**4. Discourse analysis**

#### **4.1. Home is the place where women can live their sexual identities freely**

All of the participating women defined home as a legal place where religious women can display their sexual identities. Although their ideas about limits of this legality differ, home is identified as the most private space in religious Muslim women's lives.

The participants presented religion-based facts regarding the holiness of marital life and maintaining their health, and agreed that the private relationship between partners has no limits other than those determined by religion, namely not to have sexual intercourse during their menstrual periods<sup>6</sup> and *livata*. 7

<sup>6</sup> The provision for women during menstruation (*hayız*) period and puerperant (*nifas*) women is like for a *junub* person, and it is *haram* for such women to have sexual intercourse [41].

<sup>7</sup> *Livata*, which is forbidden in Islam, is sexual intercourse between men or anal intercourse. This is forbidden by Islam's prophet with these *hadiths*: "He who has intercourse with his wife through her anus is accursed," "On the day of resurrection, Allah will not look at a man who has had intercourse with a man or woman's anus" (see EbûDâvûd, Nikah, 45; Müsned, I, 86, 444; Tirmizi, Taharet, 201; Mişkâtü'l-Mesabih, II, 184).

"I think there is no limitation between wife and husband. It is also acceptable for women… Men should satisfy their wives. They should do whatever their wives like. I mean, it is mutual" (G-11).

The statements of G-11, who is veiled in her social life outside the home, defend the spatial segregation principle based on Islam and satisfying pleasures that religious people need is supported as a religious task. The participant defined marriage as a legal and beneficial place for partners to achieve satisfaction, and identified mutual emotional satisfaction as a task that is necessary for a healthy marriage. According to the social actor (G-11), while unveiled women display their femininities in their social lives, those who are religious display femininity and are only sexual in their homes.

The homes of people who prefer to live according to Islamic rules are seen as being free of religion-based barriers in social life at a certain extent. G-12 enthusiastically spoke of her relationship with her husband and emphasized that her femininity in private has only religious limitations. G-12 specified the romance level in her marriage saying, "In the first year of our marriage, we were always having candlelit dinners,<sup>8</sup> " and claimed that feminine attraction should be very strong in religious women's homes. G-12 states that women can unveil themselves and wear attractive clothes only in front of their husbands, which suits the principles of the Jamia.

"Even if you are with other women, you cannot wear trousers or skirts. It is not approved. In society, you should wear a loosely fitting, long dress. You can wear whatever you want at home. Hair coloring, wearing fancy clothing are women's duties towards their husband, are *ibadah*. It is required for women to protect their husbands from sin. For example, I dye my hair blonde. At home, I put on makeup for my husband. When my hair color fades a little, he says, 'Let's dye your hair blonde again.' (The participant was laughing continuously while saying this.) When my son was little, I wore strap dresses. My husband said, 'Someone who sees you outside cannot imagine you in those dresses.' Now, our son has grown up, I cannot dress like that now. It is necessary to be careful" (G-12).

to describe the discursive world and develop criticism of the discourse [40]. As a discursive practice, positioning is a skill through which the people in question can move to new positions. Positioning practices occur in different ways, and they vary [38]. This study examines the interpretative repertoires and subject positions and will not emphasize ideological dilemmas [3].

G-11 27 Primary educ. Yes Married (Pregnant)

**Participant Age Education Veiled Marital status Number of child**

G-1 38 University Yes Married 1 B/1 G G-2 37 University Yes Married 2 G G-3 36 University Yes Married 2 B G-4 31 University Yes Married 1 G/1 B G-5 36 University Yes Married 2 B/1 G G-6 31 University Yes Divorced 1 B/1 G G-7 39 University Yes Married 2 B G-8 36 University Yes Married 1 B G-9 37 University No Married 2 B G-10 37 University Yes Married 2 K

G-12 30 Primary educ. Yes Married 1B

All of the participating women defined home as a legal place where religious women can display their sexual identities. Although their ideas about limits of this legality differ, home is

The participants presented religion-based facts regarding the holiness of marital life and maintaining their health, and agreed that the private relationship between partners has no limits other than those determined by religion, namely not to have sexual intercourse during

The provision for women during menstruation (*hayız*) period and puerperant (*nifas*) women is like for a *junub* person,

*Livata*, which is forbidden in Islam, is sexual intercourse between men or anal intercourse. This is forbidden by Islam's prophet with these *hadiths*: "He who has intercourse with his wife through her anus is accursed," "On the day of resurrection, Allah will not look at a man who has had intercourse with a man or woman's anus" (see EbûDâvûd, Nikah, 45;

**4.1. Home is the place where women can live their sexual identities freely**

identified as the most private space in religious Muslim women's lives.

7

and *livata*.

and it is *haram* for such women to have sexual intercourse [41].

Müsned, I, 86, 444; Tirmizi, Taharet, 201; Mişkâtü'l-Mesabih, II, 184).

**4. Discourse analysis**

**Table 2.** In-depth interview group.

**Table 1.** Participants of focus group.

192 Perception of Beauty

their menstrual periods<sup>6</sup>

6

7

The speech text that can singly set an example for the research question is a common emotion and statement of women who belong to the İsmailağa Jamia. Personal pronouns used in the participants' statements, which have different introduction sections, are important to the analysis of this issue. The sentence about how religious women should dress while they were with other women indicates a rule. This rule is generally based on Islam and specifically on the principles of the Jamia. The personal pronoun, you, used in sentences such as "You can wear whatever you want in the home. Hair coloring, wearing fancy clothing are women's duties towards their husband, are *ibadah*. 9 It is required for women to protect their husbands from sin." is an extension of the social actor's (G-12) identity as an instructor for the Jamia. As a hodja in Jamia courses,10 she produces discourse or conveys

<sup>8</sup> According to the participants' statements, in their interaction with their husbands, the romance level was high, and emotional expressions such as "my love" were commonly used.

<sup>9</sup> Ibadah: "Executing the orders of Allah, avoiding from what is banned. Any benevolence that is performed with good faith" [42].

<sup>10</sup>According to the principles of İsmailaga Jamia, female and male children should not go to public schools because the education in public schools is considered to be noncompliant with Islam. The Jamia opened courses to raise a religious generation in accordance to its principles. Quran, sunnah (statements and behaviors of the Prophet), Arabic lessons, and the teachings of Sheikh Mahmut Ustaosmanoğlu are provided in these courses for at least 3 years. There are further stages of education in the Jamia, but they are optional. Followers who wish to advance in any religious subject continue with the further stages. Women and men who successfully complete the 3-year education in this course are called masters. They teach their knowledge to other people. This mission can be performed within the course as well as during *religious meetings* (*sohbet*) [43]. More details can be found in our book, *Çarşaflı Dindarlık*.

discourses by positioning herself as an instructor in her congregation's hierarchy to her interlocutors.11 The last sentences, where she uses the first-person singular pronoun, include personal experiences. Her gestures and facial expressions while expressing how femininity is experienced in her domestic space indicate her pleasure and happiness in her private life and mutual satisfaction between wife and husband. G-12's husband said, "Someone who sees you outside cannot imagine you in those dresses." This is remarkable because it implies that people outside the Islamic life style misperceive both religious men and women. Displaying feminine attraction, which is limited to older children, creates a conflicting situation for the participant, since children should be kept away from the symbols that evoke sexual desire in order to achieve the planned level of *taqwa*12 and complete the moral education.13 According to the principles of the Jamia, if female and male children see their mothers without hijab, even at home, after the age of 4, it will be against the *taqwa*. On one side, there is an obligation for parents to educate their children as religious Muslims, and on the other side, there are gender-based actions that are desirable and seen as proper. After the last examination, the obligation to raise the children in the *proper manner* dominated, and the social actor (G-12) limited these actions by dressing in a more moderate way around the children. The indispensability of Islamic principles ("It is necessary to be careful") prevailed over dissatisfaction ("I cannot dress like that now").

Among the group of highly educated women, wearing revealing clothing was not based on religious responsibility toward their husband. It was as a personal desire.

"I do not veil myself in the house, I mean, in summer. A short, knee-length dress, I mean, I wear revealing clothes" (G-5-).

"I do not dress at Home as I do at work… I prefer to be relaxed. But whatever I wear, I prefer good quality clothing. For example, I wear tracksuits, but they are stylish, not sloppy" (G-3).

The highly educated working participants emphasize comfort in their clothing styles at home. Sentences using the first-person singular pronoun indicate different criteria, which are independent from religious discourses, for indoor clothing styles.

This differs from the religious approach to daily life. The fact that the participants are highly educated and have jobs affects this situation; however, the religious limitations on the domestic reality of another participant (G-7) with the same qualifications show that an absolute conclusion cannot be reached.

At this step of the discourse analysis, it is possible to say that home is a liberation area, at a certain extent, for religious Muslim women. It is obvious that the Jamia14-based religious attitude

<sup>11</sup>The researcher is the respondent of the participant in this interview. Students and the group of women are the respondents when a master is present and performs his/her duties.

<sup>12</sup>The Jamia considers *taqwa* as avoiding what is absolutely banned by Islam as well as behaviors that are not banned, but should be avoided. According to Islam, a mother can be around her male children without a hijab, but Jamia considers this against *taqwa*.

<sup>13</sup>In addition, TV had been banned by the Jamia until recent years. However, to protect the followers from the *modern attacks*, the Jamia opened its own TV channel (Lalegül TV), giving followers access to TV. The sheikh gave permission for opening a TV channel. This is a method to protect the religious generation from the harm of other TV channels, which is considered *ehven-i şer* or the lesser evil. For more details, please see *Çarşaflı Dindarlık*.

<sup>14</sup>This congregational approach belongs to the İsmailağa Jamia. A study, *Çarşaflı Dindarlık* (*Veiled Piety*), which examines female members of the Ismailağa Jamia, thoroughly analyzes this issue. This book is in progress.

about women's dressing styles among other women is multilaterally15 limited. Therefore, how different perceptions differentiate religious orientations and daily practices [43] are recognized once again. The difference between the religious perceptions and ideas regarding the religious manners of women, and the religious practices performed with these perceptions and ideas are enormous. The behaviors of religious women with liberal religious beliefs are elaborated in the book, *Modernlik ve Dindarlık Arasında Kadın* (*Women Between Modernity and Religiousness*),16 and the behaviors of dependent religious women are detailed in the book, *Çarşaflı Dindarlık*. This once more indicates that Islam should be reinterpreted being released from the pressure of masculine or traditional points of view [43–47]. The masculine approach that limits women's daily lives with religion-based arguments is a subject of another study.

discourses by positioning herself as an instructor in her congregation's hierarchy to her interlocutors.11 The last sentences, where she uses the first-person singular pronoun, include personal experiences. Her gestures and facial expressions while expressing how femininity is experienced in her domestic space indicate her pleasure and happiness in her private life and mutual satisfaction between wife and husband. G-12's husband said, "Someone who sees you outside cannot imagine you in those dresses." This is remarkable because it implies that people outside the Islamic life style misperceive both religious men and women. Displaying feminine attraction, which is limited to older children, creates a conflicting situation for the participant, since children should be kept away from the symbols that evoke sexual desire in order to achieve the planned level of *taqwa*12 and complete the moral education.13 According to the principles of the Jamia, if female and male children see their mothers without hijab, even at home, after the age of 4, it will be against the *taqwa*. On one side, there is an obligation for parents to educate their children as religious Muslims, and on the other side, there are gender-based actions that are desirable and seen as proper. After the last examination, the obligation to raise the children in the *proper manner* dominated, and the social actor (G-12) limited these actions by dressing in a more moderate way around the children. The indispensability of Islamic principles ("It is necessary to be

careful") prevailed over dissatisfaction ("I cannot dress like that now").

religious responsibility toward their husband. It was as a personal desire.

pendent from religious discourses, for indoor clothing styles.

considered *ehven-i şer* or the lesser evil. For more details, please see *Çarşaflı Dindarlık*.

female members of the Ismailağa Jamia, thoroughly analyzes this issue. This book is in progress.

wear revealing clothes" (G-5-).

194 Perception of Beauty

conclusion cannot be reached.

this against *taqwa*.

dents when a master is present and performs his/her duties.

Among the group of highly educated women, wearing revealing clothing was not based on

"I do not veil myself in the house, I mean, in summer. A short, knee-length dress, I mean, I

"I do not dress at Home as I do at work… I prefer to be relaxed. But whatever I wear, I prefer good quality clothing. For example, I wear tracksuits, but they are stylish, not sloppy" (G-3). The highly educated working participants emphasize comfort in their clothing styles at home. Sentences using the first-person singular pronoun indicate different criteria, which are inde-

This differs from the religious approach to daily life. The fact that the participants are highly educated and have jobs affects this situation; however, the religious limitations on the domestic reality of another participant (G-7) with the same qualifications show that an absolute

At this step of the discourse analysis, it is possible to say that home is a liberation area, at a certain extent, for religious Muslim women. It is obvious that the Jamia14-based religious attitude

11The researcher is the respondent of the participant in this interview. Students and the group of women are the respon-

12The Jamia considers *taqwa* as avoiding what is absolutely banned by Islam as well as behaviors that are not banned, but should be avoided. According to Islam, a mother can be around her male children without a hijab, but Jamia considers

13In addition, TV had been banned by the Jamia until recent years. However, to protect the followers from the *modern attacks*, the Jamia opened its own TV channel (Lalegül TV), giving followers access to TV. The sheikh gave permission for opening a TV channel. This is a method to protect the religious generation from the harm of other TV channels, which is

14This congregational approach belongs to the İsmailağa Jamia. A study, *Çarşaflı Dindarlık* (*Veiled Piety*), which examines
