**7. Conclusion**

**Year Expression Experienced** 

Most mothers, fathers, wives, relatives, and friends we refer to in the studies mentioned in this work said that their loss-situations "have changed their lives": their everyday interactions, their bodily hexis, and the material ways of reproducing their existence have changed,

Filial love is extra energy that manifests as a result of the tensions among the family's instituted features: legitimacy of the unequal gender trafficking, reproduction of private property, instructive process to the basic components of the political economy of moral principles, and

**2014** "…I set aside half of what we save to put it there and the other half in case they need something (for the children)." (1, …)

material reproduction of the bodies/emotions.

"… then, having a card to buy food, I buy yoghurt and milk for my children, because… my children had suffered a lot, my children saw how they had yoghurt and they ask for that, they wanted to beg and I hit them because of that, then I felt a lot of pity…"(3, …)

"In my case, it is useful for me. I do not know about the other cases… in my case I thank for it, but if there is another person who does not need it and cannot take advantage of it… because I can take advantage of it… I buy food or stuff that my children do not

**2015** "Well, like any mother that wants the best for their children, right… in my case, I'd like to get out from here in a near future, to give them a better life, and I do not know… because I think that in slum areas, the slum areas are not for the children, unfortunately, it's like

**2016** "I really do not like that my child stays here all the time, all his life. Here there is too much danger." (…) "I tell you that a person can leave, for example, young people go out and party out there. And you do not know if they are coming back, because you get killed for any stupid thing (…)." "Erh, are you scared, that this will happen to you too, right? It's like that, but well. And they want to stay, but

> "I am only in charge of my family and that's it. (…) Once you have children it's like you just lean on them, because your family is not like you said it was before… No, that's that, your children are your

**Table 2.** Feeling practices, love and features of socialization from an interstitial view [40].

"The prenatal care… I just devote myself to my children, I buy them clothes, tennis shoes, stationeries, just and only for the children. And my salary, apart from my salary, yes, I have to pay the rent, I have to pay the electricity or cable, because here sometimes I am charged for cable, and [I have to pay] to eat. I manage at home with that. And expenses that we women have, you know? But what I have to spend on the children is separated, that's true." (7)

have." (6,)

in some cases, radically.

134 Socialization - A Multidimensional Perspective

that… (2,)

well. Their future here." (3,)

children." (1,)

**connection**

The best for the children

Children's expense

Leaning on the children

Need 26 years old

Suffering 32 years old

**Women's features**

Argentinian

Argentinian

43 years old Argentinian

25 years old Argentinian

Paraguayan

23 years old Argentinian

Danger 50 years old

Gratitude 42 years old Peruvian

Returning to the initial quote of Giddings, and re-thinking the processes of socialization in the current contexts of global restructuring continues to be a central mission for sociology.

In the particular spaces that we have defined as "Global South," this task nevertheless acquires specific features that lead us to problematize the paradoxical situation from which millions of subjects live the tensions constituted between two apparently antagonistic forces. On the one hand, the inertia that drives various forms of association between individuals, and on the other, the expulsion forces that question not only the social nature of the subjects, but also their own individual existence.

Thus, a concept of socialization that does not simplify the complexity involved in this paradox, should implies a compression framework that integrates the specific contributions that from various fields have been developed around the mutations of the practices from which societies "historically" con-form their members.

**Author details**

Adrián Scribano1

**References**

2007. F2-F4. p. 1

\*, Angélica De Sena<sup>2</sup>

3 CIECS CONICET y UNC, Córdoba, Argentina

\*Address all correspondence to: adrianscribano@gmail.com

1 CONICET – UBA, Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires, Argentina

2 UNLAM – UBA – CIES, Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires, Argentina

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caicyt.gov.ar/index.php/depracticasydiscursos/article/view/7062/6302

Social Capital Research Group, Working Paper N. 28; 2010. pp. 1\*37

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https://doi.org/10.1177/0022022117736029

and Pedro Lisdero<sup>3</sup>

Socialization, Poverty and Love: Contributions from the Sociology of the Body/Emotion

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.74391

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[2] Scribano A. La religión neo-colonial como la forma actual de la economía política de la moral. Prácticas y Discursos. Cuadernos de Ciencias Sociales Año. 2013;**2**(2). http://ppct.

[3] Dürrschmidt I, Lantermann S, Schönewolf A, Edwards R, Gillis V, Reynolds T. Families, Social Capital and Migration in Time and Space: An exploration of strategies of getting by and getting ahead in comparative context – Germany and Britain. LSBU Families &

[4] Lareau A. Unequal Childhoods: Inequalities in the Rhythms of Daily Life. NCFR Report.

[5] Juang L, Park I, Kim SY, Lee RM, Qin D, Okazaki S, Swartz T, Lau A. Reactive and proactive ethnic-racial socialization practices of Asian American second generation parents. Asian American Journal of Psychology. 2017 (In press) https://www.researchgate.net/ publication/321724156\_Reactive\_and\_Proactive\_Ethnic-Racial\_Socialization\_Practices\_

[6] Zhou C, Yiu WYV, Shengtao Wu M, Greenfield P. Perception of cross-generational differences in child behavior and parent socialization: A mixed-method interview study with grandmothers in China. Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology. 2017;**49**(1):62-81

[7] Songhori N, Maarefvand M, Fekr-Azad H, Khubchandani J. Facilitators and barriers of afghan refugee adolescents' integration in Iran: A grounded theory study. Global Social

[8] For an Explanation of our Perspective on the Application of a Sociology of Bodies/ Emotions to the Analysis of Sensibilities CFR Scribano, A. Normalization, Enjoyment and Bodies/Emotions: Argentine Sensibilities. USA: Nova Science Publisher; 2017.

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http://www.relaces.com.ar/index.php/relaces/article/viewFile/224/143

The proposal that we outline here—recovering some elements from the sociology of bodies/ emotions – address as an oblique look at the processes of socialization. That is, we ask ourselves about certain *practices of feeling* that are constituted as conditions of possibility/impossibility for the processes from which the dialectic relationship of "becoming part of a society" is structured in our societies of the Global South.

From our perspective, these practices can not be thought of in a way that is separate from the individual bodies that support them. Thus, it is the bodies of children and young people who provide us with clues about the updating of these tensions that concern sociology from its origins. In other words, the marks that print on the bodies the experiences of these subjects in the different areas (the school, the family, the secondary groups, etc.) constitute the concrete evidence of the processes that occupy us here. Addressing the obvious transformations in the actors, institutions and times of the processes of socialization from this perspective involves centrally linking the relationships between the conditions of existence of individuals and social forms specifically developed in terms of establishment and maintenance of certain proper ways of being and feeling socially.

As we have stated, the changes in educational institutions, the deprivations associated with poverty as well as the nutritional deficit suffered by children and adolescents, led us to the notion of denial of socialization. This notion constitutes a particular platform of practices that are at the same time product and process in production. That is, practices that are the result of living in a society where an important part of children and young people "have no education, are poor and can not access food." And at the same time, these practices extend as a *regime of truth* associated with a *political economy of morality* that seems to traverse and shape institutions and individuals, constituting a specific social order. The mediations between one and the other are an unavoidable point in the research agendas of a sociology committed to the construction of critical tools of knowledge.

Precisely in order to establish a possible research agenda about socialization, here we wanted to end this brief contribution highlighting a specific component of the observed processes: mother's love as an organizer of life. In the scheme we propose, the denial as a central component of an extended socialization platform in the Global South does not constitute a uniform and inexorable feature in the experiences of children and adolescents, but rather, based on the indeterminate logic of social processes, we find a series of specific, interstitial practices that deny "the lack of a future" as the only possible reality. Thus, even those who live the worldof-no (not education, not nutrition, etc.) also experience the love of mother as a social force that, while it teaches other forms of "being" and "feeling," poses certain brief parentheses of socialization in the face of expulsion inertias.

The mark of the interstitial practice nestled in the mother/child love is, at the same time, the most basic and persistent experience of humankind that a child can have. And fortunately, that is what occurs in the contexts of *denial of socialization and of weak bodies* such as the ones that millions of children suffer in the Global South.
