**3.1. What is discourse analysis**

Women's bodies play a central role in the construction of a Muslim religious identity since they have a place in social norms, practices, and values. Determining what is *natural* for bodies according to social and cultural codes resulted in the evaluation of women's bodies under social pressures [1–3, 5]. Veiling is one of the most important indicators of female religiosity. A woman who is veiled to carry out the orders of the religion is thought to bring her religious beliefs into action. This is based on the Muslim identity's desire to establish a deep connection between thought and action [6, 7]. The root cause of the legitimization of veiling is con-

and bodily desire. Thus, veiling was considered as a way of dressing that would minimize or eliminate the sexual desire of men. *Fitna* is the most basic foundation of the Islamic social order, which depends on gender duality since it is the justification for supervising women in

of women. According to Islam, dress is a means of modesty and decency that should not

Although the appearance of Muslim religious women is identified in this way, the limitations of women's veiled dressing and the behavior that evokes femininity in their private indoor lives are not known. Here, behavior that evokes femininity means how a woman reveals her sexual identity to the person she feels romantic about or sexually attracted to, in this research context, her husband.

This study is intended to understand the indoor dressing styles of women who define themselves

To answer our basic research question, a focus group discussion was conducted with 10 highly educated, working women, nine veiled and one non-veiled, who defined themselves as religious

Derived from "trouble or going astray," the other meaning of the term, *fitna* [9], is a beautiful woman. It indicates the degree of beauty that prevents men from non-indulgence or a *femme fatal*e. *Fitna*, by the definition of a Muslim feminist,

In the traditional Islamic social system, women's education [11–13] and taking part in social life as professionals were not considered appropriate [8, 14, 15]. Their inclusion in other social and political activities was not supported. It has been argued that women are not competent in these fields [16]. The human roles of women who were completely integrated with their domestic roles [17, 18] were limited to bodily tasks based on only the reproduction of the bloodline, and their social acceptance was attributed to being obedient to their husbands [16, 19, 20]. This female identity constructed by male interpretations of the religion has encountered modern objections in recent decades [21]. Islamist women who argue that the limitation in question is not appropriate for Islam have struggled for existence in the visible areas of social

Veiling is based on the *Koran*, which supports the social separation of women and men [27, 28]. It means "curtain" or "a barrier in the spatial dimension" [29, 30]. Veiling is considered to be a form of cruelty that restricts women's freedom [31], but it is not always the result of coercion. It is known that Muslim women in some non-Muslim countries are veiled by their own preference [28, 32]. Muslim women consider traditional veiled dress as a reminder of a life that obeys the

Kasım Amin, can be interpreted as the chaos that results from sexual disorder caused by women [10].

life and contributed considerably to the reconstruction of female religiosity [22, 23].

orders of the *Koran* and conforms with Muslim beliefs and values [33].

reveal women's bodies and their shapes. On the contrary, it should hide them [24].<sup>3</sup>

In this sense, dressing style has a moral function, the function of saving the honor

1

which is identified with bodies

sensus on women' being living creatures who leads to *fitna*,

as religious Muslims and their behavior that evokes femininity.

Islam [8].<sup>2</sup>

190 Perception of Beauty

**2. Aim**

**3. Method**

1

2

3

Discourse analysis has three analytical focuses of interest: interpretative repertoires, subject positions, and ideological dilemmas [36–38]. Interpretative repertoires are composed of themes, metaphors, images, and patterns in speech, which are constructed by people and have descriptive functions [39]. Subject positions are determined after the social actor providing the explanatory repertories is found [38]. Determining the subjects within discourse enables us

<sup>4</sup> Nur students are the Muslims who study and live by the book, *Risale-i Nur*, by Said Nursi.

<sup>5</sup> İsmailağa Jamia is a branch of Nakşibendi tariqah. Women veil themselves with a uniform black cloth that reaches from head to the feet and is called *jilbab*. Many women in the Jamia completely veil their body except for their eyes. Men in this Jamia wear sirwal and thawb, and cover their heads with taqiyah or imamah. One of the most important rules in the Jamia is to comply with the dressing rules determined for the genders and spatial separation between the genders. Another permanent rule of the Jamia is that women cannot study or work in public schools. Women's experiences in this Jamia have been detailed in our book, *Çarşaflı Dindarlık*. This book is being published.


**Table 1.** Participants of focus group.


**Table 2.** In-depth interview group.

to describe the discursive world and develop criticism of the discourse [40]. As a discursive practice, positioning is a skill through which the people in question can move to new positions. Positioning practices occur in different ways, and they vary [38]. This study examines the interpretative repertoires and subject positions and will not emphasize ideological dilemmas [3].
