**5. The new media: social and online media and their influence on body image**

most wanted to look like, from a range of hand‐drawn silhouettes. Women selected a thinner personal ideal body size in the thin norm condition than in the heavy norm condition. This was true whether they were told what either men or other women found

In a related study by Mills et al. [16], we examined the effect of purported body norms on ideal and current body size perception. In study one, female participants were given bogus information about the average body size of women of the same age as participants. Current and ideal body size perceptions were then measured. Women reported a thinner ideal body size in the thinner norm condition than in the heavier norm condition, sup‐ porting the idea that ideal body size is malleable. Women had shifted their ideal body size so that it was a bit thinner than what they believed the average woman's body looked like. We interpreted these findings to mean that women may set their ideal as thinner than average so that they can be seen (or see themselves) as special. Study two replicated these results, but in a sample of young men. In this case, body norms were manipulated through purported averages in terms of muscularity rather than thinness. Men had a more muscular ideal body size in the more muscular norm condition than in the less muscular

**4. The bi‐directionality of media exposure and body dissatisfaction**

Despite the fact that they can contribute to body dissatisfaction, mass media featuring thin ideal images are popular forms of media. Many women and men choose to expose themselves to idealized body images as featured in the media. This apparent paradox has received little attention to date in the literature. Recently, we examined whether individuals dissatisfied with their bodies are actually more likely to seek out media featuring images of idealized bodies [17]. We hypothesized that the correlation between thin‐ideal media exposure and body dissatisfaction is in fact bi‐directional, and that people who feel bad about their appearance may actually consume higher levels of such media. It was predicted that young women who were induced to feel dissatisfied with their bodies would gravi‐ tate toward media featuring thin‐idealized content. In two experimental studies, a negative body image rumination task was used to induce body dissatisfaction. Participants were then asked to select their choice of different media (appearance‐related versus non‐appearance‐ related) for an ostensible market research task. We found that young women who had just ruminated about being unhappy with their bodies disproportionately selected magazine or online video media that featured thin, idealized body imagery over non‐appearance‐related media. Young women who had been instructed to think about not liking their bodies then gravitated toward thinness‐related media that focused on dieting, fitness, health, and beauty. These findings warrant further replication, but suggest that people who are unhappy with their appearance may turn to media that feature thin, beautiful models, possibly for advice or information, or to see advertised products aimed at bringing aspects of one's appearance

most attractive.

150 Perception of Beauty

norm condition.

closer to the perceived ideal [17].

More and more people encounter online media on a daily basis. The Internet is commonly used for social networking (i.e. online activities that create and maintain interpersonal rela‐ tionships with family, friends, and acquaintances). Social media are particularly popular among female young adults, a group in which body dissatisfaction is common [18]. Facebook, the most popular social media platform in the world, boasts over one billion daily users, with three‐quarters of online American adults logging on [19]. Instagram, a popular photo‐sharing application, has 600 million users, half of whom use it daily, with 35% using it several times a day [19]. The majority of 18–29 year olds use Facebook and more than half of these individu‐ als use Instagram [19]. These social media platforms and others—such as YouTube, Snapchat, and Pinterest—have a visual element and involve users posting photos of themselves for oth‐ ers to see and on which to comment. Contemporary media platforms are changing how people internalize beauty ideals, how they try to control how other people see them, and how they get feedback from others about how they look.

Most households worldwide have home Internet access, and, in some countries, children, adolescents, and young adults identify social media sites as their primary online communi‐ cation activity [20]. Given that both social media use and body dissatisfaction are pervasive among adolescent and young adult women, it is not surprising that media and body image research is expanding into this new media domain. The tripartite model of influence proposes that peers, parents, and media are the main sources of the development of body image and eating disturbances. Furthermore, research shows that appearance comparison at least par‐ tially mediates the relationships between these sociocultural factors and eating and weight‐ related behaviors [21]. Each of these three sociocultural factors converges on social media.

Until the past 5 years, research on Internet exposure, perceptions of beauty, and body image concerns was virtually non‐existent. In line with research on traditional forms of mass media and body image, recent correlational studies reveal that social media use is linked to body image and appearance concerns among both men and women [22]. Also, much like the rela‐ tionship between the traditional media and body image ideals, the link between social media use and body image is not straightforward; it appears to be affected by various psychological factors, such as individual differences in the tendency to compare one's appearance to that of others. When people compare themselves to others who they consider to be superior to themselves it is known as upward social comparison. Downward social comparison is when people compare themselves to other people who they consider to be inferior to them on some dimension. Exactly which individual and situational factors determine social comparison processes on social media remain to be empirically tested. But because social comparison moderates the effects of traditional media on viewers, as reviewed above, it is likely that these psychological processes also play a role in the effects of social media on users.

Unlike traditional forms of media like television, movies, and magazines, social media sites are designed to actively engage the user. Since there are many ways for users to engage with online media, such as scrolling through newsfeeds and profiles, commenting on other users' posts, seeing who else has liked/commented/endorsed posts, or creating and uploading their own content, it is difficult to tease apart exactly how online media are related to perceptions of beauty. Researchers have started to use various research methods to study the link between online media exposure and appearance concerns (e.g. qualitative data, correlational studies, and experimental simulated social media use) that may or may not be analogous to how people use social media in the real world. For instance, researchers have begun to bring social media into the laboratory for study. When women passively view mock social media profiles versus models in magazines, there appears to be no difference between the media types in terms of subsequent increases in appearance comparison and body image dissatisfaction [22]. Although some researchers find that adolescent girls' time spent on the Internet is positively correlated with internalization of the thin ideal, body surveillance, and drive for thinness, experimental studies suggest that mere exposure to one's own social media account does not negatively or immediately impact young women's appearance concerns [23–31].

One of the unique aspects of social media, versus traditional media, is that they are made up of communication with peers and/or public figures. It is the elements of interactivity and connectedness that make social media distinct from other media forms and rife with opportu‐ nities for users to perceive, compare, and internalize standards of beauty. Traditional media literacy efforts may have helped people think critically about how photos of models and celebrities are frequently edited by advertisers and editors, and how they display completely unrealistic standards of beauty. However, social media platforms expose users to photos of real‐world peers, which may dissuade people from critically analyzing the images they see on social media. In truth, users can present their ideal selves through editing, enhancing, and embellishing their online images and appearance. More research is needed to determine whether social media users engage in selective presentation of their own appearance, but overlook the notion that other users have done the same.

People can engage in a variety of behaviors related to perceptions of beauty in online forms of media. Examples include taking multiple selfies and choosing to post only the flattering pho‐ tos, using camera filters to enhance the appearance of a person's face, and photo‐shopping body parts to make them appear thinner. Research is just starting to examine the relations between these types of self‐presentation strategies on social media and well‐being (body image and appearance self‐esteem) among women. A study of online dating website users found that individuals commonly managed their online profile by posting selfies of which they felt especially proud [32]. It is not yet known whether self‐presentation strategies like photo enhancement actually improve body image and appearance self‐esteem (by allowing users to present an idealized version of themselves to others) or whether they worsen appear‐ ance concerns because they perpetuate an evaluation of and focus on physical appearance.

It seems that people who post photos of themselves on social media probably do so when they feel *good* about their appearance. Indeed, research suggests that the use of social media pre‐ dicts subsequent body dissatisfaction and not the other way round [33]. It could be, however, that social media users post photos of themselves when they feel especially good about their appearance, but that they end up feeling worse about their appearance in the longer term after frequent use of social media. The longer term adverse effects of social media use could be due to looking at images of idealized, and often retouched, photos of other people, as well as reading online commentary about people's appearance. Replication and clarification of the causal effects of social media usage on body image and appearance self‐esteem is an important goal for future research in this field.

Popular social media platforms have begun to acknowledge the risks inherent in exposure to certain types of photos. At this time, Instagram has banned hashtags such as 'thinspiration' and 'proanorexia' because Instagram views them as actively promoting self‐harm. These are terms that would be familiar to many social media users (particularly young women) and alert viewers to photos that are meant to glorify very thin bodies. Before content associated with eating disorders is shown, a graphic‐images warning and link to the National Eating Disorders website is displayed. Other appearance‐related hashtags, such as 'sopretty', 'attrac‐ tive', 'bikinibody', and 'everybodyisbeautiful' are, at present, no longer searchable on the photo‐sharing application [34]. Although it is not clear what the impetus was for Instagram to enact these guidelines, advocacy groups generally applaud these types of content moderation efforts aimed at the prevention of disordered eating and body image disturbances.

In summary, research that addresses the question of whether posting, modifying, and view‐ ing photos on social media hurts or helps women's body image and appearance self‐esteem is currently underway. The available evidence and theory point to exposure to thin, ideal‐ ized photos online, and taking and retouching selfies—which may masquerade as promot‐ ing body positivity and esteem—as particularly risky behaviors in terms of body image and self‐esteem.
