest

and harvesting through traditional self-help groups. Return of livestock from conserved areas at

relatives and friends, harvesting, processing and storage, brick making and construction of houses

traditional dances, construction of

Livestock taken to conserved areas at Mwashata and Kidaru

March Harvesting. Floods may occur Weeding and sometimes

February Weeding, but no money and


Table 5. Seasonal responsibilities.

become more vulnerable in the future especially if smallholder farmers are unable to cope with, or if the coping strategies are not working effectively, and or, if concerted government efforts are

Table 5 presents seasonal responsibilities by a gender lens. The results show that men, women and youth were involved in agricultural activities. Control and grazing of livestock especially cattle were under men's domination, which is common for most of agro-pastoralist communities with a few exceptions like in Iramba where control was shared between men and women. Table 5 also shows that women were more responsible for most of agricultural based livelihoods activities relative to their men counterparts, though control over land was under men. This is also common in many agricultural communities in Africa. Seasonal responsibilities differed between men and women. Unlike men, women were busy throughout a year. For instance, in addition to domestic chores, women after farming period engaged in slicing and drying potatoes, collecting and drying wild vegetables and firewood, and participating in weddings. The knowledge of environmental management among women is therefore critical for sustainable management of natural resource base. The opposite may result into environmental degradation that can increase vulnerability to women. For that matter, women have less leisure time compared to men although they played pivotal roles regarding communities' livelihoods. Thus, women were more vulnerable because of increasing time and labor to collect

not fully integrated in the development programmes to minimize vulnerability.

water and firewood, a situation that was aggravated by climate change impacts.

Men spent most of the time for participating in traditional dances and visiting relatives and friends especially between April and September (Table 5). This is because, for a good year, harvesting started in April and therefore adequate food was available up to September each year. Thus, communities did not worry about food shortage and food insecurity during that particular period. Therefore, men used that period for leisure, particularly going out of their communities for traditional dances, leaving all responsibilities at home like fetching water and chopping firewood for women and children. Traditional dances that involved men's movements out of the communities happened during both, good and bad years. Youth, especially boys, also spent April to September period, among others, for participating in football league, traditional dances, and for taking livestock to the areas where they could get enough pasture

Participants reported that communities' vulnerability was high during December, January, February and sometimes March. Vulnerability was highest in January and February because of lack of income, and food insecurity (Table 5). In that period, food and income insecurity occur concurrently with dry spells, droughts, high incidence of human diseases like malaria and cholera ([24]; Synneva G et al., [29]) and therefore exacerbating vulnerability. That was also the period for men taking livestock to graze in conserved areas due to lack of grazing areas and water in some villages. In addition, women who were left behind coped by borrowing food or money from friends and relatives to be repaid sometimes later. Truancy among school children increased with vulnerability especially for girls who had to assist their mothers on off-farm activities. It is clear that climate change particularly drought is linked to vulnerability of communities' livelihoods. Those owning livestock, though price of livestock was low

4.2. Gender vulnerability and seasonality

64 Arid Environments and Sustainability

and water (Table 5).

during food and income insecurity months, could sell to earn income for food to cushion vulnerability. However, dependence on livestock for food and income, in communities like the Sukuma in Meatu where livestock and income are controlled by men, may not help much unless interventions are done to address men's mobility when vulnerability is at the peak. Even though, households without livestock felt the pinch most. The chapter therefore argue that the periods of food and income insecurity were the periods of stress, food insecurity and vulnerability, more so among women and children. June and July were good months because communities had adequate food and income obtained from agriculture and selling agricultural produce respectively especially during good years.

#### 4.3. Gender, hazards and livelihoods resources

Tables 6–8 present livelihoods resources up on, which communities' livelihoods depended and the degree of impact that each of the vulnerability hazards had on each of the livelihoods resources. Livelihoods resources are those resources, considered by the communities, most important in making livelihoods. In this chapter, they include agricultural land; water sources mainly rivers, livestock and institutions like schools and dispensaries. Interestingly, men, women and youth reported similar major vulnerability hazards that affected livelihoods resources (Tables 6–8). Reflections in FGDs showed that although non-climatic factors were also concerns, the major vulnerability hazards were climatic factors like drought, floods, strong winds, and human, crop and livestock diseases. These were widespread such that, once happened; there were no safe places in the communities. In other words, the hazards affected everybody although differently depending on gender, ability to cope and households' adaptive capacity.

Synthesis with FGD participants showed that drought occurred at any point in time during wet seasons while floods occurred normally during March and April, but could also occur at any point in time during wet seasons. The wet season started in October/November and ended in April/May [24]. Prevalence of cholera and malaria was high in wet seasons. In most cases, occurrence of the climatic hazards was difficult to predict. Each of the hazards negatively affected livelihoods resources. The impact manifested through crop failure and lack of pasture that definitely caused food insecurity and famine. The aggregate impacts of the climatic hazards affected women most than men because control over livelihoods resources, that are critical for coping and adaptation to climate change impacts like livestock and land, is under men domination [1]. In addition, men's mobility reduced their vulnerability relative to women counterparts implying that women were more vulnerable to the impact. This implies that although mobility helped men to survive against climatic impacts it aggravated vulnerability

0 0 0 3

Farmers' Vulnerability to Climate Change Impacts in Semi-arid Environments in Tanzania: A Gender Perspective

Water sources, e.g., rivers (natural capital)

Drought 3 3 3 3 Strong winds 0 0 2 3

Crops pesticides 1 2 3 3

Note: 3 = significant impact on the resource; 2 = medium impact; 1 = low impact and 0 = no impact.

Livestock (natural capital) Institutions, e.g., schools (physical capital)

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A synthesis in FGDs showed that drought affected land through soil degradation, which, like soil erosion, contributed to loss of soil fertility that eventually resulted into crop failure and poor crop production. It also contributed to lack of pasture, and drying up of water bodies like rivers. That means drought affected natural capital in the communities. The ultimate impact of the hazards was famine that, among others, negatively affected school attendance among pupils. In that way, famine affected human capital among women and children. Human diseases like cholera and malaria, affected human capital and labor force in agriculture and livestock, while livestock diseases affected animal power and agricultural production. Generally, human, crop and livestock diseases had effect on financial capital through reduced

Strong winds destroyed human shelters and public buildings like classrooms and therefore had effect on physical and human capital as well. Focus groups commented that when classrooms were damaged by a strong wind, pupils' attendance among boys and girls was affected as well as the learning process. Girls were likely to be more affected because of their subordinate position in agricultural and agro-pastoralist communities. Girls' subordination is common in most rural areas in Africa [1]. We therefore argue that the poor learning process caused by lack of classrooms as a result of climatic hazards had negative impact on aggregate human capital, which is critical for improving communities' livelihoods. If this trend continues,

production and productivity and increasing cost in controlling them.

among women and children.

Hazard Land (natural

Human diseases like cholera and malaria

capital)

Table 8. Impact scores of vulnerability hazards reported by youth.


Note: 3 = significant impact on the resource; 2 = medium impact; 1 = low impact and 0 = no impact.

Table 6. Impact scores of vulnerability hazards reported by men.


Note: 3 = significant impact on the resource; 2 = medium impact; 1 = low impact and 0 = no impact.

Table 7. Impact scores of vulnerability hazard reported by women.


Table 8. Impact scores of vulnerability hazards reported by youth.

that the periods of food and income insecurity were the periods of stress, food insecurity and vulnerability, more so among women and children. June and July were good months because communities had adequate food and income obtained from agriculture and selling agricultural

Tables 6–8 present livelihoods resources up on, which communities' livelihoods depended and the degree of impact that each of the vulnerability hazards had on each of the livelihoods resources. Livelihoods resources are those resources, considered by the communities, most important in making livelihoods. In this chapter, they include agricultural land; water sources mainly rivers, livestock and institutions like schools and dispensaries. Interestingly, men, women and youth reported similar major vulnerability hazards that affected livelihoods resources (Tables 6–8). Reflections in FGDs showed that although non-climatic factors were also concerns, the major vulnerability hazards were climatic factors like drought, floods, strong winds, and human, crop and livestock diseases. These were widespread such that, once happened; there were no safe places in the communities. In other words, the hazards affected everybody although

differently depending on gender, ability to cope and households' adaptive capacity.

3 10 2

Water sources, e.g., rivers (natural capital)

Water sources, e.g., rivers (natural capital)

Institutions, e.g., schools (physical capital)

Institutions, e.g., schools (physical capital)

Livestock (natural capital)

Drought 3 3 2 3 Flood 3 2 0 3 Livestock diseases 1 3 0 0 Human diseases 3 1 0 3

Note: 3 = significant impact on the resource; 2 = medium impact; 1 = low impact and 0 = no impact.

Children (human capital)

Drought 3 3 2 3 Floods 2 2 0 1

2 32 3

2 20 1

Note: 3 = significant impact on the resource; 2 = medium impact; 1 = low impact and 0 = no impact.

produce respectively especially during good years.

66 Arid Environments and Sustainability

4.3. Gender, hazards and livelihoods resources

Land/farms (natural capital)

Table 6. Impact scores of vulnerability hazards reported by men.

Table 7. Impact scores of vulnerability hazard reported by women.

Plant insect pests and disease

Hazard Land/farms

Human Diseases

Strong Winds

(physical capital)

Synthesis with FGD participants showed that drought occurred at any point in time during wet seasons while floods occurred normally during March and April, but could also occur at any point in time during wet seasons. The wet season started in October/November and ended in April/May [24]. Prevalence of cholera and malaria was high in wet seasons. In most cases, occurrence of the climatic hazards was difficult to predict. Each of the hazards negatively affected livelihoods resources. The impact manifested through crop failure and lack of pasture that definitely caused food insecurity and famine. The aggregate impacts of the climatic hazards affected women most than men because control over livelihoods resources, that are critical for coping and adaptation to climate change impacts like livestock and land, is under men domination [1]. In addition, men's mobility reduced their vulnerability relative to women counterparts implying that women were more vulnerable to the impact. This implies that although mobility helped men to survive against climatic impacts it aggravated vulnerability among women and children.

A synthesis in FGDs showed that drought affected land through soil degradation, which, like soil erosion, contributed to loss of soil fertility that eventually resulted into crop failure and poor crop production. It also contributed to lack of pasture, and drying up of water bodies like rivers. That means drought affected natural capital in the communities. The ultimate impact of the hazards was famine that, among others, negatively affected school attendance among pupils. In that way, famine affected human capital among women and children. Human diseases like cholera and malaria, affected human capital and labor force in agriculture and livestock, while livestock diseases affected animal power and agricultural production. Generally, human, crop and livestock diseases had effect on financial capital through reduced production and productivity and increasing cost in controlling them.

Strong winds destroyed human shelters and public buildings like classrooms and therefore had effect on physical and human capital as well. Focus groups commented that when classrooms were damaged by a strong wind, pupils' attendance among boys and girls was affected as well as the learning process. Girls were likely to be more affected because of their subordinate position in agricultural and agro-pastoralist communities. Girls' subordination is common in most rural areas in Africa [1]. We therefore argue that the poor learning process caused by lack of classrooms as a result of climatic hazards had negative impact on aggregate human capital, which is critical for improving communities' livelihoods. If this trend continues, vulnerability to climate change impacts is likely to aggravate in the future. Some development partners especially World Vision Tanzania (WVT) had intervened through "food provision" to the pupils at school. Yet, this may not be enough because the intervention is likely to be not sustainable. Therefore, other policy interventions, that can ensure sustainable food security, have to be in place to overcome the situation.

the other hand, it was an adaptation strategy for families that had practiced it for many decades. When the entire family moved, mobility increased household vulnerability for food insecurity and famine because families lost time for a long distance migration instead of dealing with livelihoods activities like farming. Migration also disturbed livelihoods natural resource base thus increased communities' vulnerability, more so among women, elderly and children who are more vulnerable. Sometimes, men alone moved out seasonally with or

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"…in 2006, I moved through different districts to sustain my cattle because of lack of pasture… the districts were Bariadi, Maswa, Kwimba, Geita, Misungwi, and Shinyanga rural…during these movements four cattle died due to long distance, lack of water and pasture and the fact that they were old…" (Men FGDs participant aged 61 at Mwashata, Meatu,

Based on that quotation, it can be deduced that the 2006 was a famine year with inadequate pasture and food insecurity. When men moved without livestock, the main agenda was to sell labor in different villages and towns. This had been practiced for many years and so qualifying to become an adaptation strategy if it were anticipated and planned. Going for artisanal mining in mining areas in the country like Geita, Kahama and Mwadui, especially among men and youth was also reported. Men's movements to sell labor for food and income was supported by an improvement in rural roads infrastructure in the 2000s implying less vulnerability among communities relative to the period before the 2000s. However, vulnerability among women, children and the elderly who remained at home did not decrease concomitantly. It is the women who had to feed, in addition to domestic chores, the family members remained behind through skipping some meals, reducing amount or the number of meals from say three to one, and depending on wild food and fruits. Women FGD participants at

"…in 2009, we survived by eating wild fruits called 'Mahama'…we collected these wild fruits in the mid night, so we used to go in the bush during the night because if you wait until morning you may be competing with baboons because they also eat them…" (Women FGDs

That quotation implies that climate change had affected not only humans, but also wild animals such that wild animals and humans, especially women who had limited control over livelihoods resources and limited mobility shared similar wild food. In addition, FGDs reported that women survived by being re-marrying to another men or opting "sex for money" to buy food or "sex for food" when their husbands were away. Being forced by the circumstance to re-marry or succumbing to "sex for money" or "sex for food" increased number of sexual partners among women. This suggests increased chances of succumbing to sexual transmitted infections (STIs) including HIV/AIDS. It also implies that sexual practicing among women, when husbands were away, was a coping strategy. It appears that one of the major adaptation strategies for men was movement with or without livestock. Some did not get back or remit money back home. While taking livestock to conserved areas during pasture crisis was a coping or an adaptation strategy to climate change impact, it was a vulnerability

without livestock. This was justified by one FGD participant at Mwashata as follows:

March 2015)

Kidaru justified by reporting that:

participants, Kidaru, March 2015).

Men and women reported serious impact of drought on land, livestock and school institutions. Similar climatic hazard was report to have medium impact on water resource. Floods had serious impact on land and school institutions. Diseases had serious impact on land, livestock and school institutions (Table 6). Women reported serious impact of human diseases on children and school institutions (Table 7). In addition, youth reported serious impact of drought on land, livestock, water resource and school institutions. They also reported serious impact of strong winds and human diseases on school institutions, and crop insect pests and diseases on livestock and school institutions (Table 8). This shows interaction between the climate change and livelihoods.

#### 4.4. Gender adaptation and coping strategies against hazards

Discussions in focus groups showed that men and women had adopted various strategies to cope with hazards like droughts and their outcomes including famine, lack of pasture, crop and diseases and pests. For instance, the whole family could permanently migrate to other regions in the country, where it was perceived to be receiving adequate amount of rainfall, or where there was no drought, and that the region is suitable for agriculture - in terms of land availability and fertility - and livestock keeping. Those areas include some parts of Tabora, Mbeya, Morogoro, Geita and Rukwa, to name a few. To justify migration men's FGD participants at Mwamanimba reported the following:

"…in 1995, about 30 families out-migrated to Tabora, Morogoro, Mbeya and Sumbawanga, and from that time to date almost half of the households in the village has permanently migrated…" (Men FGD participants at Mwamanimba, March 2015)

Based on that quotation, the 1995 was a dry year accompanied by famine that caused permanent family migration especially at Mwamanimba in Meatu. Since then, more families had permanently migrated responding to an increased frequency of drought in the 2000s. Surprisingly, other families migrated into the same village suggesting that vulnerability due to climate change is complex and widespread. In addition, climatic hazards that induced families' out-migration were inter-linked between climate change and non-climatic change like changes in land use, land cover and vegetations. For instance, the grazing land had been converted into agricultural land because of population increase and the quest to increase production that dwindled because of drought and changes in rainfall patterns. This implies that families migrated in search of agricultural and grazing land, in addition to water for domestic use.

In agro-pastoralist communities like in Meatu and Iramba, wealth is stored in livestock [29], which can be exchanged for food or income to buy food and other necessities so as to sustain the families. Therefore, families did all the needful to ensure that livestock did not perish because of lack of pasture and water. On one hand, migration was a coping strategy, but on the other hand, it was an adaptation strategy for families that had practiced it for many decades. When the entire family moved, mobility increased household vulnerability for food insecurity and famine because families lost time for a long distance migration instead of dealing with livelihoods activities like farming. Migration also disturbed livelihoods natural resource base thus increased communities' vulnerability, more so among women, elderly and children who are more vulnerable. Sometimes, men alone moved out seasonally with or without livestock. This was justified by one FGD participant at Mwashata as follows:

vulnerability to climate change impacts is likely to aggravate in the future. Some development partners especially World Vision Tanzania (WVT) had intervened through "food provision" to the pupils at school. Yet, this may not be enough because the intervention is likely to be not sustainable. Therefore, other policy interventions, that can ensure sustainable food security,

Men and women reported serious impact of drought on land, livestock and school institutions. Similar climatic hazard was report to have medium impact on water resource. Floods had serious impact on land and school institutions. Diseases had serious impact on land, livestock and school institutions (Table 6). Women reported serious impact of human diseases on children and school institutions (Table 7). In addition, youth reported serious impact of drought on land, livestock, water resource and school institutions. They also reported serious impact of strong winds and human diseases on school institutions, and crop insect pests and diseases on livestock and school institutions (Table 8). This shows interaction between the

Discussions in focus groups showed that men and women had adopted various strategies to cope with hazards like droughts and their outcomes including famine, lack of pasture, crop and diseases and pests. For instance, the whole family could permanently migrate to other regions in the country, where it was perceived to be receiving adequate amount of rainfall, or where there was no drought, and that the region is suitable for agriculture - in terms of land availability and fertility - and livestock keeping. Those areas include some parts of Tabora, Mbeya, Morogoro, Geita and Rukwa, to name a few. To justify migration men's FGD partici-

"…in 1995, about 30 families out-migrated to Tabora, Morogoro, Mbeya and Sumbawanga, and from that time to date almost half of the households in the village has permanently

Based on that quotation, the 1995 was a dry year accompanied by famine that caused permanent family migration especially at Mwamanimba in Meatu. Since then, more families had permanently migrated responding to an increased frequency of drought in the 2000s. Surprisingly, other families migrated into the same village suggesting that vulnerability due to climate change is complex and widespread. In addition, climatic hazards that induced families' out-migration were inter-linked between climate change and non-climatic change like changes in land use, land cover and vegetations. For instance, the grazing land had been converted into agricultural land because of population increase and the quest to increase production that dwindled because of drought and changes in rainfall patterns. This implies that families migrated in search of agricultural and grazing land, in addition to water for domestic use.

In agro-pastoralist communities like in Meatu and Iramba, wealth is stored in livestock [29], which can be exchanged for food or income to buy food and other necessities so as to sustain the families. Therefore, families did all the needful to ensure that livestock did not perish because of lack of pasture and water. On one hand, migration was a coping strategy, but on

migrated…" (Men FGD participants at Mwamanimba, March 2015)

have to be in place to overcome the situation.

4.4. Gender adaptation and coping strategies against hazards

pants at Mwamanimba reported the following:

climate change and livelihoods.

68 Arid Environments and Sustainability

"…in 2006, I moved through different districts to sustain my cattle because of lack of pasture… the districts were Bariadi, Maswa, Kwimba, Geita, Misungwi, and Shinyanga rural…during these movements four cattle died due to long distance, lack of water and pasture and the fact that they were old…" (Men FGDs participant aged 61 at Mwashata, Meatu, March 2015)

Based on that quotation, it can be deduced that the 2006 was a famine year with inadequate pasture and food insecurity. When men moved without livestock, the main agenda was to sell labor in different villages and towns. This had been practiced for many years and so qualifying to become an adaptation strategy if it were anticipated and planned. Going for artisanal mining in mining areas in the country like Geita, Kahama and Mwadui, especially among men and youth was also reported. Men's movements to sell labor for food and income was supported by an improvement in rural roads infrastructure in the 2000s implying less vulnerability among communities relative to the period before the 2000s. However, vulnerability among women, children and the elderly who remained at home did not decrease concomitantly. It is the women who had to feed, in addition to domestic chores, the family members remained behind through skipping some meals, reducing amount or the number of meals from say three to one, and depending on wild food and fruits. Women FGD participants at Kidaru justified by reporting that:

"…in 2009, we survived by eating wild fruits called 'Mahama'…we collected these wild fruits in the mid night, so we used to go in the bush during the night because if you wait until morning you may be competing with baboons because they also eat them…" (Women FGDs participants, Kidaru, March 2015).

That quotation implies that climate change had affected not only humans, but also wild animals such that wild animals and humans, especially women who had limited control over livelihoods resources and limited mobility shared similar wild food. In addition, FGDs reported that women survived by being re-marrying to another men or opting "sex for money" to buy food or "sex for food" when their husbands were away. Being forced by the circumstance to re-marry or succumbing to "sex for money" or "sex for food" increased number of sexual partners among women. This suggests increased chances of succumbing to sexual transmitted infections (STIs) including HIV/AIDS. It also implies that sexual practicing among women, when husbands were away, was a coping strategy. It appears that one of the major adaptation strategies for men was movement with or without livestock. Some did not get back or remit money back home. While taking livestock to conserved areas during pasture crisis was a coping or an adaptation strategy to climate change impact, it was a vulnerability factor among women and children, and also created pressure on biodiversity because of concentration of livestock in the conserved areas.

It can also restore availability of firewood to women's proximity that in turn reduces

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• Strategies to deal with diseases like malaria and cholera as well as crop and livestock insect pests and diseases should be integrated in the development planning at local government level because it was difficult to predict the hazards like floods and droughts that occurred concomitantly with the diseases. Children, women and elderly should be

• Local governments should put in place sustainable nutrition programmes to address food insecurity and famine among women and children especially during food and income insecurity periods. Women should also be given skills and credit support to start and manage tangible small scale businesses. They should also be imparted knowledge regard-

ing HIV/AIDS and other STIs that seemed to increase vulnerability among them.

• Suggested by FGD participants, the central government can intervene through supporting irrigated farming, tree planting, construction of water reservoirs, support in terms of drugs and experts in village dispensaries, drugs and extension officers for crops and livestock, and price control mechanism especially for cotton, which seemed to be unstable influenced by private buyers. In addressing vulnerability, the strategies should be gender sensitive because vulnerability is differentiated by gender lines. Those strategies are critical in improving and making community livelihoods sustainable with potential to addressing vulnerability to climate change as well as vulnerability to non-climatic hazards, which are mainly driven by poor communities' livelihoods. In this case, any strategy to address any kind of vulnerability should put community livelihoods at the center and so "livelihood centered approach' in addition to restoration of natural resource base.

This study was conducted under the auspices of the Enhancing Pro-Poor Innovations in Natural Resources and Agricultural Value Chains (EPINAV) Programme, which was implemented by Sokoine University of Agriculture for the period between 2011 and 2016. The author is therefore thankful for financial support from EPINAV without which the study could not have been possible. Many thanks are also extended to the smallholder farmers and agropastoralists in the villages of Mwashata, Mwamanimba and Kidaru for the valuable informa-

tion shared and time spent during Focus Group Discussions.

Address all correspondence to: sjkabote@suanet.ac.tz

Sokoine University of Agriculture, Morogoro, Tanzania

given special attention because they have special health needs.

gender vulnerability.

Acknowledgements

Author details

Samwel J. Kabote

Reflections in FGDs showed that communities received food aid from the local governments and non-governmental organizations particularly World Vision Tanzania during food insecurity months. Food relief seemed to increase in the previous 15 years, in which was provided almost each year. This is translated to increased climatic hazards like droughts that affected crop productivity. Some women relied on doing small scale businesses, food and money borrowing from relatives and friends in coping with droughts, food insecurity and famine. Borrowing had increased in the previous 20 years. This is not new, but borrowers returned without interest in the past, suggesting strong social capital and a culture of self-help in the communities in the past. However, FGDs commented that an interest had been introduced since the 1990s following increasing incidence of food borrowing largely due to re-occurrences of crop failure and famine. This implies that climatic hazards had weakened social networks and trust in the communities and that it had increased vulnerability among borrowers, in most cases, women who borrowed when men were away. Reflections in FGDs showed that, while men could get some money and food for selling labor when they were away from their families, it was a challenge for women, who left at home, to support family members through small scale businesses without proper skills and also through "sex for money and food." The strategies adopted by women were not reliable and sustainable given that they prevailed during hardship periods in terms of food insecurity, famine and lack of income, in which everybody in the community including men, who contracted "sex for food" and or "sex for money" with women, was a victim.
