**Protected Areas and Ecosystem Services — Integrating Grassland Conservation with Human Well-Being in South Africa**

André Pelser, Nola Redelinghuys and Anna-Lee Kernan

Additional information is available at the end of the chapter

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/59015

## **1. Introduction**

In recent years development agencies and conservation organizations such as the World Conservation Union, World Bank, Birdlife International, the United Nations, the World Wide Fund for Nature and Fauna as well as Flora International, have served to reinforce a number of conservation practices and policies in which the link between natural conservation and improving the lives of rural communities has been piquantly accentuated. The central emphasis that has emerged from these accents is that protected areas – and national parks in particular-cannot be viewed as isolated from the economic and social context within which they are located. Worldwide – and particularly in the developing world – protected areas are progressively expected to navigate past the conventional primary focus on biodiversity protection to also, through the process of conserving biodiversity, contribute to improving the well-being of those communities adjacent to conservation areas through the delivery of social and economic benefits [1]. To be more precise, it has become essential that the goals of protected-areas management and biodiversity conservation become acquiescent with the socio-economic expectations and needs of local communities [2,3,4]. The very survival of such areas and the people surrounding it depends on a mutually beneficial interaction. In fact, protected areas have a powerful potential to markedly influence human well-being through the generation of social, environmental and economic initiatives that may benefit both protected areas as well as the local communities [5].

One example in South Africa where protected areas have been influential in attempting to improve the well-being of neighbouring communities is the People and Parks Programme of

© 2015 The Author(s). Licensee InTech. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. © 2014 The Author(s). Licensee InTech. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and eproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

South African National Parks (SANParks), which was implemented as an intermediary that endeavours to address the various socio-economic tribulations that were often ignored or sidelined in favour of conservation during the Apartheid rule. The post-apartheid policy of SANParks is entrenched in the conviction that biodiversity conservation should be directly linked with the needs of neighbouring communities, thus opening up possibilities for aug‐ menting the well-being of communities neighbouring national parks in the country [6]. Some of the initiatives aimed at improving the well-being of neighbouring communities include health programmes, the development of cultural resources, heritage management, environ‐ mental education, the interpretation of medicinal plant use, the unlocking of economic opportunities in the form of job creation, and the carrying out of an assortment of arts and crafts projects [3,6].

Emanating from the above, this chapter reflects on a study conducted in the Golden Gate Highlands National Park (Golden Gate) in the Eastern Free State of South Africa, and the role of the park as a vehicle for improving the well-being of those living within the surrounding communities by means of the latter's participation in a grass harvesting programme in the park. Essentially, the broad aim of this research venture was to assess to what extent the thatch harvesting programme at Golden Gate had impacted on human well-being within the park's neighbouring communities. More specifically, this study set out to explore and answer the following interrelated research questions: To what extent has the thatch harvesting pro‐ gramme at Golden Gate benefited the communities bordering the park, and particularly the most vulnerable and poorest section of the community? What evidence is there to indicate that the thatch harvesting programme has improved the community's well-being? What interven‐ tions are needed to strengthen and maximise the impact of the said programme in order for it to effectively enhance the well-being of those within the target community? To what extent, if any, has this programme impacted the park's conservation mission?

## **2. About the project**

This section firstly provides a broad overview of the general state of the grassland biome in South Africa, followed by a more detailed discussion of the grass-harvesting programme at Golden Gate.

### **2.1. Setting the scene: The grassland biome in South Africa**

Globally the grassland biome covers about 40% of the earth's surface, is home to more than one billion people in the world and provides many essential ecosystem services required to support these people and many others who are not living inside this biome [7]. Grasslands are the largest of South Africa's nine biomes and cover roughly one third of the country [8]. South African grasslands constitute a complex ecosystem that includes amongst others 42 river systems, five Ramsar wetlands and three World Heritage Sites. There are more than 3,000 plant species found in these grasslands, and only one in six of them are grasses. Grasslands are the habitat for a wide variety of wild life, and provide many crucial ecosystem services that are essential for human development and well-being. Apart from providing grazing for millions of cattle and sheep, the grasslands biome also offers all-important services in water production, wetland functioning, flood attenuation, recreational amenities and support for livelihoods such as thatch for housing, grass for weaving and medicinal plants [8]. South African grass‐ lands play a critical role in the hydrological cycle by reducing erosion and runoff, and by storing runoff as either groundwater or in wetlands, thereby contributing to water supply and freshwater ecosystem services [7].

South African National Parks (SANParks), which was implemented as an intermediary that endeavours to address the various socio-economic tribulations that were often ignored or sidelined in favour of conservation during the Apartheid rule. The post-apartheid policy of SANParks is entrenched in the conviction that biodiversity conservation should be directly linked with the needs of neighbouring communities, thus opening up possibilities for aug‐ menting the well-being of communities neighbouring national parks in the country [6]. Some of the initiatives aimed at improving the well-being of neighbouring communities include health programmes, the development of cultural resources, heritage management, environ‐ mental education, the interpretation of medicinal plant use, the unlocking of economic opportunities in the form of job creation, and the carrying out of an assortment of arts and

Emanating from the above, this chapter reflects on a study conducted in the Golden Gate Highlands National Park (Golden Gate) in the Eastern Free State of South Africa, and the role of the park as a vehicle for improving the well-being of those living within the surrounding communities by means of the latter's participation in a grass harvesting programme in the park. Essentially, the broad aim of this research venture was to assess to what extent the thatch harvesting programme at Golden Gate had impacted on human well-being within the park's neighbouring communities. More specifically, this study set out to explore and answer the following interrelated research questions: To what extent has the thatch harvesting pro‐ gramme at Golden Gate benefited the communities bordering the park, and particularly the most vulnerable and poorest section of the community? What evidence is there to indicate that the thatch harvesting programme has improved the community's well-being? What interven‐ tions are needed to strengthen and maximise the impact of the said programme in order for it to effectively enhance the well-being of those within the target community? To what extent, if

This section firstly provides a broad overview of the general state of the grassland biome in South Africa, followed by a more detailed discussion of the grass-harvesting programme at

Globally the grassland biome covers about 40% of the earth's surface, is home to more than one billion people in the world and provides many essential ecosystem services required to support these people and many others who are not living inside this biome [7]. Grasslands are the largest of South Africa's nine biomes and cover roughly one third of the country [8]. South African grasslands constitute a complex ecosystem that includes amongst others 42 river systems, five Ramsar wetlands and three World Heritage Sites. There are more than 3,000 plant species found in these grasslands, and only one in six of them are grasses. Grasslands are the habitat for a wide variety of wild life, and provide many crucial ecosystem services that are

any, has this programme impacted the park's conservation mission?

**2.1. Setting the scene: The grassland biome in South Africa**

crafts projects [3,6].

5982 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

**2. About the project**

Golden Gate.

The grasslands biome is one of the most threatened biomes in South Africa as a result of population increase, rapid urbanisation, expanding mining operations, increased forestry and commercial agriculture. Approximately 35% of this biome has been irreversibly transformed and less than 2% is officially conserved [7,9]. The current state of South African grasslands, as well as expected future developments, means that the important biodiversity and ecosystem services in the grasslands are being degraded to such an extent that human well-being is threatened. As a result, the importance of protecting the grassland biome for both biodiversity and economic development reasons has been recognized by the National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan that has identified this biome as a spatial priority for conservation action in South Africa [9].

### **2.2. Grassland conservation and grass harvesting at the Golden Gate Highlands National Park**

Golden Gate) is situated in the foothills of the Maloti Mountains in the north-eastern part of the Free State Province (Figure 1), and plays a critical role in the country's grassland conser‐ vation strategy. Established in 1963, Golden Gate comprises more than 30 000 hectares of highland habitat, is home to a large variety of mammals, antelope and bird species, and is renowned for its sandstone formations and important paleontological discoveries [3]. The park is home to more than 60 species of grasses, and is currently the only national park in South Africa that protects the Afromontane grassland biome. The grass species include the red *Themeda triandra*, which is a highly nutritious grass for grazing antelope and widely regarded as an indicator of a healthy ecosystem [10]. Much of the grasslands outside the park have been permanently lost as a result of overgrazing and soil erosion. The larger Golden Gate region is also one of the most important water-catchment areas in South Africa, with more than half of the country's freshwater supply coming from this area [3].

Since the proclamation of the first national park in South Africa in 1926, no form of resource utilization was allowed in any of the 22 national parks, including grass harvesting at Golden Gate. This conventional policy of SANParks changed in 2003 when national legislation was amended to provide for communities to access resources from protected areas. The changed legal provision subsequently called for a revision of SANParks' own policy on resource use, and introduced a new resource use policy that regulates standard operating procedures for resource use in all South African national parks. In a broader context, the new policy on resource utilisation in national parks serves to confirm many initiatives since the mid 1990s that have served to underline the importance of the role of national parks with regard to ecosystem services [7].

storing runoff as either groundwater or in wetlands, thereby contributing to water supply and freshwater

The grasslands biome is one of the most threatened biomes in South Africa as a result of population increase, rapid urbanisation, expanding mining operations, increased forestry and commercial agriculture. Approximately 35% of this biome has been irreversibly transformed and less than 2% is officially conserved [7,9]. The current state of South African grasslands, as well as expected future developments, means that the important biodiversity and ecosystem services in the grasslands are being degraded to such an extent that human wellbeing is threatened. As a result, the importance of protecting the grassland biome for both biodiversity and economic development reasons has been recognized by the National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan that

Golden Gate) is situated in the foothills of the Maloti Mountains in the north-eastern part of the Free State Province [Figure 1], and plays a critical role in the country's grassland conservation strategy. Established in 1963, Golden Gate comprises more than 30 000 hectares of highland habitat, is home to a large variety of mammals, antelope and bird species, and is renowned for its sandstone formations and important paleontological discoveries [3]. The park is home to more than 60 species of grasses, and is currently the only national park in South Africa that protects the Afromontane grassland biome. The grass species include the red *Themeda triandra*, which is a highly nutritious grass for grazing antelope and widely regarded as an indicator of a healthy

has identified this biome as a spatial priority for conservation action in South Africa [9].

*2.2 Grassland conservation and grass harvesting at the Golden Gate Highlands National Park* 

South Africa, with more than half of the country's freshwater supply coming from this area [3].

2

**Figure 1.** Locality of the Golden Gate Highlands National Park [11]

Figure 1: Locality of the Golden Gate Highlands National Park [11]

sustainable economic development and their augmentation of the well-being of their neigh‐ bouring communities. allowed in any of the 22 national parks, including grass harvesting at Golden Gate. This conventional policy of SANParks changed in 2003 when national legislation was amended to provide for communities to access resources from protected areas. The changed legal provision subsequently called for a revision of SANParks' own policy on resource use, and introduced a new resource use policy that regulates standard operating

Since the proclamation of the first national park in South Africa in 1926, no form of resource utilization was

The thatch harvesting programme at Golden Gate has been one of several projects for resource use within SANParks aimed at transferring social and economic benefits accruing from biodiversity protection to the impoverished surrounding communities through prospective employment opportunities by means of commercial access permits and park assisted entre‐ preneurial endeavours [12]. For many generations QwaQwa National Park, which amalga‐ mated with Golden Gate in 2009, offered a rich source of accessible and harvestable grasses for communities residing in the area. These grasses were used to produce a wide variety of items such as brooms, hats, baskets, roof thatching, decorations and floor mats [12]. However, in accordance with the National Environmental Management Protected Areas Act (Act 57 of 2003), Golden Gate was obliged to restrict harvesting activities within its borders, which as a result cut off natural resources otherwise used by local community members. Recognising the financial consequences of such constraints, and in conjunction with SANParks Resource Use Policy which was signed into effect in March 2010, Golden Gate began exploring the possibility for regulated and controlled access and use of harvestable grass within the park. In June 2011, the necessary documents pertaining to the application for access, the access permits, the conditions for entry and harvesting within the park as well as the monitoring document for harvesting, were conceptualised and submitted for evaluation. In September 2011, a draft needs analysis report was also submitted for review [12]. Upon consideration and acceptance of these supporting documents, a pilot project for the proposed thatch harvesting programme was subsequently launched in 2012.

## **3. Conceptual framework**

2

sustainable economic development and their augmentation of the well-being of their neigh‐

Since the proclamation of the first national park in South Africa in 1926, no form of resource utilization was allowed in any of the 22 national parks, including grass harvesting at Golden Gate. This conventional policy of SANParks changed in 2003 when national legislation was amended to provide for communities to access resources from protected areas. The changed legal provision subsequently called for a revision of SANParks' own policy on resource use, and introduced a new resource use policy that regulates standard operating

Figure 1: Locality of the Golden Gate Highlands National Park [11]

**Figure 1.** Locality of the Golden Gate Highlands National Park [11]

storing runoff as either groundwater or in wetlands, thereby contributing to water supply and freshwater

The grasslands biome is one of the most threatened biomes in South Africa as a result of population increase, rapid urbanisation, expanding mining operations, increased forestry and commercial agriculture. Approximately 35% of this biome has been irreversibly transformed and less than 2% is officially conserved [7,9]. The current state of South African grasslands, as well as expected future developments, means that the important biodiversity and ecosystem services in the grasslands are being degraded to such an extent that human wellbeing is threatened. As a result, the importance of protecting the grassland biome for both biodiversity and economic development reasons has been recognized by the National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan that

Golden Gate) is situated in the foothills of the Maloti Mountains in the north-eastern part of the Free State Province [Figure 1], and plays a critical role in the country's grassland conservation strategy. Established in 1963, Golden Gate comprises more than 30 000 hectares of highland habitat, is home to a large variety of mammals, antelope and bird species, and is renowned for its sandstone formations and important paleontological discoveries [3]. The park is home to more than 60 species of grasses, and is currently the only national park in South Africa that protects the Afromontane grassland biome. The grass species include the red *Themeda triandra*, which is a highly nutritious grass for grazing antelope and widely regarded as an indicator of a healthy ecosystem [10]. Much of the grasslands outside the park have been permanently lost as a result of overgrazing and soil erosion. The larger Golden Gate region is also one of the most important water-catchment areas in

has identified this biome as a spatial priority for conservation action in South Africa [9].

*2.2 Grassland conservation and grass harvesting at the Golden Gate Highlands National Park* 

South Africa, with more than half of the country's freshwater supply coming from this area [3].

The thatch harvesting programme at Golden Gate has been one of several projects for resource use within SANParks aimed at transferring social and economic benefits accruing from biodiversity protection to the impoverished surrounding communities through prospective employment opportunities by means of commercial access permits and park assisted entre‐ preneurial endeavours [12]. For many generations QwaQwa National Park, which amalga‐ mated with Golden Gate in 2009, offered a rich source of accessible and harvestable grasses for communities residing in the area. These grasses were used to produce a wide variety of items such as brooms, hats, baskets, roof thatching, decorations and floor mats [12]. However, in accordance with the National Environmental Management Protected Areas Act (Act 57 of 2003), Golden Gate was obliged to restrict harvesting activities within its borders, which as a result cut off natural resources otherwise used by local community members. Recognising the financial consequences of such constraints, and in conjunction with SANParks Resource Use Policy which was signed into effect in March 2010, Golden Gate began exploring the possibility for regulated and controlled access and use of harvestable grass within the park. In June 2011, the necessary documents pertaining to the application for access, the access permits, the conditions for entry and harvesting within the park as well as the monitoring document for

bouring communities.

ecosystem services [7].

Golden Gate Highlands National Park

6004 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

### **3.1. Ecosystem services and human well-being**

In recent years, the need for more efficient management of ecosystem services, coincided with the needs and values of neighbouring communities, has become increasingly acknowledged by numerous governments as a means for improving the quality of life and well-being of their respective populations [13]. It is widely agreed that poverty and well-being are commonly experienced and expressed as counter extremes of one another, with the 2000/01 World Development Report further strengthening this concept by defining poverty as "the pro‐ nounced deprivation of well-being" [13]. Adding to this, the experience of well-being or illbeing is strongly dependent on the situation and context in which local personal and social factors such as ecology, gender, age, geography and culture play a large and very important role [13].

Both the ecosystem and human well-being are directly interdependent in that ecosystem services provide humans with the necessary resource opportunities they require to survive and improve their quality of life, and the availability of these resources can profoundly affect aspects such as health, the rate of economic growth, the frequency and persistence of poverty, livelihood security and so forth. The ecosystem also offers human beings nonmaterial benefits such as education, recreational and spiritual services. On the other hand, ecosystems are impinged upon by human activity through the need of ecosystem services such as fuel wood, food, fresh water, fibre and grass. [13]. It clearly follows from this interaction that nature is often valued for its usefulness: it satisfies a predilection, provides a function, and meets human needs [14]. These values are assigned to something because of the satisfaction and enjoyment that can be obtained through the use of biological resources. When an object is utilized as a method to satisfy a need or as a means to achieve an end, either the relation or entity can then be classified as an instrumental value. Thus through the *economic/utilitarian* perception of the value of nature, the efficacy of the environment is articulated through individual preferences or an accumulation of preferences [14,15]. In addition to this, the consumption of environ‐ mental resources refers to *consumptive use values* which are the values placed on those resources which are consumed directly without having passed through a market. Consumptive use values are especially significant to the rural populace in developing countries where these biological resources are used and collected as a source of subsistence. Pressures to conserve biodiversity have consequently resulted in reduced access to these resources and for the poor and politically weak, this has typically impacted them severely [15]. Put differently, the erosion of natural capital has serious consequences for human quality of life, and particularly that of poor, rural communities.

Natural capital can be defined as those goods and services supplied by ecosystems that are both renewable and non-renewable, including the ecological practices regulating their use and existence that may serve to meet various human needs [16, 17]. Natural capital plays a fundamental role in determining the well-being of both individuals as well as groups, in that it provides a number of essential elements such as air quality, the reduction of greenhouse gases, water quantity, quality of soil and landscape, but to name a few [13, 18]. In addition to this, ecological services play a fundamental role in providing the necessary resources required to live a life of normal length through medicines for diseases, freshwater, foods, and the regulation of threatening human diseases [19]. Thus, natural capital impacts all communities, most especially those communities surrounding protected areas wherein healthy, sustainable ecosystems with numerous community benefits are essential to their well-being and quality of life [13,20].

### **3.2. Measuring quality of life linked to ecosystem services**

The search for a conceptual clarification of "quality of life" has seen the development of two essential methodologies of measurement, namely subjective well-being and "objective" or social indicators of well-being [17,21]. Objective well-being is quantifiably assessed by making use of both economic, social and health indicators, as well as observable variables such as life expectancy, literacy levels, and economic production that reflect the degree to which human needs have been met and which are deemed essential for a good life. However, whilst these measurements may provide researchers with an indication of the extent to which the social and physical needs are met, they are limited, and do not encompass other elements essential to quality of life such as psychological security and life satisfaction [17]. Thus, by analysing the quality of life of a society solely in terms of economic, social and health indicators, it clearly depreciates fundamental elements such as self-development, love, and acquiring meaning in life [21].

Consequently, to successfully measure quality of life it is necessary to also consider individual perceptions of well-being, which leads us to the second measurement, namely subjective wellbeing. The latter pertinently focuses on individually reported levels of contentment, happiness, fulfilment, pleasure and other such forms of human experience and cognitive satisfaction [17,21]. This indicator is grounded on the supposition that in order for researchers to under‐ stand the individual's or group's empirical quality of life, it is necessary to diametrically investigate how they feel about life within the perspective of their own standards and values [21]. The overall quality of life is thus determined by both the degree to which groups or individuals are content in their life experiences as well as the level to which their needs are met. By incorporating both "objective" and "subjective" variables, it becomes possible to gain a clearer picture of the true meaning of quality of life on both temporal and multiple spatial scales [17]. It is thus argued that constituents such as subjective well-being, objective wellbeing, human needs, values and the supply of ecosystem services are needed to form an integrated approach in order to understand human quality of life and how it might be obtained at the interface of people and protected areas.

## **4. Methods**

Natural capital can be defined as those goods and services supplied by ecosystems that are both renewable and non-renewable, including the ecological practices regulating their use and existence that may serve to meet various human needs [16, 17]. Natural capital plays a fundamental role in determining the well-being of both individuals as well as groups, in that it provides a number of essential elements such as air quality, the reduction of greenhouse gases, water quantity, quality of soil and landscape, but to name a few [13, 18]. In addition to this, ecological services play a fundamental role in providing the necessary resources required to live a life of normal length through medicines for diseases, freshwater, foods, and the regulation of threatening human diseases [19]. Thus, natural capital impacts all communities, most especially those communities surrounding protected areas wherein healthy, sustainable ecosystems with numerous community benefits are essential to their well-being and quality

The search for a conceptual clarification of "quality of life" has seen the development of two essential methodologies of measurement, namely subjective well-being and "objective" or social indicators of well-being [17,21]. Objective well-being is quantifiably assessed by making use of both economic, social and health indicators, as well as observable variables such as life expectancy, literacy levels, and economic production that reflect the degree to which human needs have been met and which are deemed essential for a good life. However, whilst these measurements may provide researchers with an indication of the extent to which the social and physical needs are met, they are limited, and do not encompass other elements essential to quality of life such as psychological security and life satisfaction [17]. Thus, by analysing the quality of life of a society solely in terms of economic, social and health indicators, it clearly depreciates fundamental elements such as self-development, love, and acquiring meaning in

Consequently, to successfully measure quality of life it is necessary to also consider individual perceptions of well-being, which leads us to the second measurement, namely subjective wellbeing. The latter pertinently focuses on individually reported levels of contentment, happiness, fulfilment, pleasure and other such forms of human experience and cognitive satisfaction [17,21]. This indicator is grounded on the supposition that in order for researchers to under‐ stand the individual's or group's empirical quality of life, it is necessary to diametrically investigate how they feel about life within the perspective of their own standards and values [21]. The overall quality of life is thus determined by both the degree to which groups or individuals are content in their life experiences as well as the level to which their needs are met. By incorporating both "objective" and "subjective" variables, it becomes possible to gain a clearer picture of the true meaning of quality of life on both temporal and multiple spatial scales [17]. It is thus argued that constituents such as subjective well-being, objective wellbeing, human needs, values and the supply of ecosystem services are needed to form an integrated approach in order to understand human quality of life and how it might be obtained

of life [13,20].

life [21].

**3.2. Measuring quality of life linked to ecosystem services**

6026 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

at the interface of people and protected areas.

### **4.1. The study site and target population**

Golden Gate falls within the boundaries of the Thabo Mofutsanyana District Municipality (TMDM) in the QwaQwa region of the Free State. TMDM has the second largest population (736 238 in 2011) of the five districts in the Free State, with an average household size of 3.3, which is more or less equal to the national average of 3.4 [22]. Almost one third (31.9%) of the population of the TMDM is younger than 15 years. When it comes to socio-economic devel‐ opment and human well-being, the district is characterised by a high unemployment rate of 44.3% (2013) that translates into a staggering poverty rate of 69.1% (2011) – the highest of all districts in the province. The high poverty and unemployment rates have propelled an outmigration of male labour that in turn has resulted in a skew gender distribution of 87.3 males per 100 females in the district [22]. Overall, the district is thus hamstrung by low levels of human development and a low quality of life, low literacy and/or education levels and a high unemployment rate. Under these conditions, and more so in this area, grass has been known to have important livelihood functions, as traditionally it has been used for grazing, thatching, weaving and the manufacturing of household items such as brooms and mats [23].

### **4.2. Research design**

As an analytical framework for the evaluation of the thatch harvesting programme, an outcome analysis was used in order to ascertain to what extent the objectives of the programme have been achieved. Elements highlighted in the outcome analysis included assessing how suc‐ cessful the programme has been, what obstacles this programme has faced, the levels of satisfaction among the direct beneficiaries of the programme, to what extent this programme has effectively reached its target population, and finally, to ascertain how this programme might be improved for future use. Both desk-top and empirical components have been incorporated within a mixed method design of quantitative and qualitative approaches. During the desk-top phase of the study, a theoretical basis was established that ascertained the relative interface between communities and the protected ecosystem which they neigh‐ bour. During the empirical phase various data gathering methods such as individual inter‐ views, a focus group session and in-depth interviews with key informants were employed.

Analytically, the concept of well-being and the perceptions attached to this concept played a significant role in the development of the research design and methodology for this study. The methodology was developed in analogy of the five dimensions of well-being as proposed by the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment [13], which includes both the quantitative and qualitative components of well-being alluded to in section 3 of this paper. The first component is that of *material* well-being wherein an individual experiences a good and secure life through prospects such as income, assets, livelihoods, shelter, clothing and access to goods. Secondly, the *health* component pertains to living in a healthy physical environment, feeling well and being strong. The third component is that of good *social relations* which includes mutual respect, good family and gender relations, social cohesion and the ability to provide, when needed, for friends and children. The fourth component of well-being portends to that of *security* in which secure access to natural or other resources, living in a controllable environment and having security from natural and human-made disasters are vital. The final key dimension of human well-being is *freedom and choice* in which the individuals must have control over their lives and their values or being. Accordingly, these five dimensions may serve to either positively or negatively reinforce one another, thus changes in one may bring about changes in others. Concurrently, these essential elements of well-being were pertinently and comparatively utilized and assessed throughout this study in order to gauge the degree of well-being for those stakeholders directly benefitting from the thatch harvesting programme established at Golden Gate, all of which were used to suitably address the complexities of human endeavor, human capability, and human life [13, 24].

Methodologically, the five dimensions of human well-being were operationalised in two separate, yet concurrently running, stages for the purposes of programme evaluation: a primary and secondary stage. The primary evaluation focused on those directly benefiting from the programme as well as the potential benefits for the park itself. (The concept of direct beneficiaries did not only allow for the inclusion of the individual harvesters, but also for their households). The secondary stage of the impact evaluation explored the impact of the pro‐ gramme on the broader community, as well as the business sector.

### **4.3. Sampling and sample sizes**

In order to understand the machinations of the thatch harvesting programme, and subse‐ quently it's potential strengths, weaknesses and opportunities, it was necessary to not only interview those directly benefitting from the programme, but also those directly involved in the development and running of the programme. Additionally, in order to ascertain possible secondary or multiplier impacts, those commercial companies involved in purchasing the thatch after harvesting of the grass were also interviewed. Consequently, three samples were drawn: one from the harvesters (direct beneficiaries), a second sample from park officials and a third from those commercial companies who purchase the thatch immediately after har‐ vesting.

A total of 34 harvesters – i.e. everybody who were involved in the 2012 pilot programme-were selected and interviewed through the use of a purposive sampling method. The park officials in Golden Gate directly involved in the running and support of the thatch harvesting pro‐ gramme were sampled by means of a non-probability purposive sampling method. These key informants included the People and Parks Manager and the Community Facilitator based at the park. However, due to unforeseen circumstances, the People and Parks Manager was unable to attend the focus group session, but the Park Manager of Golden Gate was able to participate in her stead. During the secondary stage of impact evaluation, two commercial companies were identified and contacted, which served to ascertain possible potential multiplier effects of the programme within the neighbouring social and economic environ‐ ment. The first company interviewed was *Biggarsberg Thatchers*, and the second company *Thatch Craft*. Both companies are located in the neigbouring KwaZulu Natal province (Figure 1). Official representatives of both these companies were interviewed telephonically due to a limited project budget. Interviews with the harvesters and park officials were conducted between October and December 2013, while the two companies were contacted and inter‐ viewed during May 2014.

### **4.4. Data collection mechanisms and measuring instruments**

secure access to natural or other resources, living in a controllable environment and having security from natural and human-made disasters are vital. The final key dimension of human well-being is *freedom and choice* in which the individuals must have control over their lives and their values or being. Accordingly, these five dimensions may serve to either positively or negatively reinforce one another, thus changes in one may bring about changes in others. Concurrently, these essential elements of well-being were pertinently and comparatively utilized and assessed throughout this study in order to gauge the degree of well-being for those stakeholders directly benefitting from the thatch harvesting programme established at Golden Gate, all of which were used to suitably address the complexities of human endeavor,

Methodologically, the five dimensions of human well-being were operationalised in two separate, yet concurrently running, stages for the purposes of programme evaluation: a primary and secondary stage. The primary evaluation focused on those directly benefiting from the programme as well as the potential benefits for the park itself. (The concept of direct beneficiaries did not only allow for the inclusion of the individual harvesters, but also for their households). The secondary stage of the impact evaluation explored the impact of the pro‐

In order to understand the machinations of the thatch harvesting programme, and subse‐ quently it's potential strengths, weaknesses and opportunities, it was necessary to not only interview those directly benefitting from the programme, but also those directly involved in the development and running of the programme. Additionally, in order to ascertain possible secondary or multiplier impacts, those commercial companies involved in purchasing the thatch after harvesting of the grass were also interviewed. Consequently, three samples were drawn: one from the harvesters (direct beneficiaries), a second sample from park officials and a third from those commercial companies who purchase the thatch immediately after har‐

A total of 34 harvesters – i.e. everybody who were involved in the 2012 pilot programme-were selected and interviewed through the use of a purposive sampling method. The park officials in Golden Gate directly involved in the running and support of the thatch harvesting pro‐ gramme were sampled by means of a non-probability purposive sampling method. These key informants included the People and Parks Manager and the Community Facilitator based at the park. However, due to unforeseen circumstances, the People and Parks Manager was unable to attend the focus group session, but the Park Manager of Golden Gate was able to participate in her stead. During the secondary stage of impact evaluation, two commercial companies were identified and contacted, which served to ascertain possible potential multiplier effects of the programme within the neighbouring social and economic environ‐ ment. The first company interviewed was *Biggarsberg Thatchers*, and the second company *Thatch Craft*. Both companies are located in the neigbouring KwaZulu Natal province (Figure 1). Official representatives of both these companies were interviewed telephonically due to a limited project budget. Interviews with the harvesters and park officials were conducted

human capability, and human life [13, 24].

6048 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

**4.3. Sampling and sample sizes**

vesting.

gramme on the broader community, as well as the business sector.

Data for the 34 harvesters was collected by means of both structured and semi-structured individual interviews, while a focus group session was conducted with the two park officials. Instruments that were utilized during data collection included a structured questionnaire set for the harvesters and semi-structured questionnaires for both the park officials and the representatives of the commercial companies that purchased the thatch. The structured questionnaire developed for the harvesters served to assess to what extent and in what way the programme had positively contributed towards the well-being of not only the direct beneficiaries, but their household members as well. In addition to this, the questionnaire also served to ascertain the harvesters' perceptions regarding both the programme as well as Golden Gate itself, the application process, in what ways they benefitted from being a part of the programme, the challenges they faced in the past, and their perceptions regarding possible solutions to these challenges. Furthermore, the questionnaire also served to identify potential social networks and established social ties between the community and the protected area. Due to the anticipated low levels of literacy amongst the harvesters, a Sesotho-speaking facilitator was used to translate the English constructed questionnaire items during the interviews with the harvesters, in order that the validity and reliability of the measuring instruments could be enhanced. All interviews were recorded and later re-evaluated by another Sesotho-speaking facilitator.

Following the interviews conducted with the harvesters, a focus group session was conducted with the two park officials at Golden Gate mentioned earlier, who not only provided insight into the machinations of the programme, but also served to confirm and clarify main issues raised by the harvesters. Areas outlined during the focus group session included the logistics pertaining to those responsible for the running of the programme, in-depth information regarding the selection and sustainable use of harvestable grass found in Golden Gate, the application process for direct beneficiaries, the exploration of established/potential networks, the exploration of facilities offered to direct beneficiaries, the challenges Golden Gate has faced since the conception of the programme, and possible recommendations regarding issues revealed during the interviews with the direct beneficiaries. The interviews with the park officials as well as those with the respective companies were conducted in English, and thus no translation of the measuring items was necessary. Lastly, electronic correspondence was conducted with the specialist scientist: vegetation ecology in SANParks' Division of Scientific Services to determine how the grassland ecosystem in the park has been affected (if any at all) by the harvesting programme.

Analysis of the data sets was conducted thematically and descriptively to create an incorpo‐ rated and holistic view of the progress of the thatch harvesting programme, as well as the potential opportunities it has to offer for future beneficiaries. Specific data-sets relative to the quantitative principles within this study were analysed through the use of predictive analytics software, namely the Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS), version 21.

## **5. Findings and discussion**

The findings of the study commence with an overview of the socio-economic status of the households to which the respondents belonged. This socio-economic profile provides insight into the dire socio-economic circumstances of the communities that these respondents reside in. An overview of the socio-economic context enables the assessment of the contribution of the thatch harvesting programme to the overall well-being of the respondents and their households. The assessment of the programme's contribution to the well-being of respondents and their households follows the dimensions of the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment [13], as previously outlined in the methodology section of this chapter. More specifically, the findings assess the extent to which the thatch harvesting programme has benefited the most vulnerable and poorest section of the community and explores whether the programme has, as perceived by the respondents, served to improve individual and household well-being. Lastly, challenges experienced by beneficiaries in this programme are discussed and inter‐ ventions proposed by them to strengthen and maximise the impact of the programme are outlined.

### **5.1. Socio-economic status of households**

Households represented by the respondents are fairly large, with more than half of the households (55.9%) having between five and eight household members, and a further 8.7% of households comprising of between nine and thirteen members (Table 1). Household members were defined as those who sleep at the dwelling for at least four nights a week, share physical resources (i.e. food and income) and eat together with the rest of the household.


**Table 1.** Household size of respondents

The average household size for this sample of respondents is 5.3. This is much higher than the average household size for the larger Qwa Qwa area, which is 3.3 as mentioned earlier. The households represented by the programme beneficiaries are among the poorest households in the community. Poorer households are generally characterised by larger household numbers due to factors such as higher fertility rates and poverty, compelling people to pool resources. When analysing the household age structure, it transpires that 76.5% of households had children under 15 years of age, while almost one third of the households interviewed (32.3%) had at least one household member older than 65 years. Almost half of the households the programme beneficiaries are among the poorest households in the community. Poorer households are

age. In total, the 34 households represented in the sample had 72 children under the age of 15, and 14 adults over

Households represented by the respondents are fairly large, with more than half of the households (55.9%) having between five and eight household members, and a further 8.7% of households comprising of between nine and thirteen members (Table 1). Household members were defined as those who sleep at the dwelling for at least four nights a week, share physical resources (i.e. food and income) and eat together with the rest of the

**Members per household Number of households** 

1-4 12 35.3 5-8 19 55.9 9-13 3 8.7 Total **34 100**

**N %** 

interviewed (47.1%) had two children under 15 years, while 23.5% of the households had between four and five children under 15 years of age. In total, the 34 households represented in the sample had 72 children under the age of 15, and 14 adults over the age of 65 (Figure 2). generally characterised by larger household numbers due to factors such as higher fertility rates and poverty, compelling people to pool resources. When analysing the household age structure, it transpires that 76.5% of households had children under 15 years of age, while almost one third of the households interviewed (32.3%) had at least one household member older than 65 years. Almost half of the households interviewed (47.1%) had two children under 15 years, while 23.5% of the households had between four and five children under 15 years of

The age structure of the households points towards a high dependency ratio and provides further insight into the **Figure 2.** Total number of dependents per age category

Figure 2. Total number of dependents per age category

**5.1. Socio-economic status of households**

household.

the age of 65 (Figure 2).

**5. Findings and discussion**

606 10 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

**5.1. Socio-economic status of households**

**Table 1.** Household size of respondents

outlined.

The findings of the study commence with an overview of the socio-economic status of the households to which the respondents belonged. This socio-economic profile provides insight into the dire socio-economic circumstances of the communities that these respondents reside in. An overview of the socio-economic context enables the assessment of the contribution of the thatch harvesting programme to the overall well-being of the respondents and their households. The assessment of the programme's contribution to the well-being of respondents and their households follows the dimensions of the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment [13], as previously outlined in the methodology section of this chapter. More specifically, the findings assess the extent to which the thatch harvesting programme has benefited the most vulnerable and poorest section of the community and explores whether the programme has, as perceived by the respondents, served to improve individual and household well-being. Lastly, challenges experienced by beneficiaries in this programme are discussed and inter‐ ventions proposed by them to strengthen and maximise the impact of the programme are

Households represented by the respondents are fairly large, with more than half of the households (55.9%) having between five and eight household members, and a further 8.7% of households comprising of between nine and thirteen members (Table 1). Household members were defined as those who sleep at the dwelling for at least four nights a week, share physical

**Members per household Number of households**

The average household size for this sample of respondents is 5.3. This is much higher than the average household size for the larger Qwa Qwa area, which is 3.3 as mentioned earlier. The households represented by the programme beneficiaries are among the poorest households in the community. Poorer households are generally characterised by larger household numbers due to factors such as higher fertility rates and poverty, compelling people to pool resources. When analysing the household age structure, it transpires that 76.5% of households had children under 15 years of age, while almost one third of the households interviewed (32.3%) had at least one household member older than 65 years. Almost half of the households

**N %**

resources (i.e. food and income) and eat together with the rest of the household.

1-4 12 35.3 5-8 19 55.9 9-13 3 8.7 Total **34 100**

overall profile of the households that are targeted by the thatch harvesting programme. The household size and the number of dependents per household present a population profile peculiar to poverty-stricken households in rural areas in South Africa and other developing countries, namely larger households with a large number of dependents. This profile is further strengthened by data on the total monthly income for the households in the sample (Table 2). The age structure of the households points towards a high dependency ratio and provides further insight into the overall profile of the households that are targeted by the thatch harvesting programme. The household size and the number of dependents per household present a population profile peculiar to poverty-stricken households in rural areas in South Africa and other developing countries, namely larger households with a large number of dependents. This profile is further strengthened by data on the total monthly income for the households in the sample (Table 2).


**Table 2.** Total monthly household income (excluding contribution of thatch harvesting programme)

From table 2 it is evident that 62% of households as represented by the harvesters interviewed earned less than ZAR 2000.00 per month. This translates to approximately US\$189.00 per month or US\$6.3 per day per household. Three respondents (8.8%) reported household incomes lower than ZAR450.00 per month per household (or US\$1.19 per household per day), placing these households below the upper bound poverty line of ZAR620.00 per capita per month [25]. The sources of household income in the sample comprised a combination of welfare grants, sporadic employment, self-employment and in one case formal, permanent employment.

Child care grants to the amount of ZAR300.00 per child were reported as sources of income by 26 of the households and 11 households reported that they benefited from a monthly old age pension of ZAR 1200.00 received by one or more of their family members. Occasional employment offers a limited contribution to the economic well-being of households. In some cases, occasional employment contributes to as little as ZAR100.00 per month, with the maximum amount earned through this form of employment being ZAR1500.00 per month. In six (17.7%) of the households, respondents indicated that self-employed individuals contrib‐ uted to the household income, but the contribution was highly variable and ranged between ZAR 300.00 and ZAR 5000.00 per month. In one household, apart from the respondent, there was another member of the household who was part of a wetland rehabilitation and poverty alleviation programme run by Golden Gate, from which she received approximately ZAR 3500.00 per month. Notwithstanding these other sources of income, for 52.9% of households represented in this study, the only income that they received came from the involvement of one of their household members in the thatch harvesting programme.

Household expenditure is another indicator of the socio-economic well-being of households. Poverty-stricken households' consumption patterns are focused on day-to-day survival. A large proportion of household expenditure satisfies subsistence needs such as food and energy, with the consumption of higher-end consumer products such as electronic equipment and household appliances not forming part of the day-to-day household expenditure. In povertystricken households, even consumption of electricity is often regarded as a luxury, with energy needs being satisfied by relying more on freely available, or cheaper natural resources such as wood, animal dung, coal or paraffin. The data confirms that most, if not all, of the household income reported by the respondents in the sample was absorbed by day-to-day living expenses such as food and energy, with a small proportion of the household income going towards other needs such as transport and schooling. No household represented in the sample was required to pay rent for their dwellings, therefore no household expenditure went towards securing shelter. Electricity was purchased by 55.9% of households, but judging from the amount of purchased electricity (ZAR 100.00 per month), this was not the primary source of energy used by households. A fairly large number of households (41.2%), indicated that they did not spend any of their income on transport costs. This may again point to the fact that these households were characterised by low levels of economic well-being. Low transport costs may be indica‐ tive of an inability to afford transport, but may also reveal high unemployment, as households do not need to make use of transport to travel to work. Those households that did report transport costs as part of their expenditure spent relatively little (less than ZAR 600.00 per month) on transport. The linkage between transport expenses and poverty is further substan‐ tiated by data on how one of the beneficiaries transported thatch harvested for personal use. This respondent indicated that she carried the bundles that she harvested home on foot, opting to not make use of other forms of transportation in order to save costs.

Households do not generally spend money on luxury items such as furniture, with furniture purchases rather being reserved for when extra cash was available. The four households that do spend money on furniture on a monthly basis all indicated that they are paying off store accounts for furniture purchases. Even expenditure on cell phones is not a regular household expense with only 5.9% of households purchasing air time on a monthly basis. Household expenditure on cell phone air time is very little, ranging from between ZAR 12.00 to ZAR 75.00 per month. Two households indicated that they paid clothing accounts on a monthly basis and only six (17.7%) respondents contributed to a funeral scheme on a monthly basis. Thus, it seems that households live from hand-to-mouth, with very few of the households being able to purchase consumer items such as furniture and clothing on credit, or, more importantly being able to make a monthly commitment towards their future financial security. None of the respondents indicated spending household income on any form of leisure or recreational activities such as family vacations. This does not, however, suggest that households do not fulfil the need for *play and leisure*, which according to Nussbaum (2007: 21) is regarded as a basic human right. Households partake in leisure activities such as community gatherings or cultural events that are not dependent on an economic contribution.

Another indication of the low level of socio-economic well-being experienced by these households is seen in the level of educational attainment of the respondents. For South Africa as a whole, there is a close correlation between the educational level of the household head and poverty, with 65% of households where the head had no formal education, compared with 2,8% of households where the head had a post secondary school qualification [25]. Only 9% of the respondents in the sample completed their secondary schooling, with 41% having partly completed their secondary schooling (Table 3). Low educational attainment is linked to lower economic prospects and reduces the ability of respondents to contribute to the material wellbeing of their households. Low educational attainment also has an impact on the future educational prospects of children growing up in these households, which then impacts on their future employment prospects. Thus, low educational attainment contributes to perpetuating the cycle of poverty and low levels of well-being that these households are subjected to.


**Table 3.** Respondents' level of educational attainment

From table 2 it is evident that 62% of households as represented by the harvesters interviewed earned less than ZAR 2000.00 per month. This translates to approximately US\$189.00 per month or US\$6.3 per day per household. Three respondents (8.8%) reported household incomes lower than ZAR450.00 per month per household (or US\$1.19 per household per day), placing these households below the upper bound poverty line of ZAR620.00 per capita per month [25]. The sources of household income in the sample comprised a combination of welfare grants, sporadic employment, self-employment and in one case formal, permanent

Child care grants to the amount of ZAR300.00 per child were reported as sources of income by 26 of the households and 11 households reported that they benefited from a monthly old age pension of ZAR 1200.00 received by one or more of their family members. Occasional employment offers a limited contribution to the economic well-being of households. In some cases, occasional employment contributes to as little as ZAR100.00 per month, with the maximum amount earned through this form of employment being ZAR1500.00 per month. In six (17.7%) of the households, respondents indicated that self-employed individuals contrib‐ uted to the household income, but the contribution was highly variable and ranged between ZAR 300.00 and ZAR 5000.00 per month. In one household, apart from the respondent, there was another member of the household who was part of a wetland rehabilitation and poverty alleviation programme run by Golden Gate, from which she received approximately ZAR 3500.00 per month. Notwithstanding these other sources of income, for 52.9% of households represented in this study, the only income that they received came from the involvement of

Household expenditure is another indicator of the socio-economic well-being of households. Poverty-stricken households' consumption patterns are focused on day-to-day survival. A large proportion of household expenditure satisfies subsistence needs such as food and energy, with the consumption of higher-end consumer products such as electronic equipment and household appliances not forming part of the day-to-day household expenditure. In povertystricken households, even consumption of electricity is often regarded as a luxury, with energy needs being satisfied by relying more on freely available, or cheaper natural resources such as wood, animal dung, coal or paraffin. The data confirms that most, if not all, of the household income reported by the respondents in the sample was absorbed by day-to-day living expenses such as food and energy, with a small proportion of the household income going towards other needs such as transport and schooling. No household represented in the sample was required to pay rent for their dwellings, therefore no household expenditure went towards securing shelter. Electricity was purchased by 55.9% of households, but judging from the amount of purchased electricity (ZAR 100.00 per month), this was not the primary source of energy used by households. A fairly large number of households (41.2%), indicated that they did not spend any of their income on transport costs. This may again point to the fact that these households were characterised by low levels of economic well-being. Low transport costs may be indica‐ tive of an inability to afford transport, but may also reveal high unemployment, as households do not need to make use of transport to travel to work. Those households that did report transport costs as part of their expenditure spent relatively little (less than ZAR 600.00 per

one of their household members in the thatch harvesting programme.

employment.

608 12 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

Low educational attainment does not only impact on current and future material well-being, but also constrains the day-to-day functioning of people. This is evident in the data on literacyrelated questions asked to respondents. With regard to the literacy levels of those interviewed, the majority of the respondents (85.3%) reported having no difficulty in writing their own names. However, the ability to read, write and consequently, the ability to fill out forms, ranged from no difficulty to being unable to do this at all (Table 4).


**Table 4.** Respondents' ability to read, write and fill out forms

The majority of respondents experienced at least some difficulty in performing the skills of reading and writing, which in turn translated into a lower ability to fill out forms. Only between 20% and 23% of respondents indicated that they didn't have any difficulty with these three skills. While six (17.6%) of the respondents were unable to read and write at all, and conse‐ quently were unable to fill out forms, a further 17.6% of respondents also indicated an inability to fill out forms, despite their ability to at least read and write to some extent. This is an indication of low educational attainment as well as low skill levels that in turn impacts the respondents' ability to find stable and secure employment. Consequently, it can be assumed that due to these low levels of education and literacy, coupled with unemployment and underemployment, respondents and their household members are seriously constrained by their socio-economic circumstances to achieve higher levels of well-being.

The following sections serve to ascertain to what extent the thatch harvesting programme has positively contributed towards raising the level of well-being of its beneficiaries, and subse‐ quently the households of which they form a part of.

### **5.2. The health and well-being of beneficiaries to the Thatch Harvesting Programme**

The results presented with regards to well-being pertain to the 2012 harvesting season. For the 2013 harvesting season, half the respondents who harvested during the 2012 season re-applied and were granted permits to harvest again in 2013. The other half did not apply for this particular year and gave two reasons for this. These respondents stated that they either did not apply on time, or they did not profit sufficiently from harvesting in the previous year and therefore ventured into other areas of employment. However, during the 2013 season thatch harvesting was stalled due to two massive fires that destroyed the areas allocated for harvest‐ ing. This resulted in beneficiaries not generating any income for that year.

With regards to the 2012 season, all of the respondents indicated that the programme has benefited them in some way, even though they only participated in one season of harvesting (during 2012). Most respondents remarked that their lives before participating in the pro‐ gramme were difficult and that their lives improved as a result of their involvement in the programme. Only one respondent expressed the opinion that her quality of life had not changed much since participating in the programme. Additionally, when asked whether the programme had in general affected them negatively in any way, 79.4% respondents indicated that it had not. The benefits of the programme for the participants, and consequently for their households, become more nuanced when gauged according to the dimensions of well-being of the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment. With regards to the 2012 season, all of the the respondents indicated that the programme has benefited benefited them in some

#### *5.2.1. Material well-being* that their lives before participating in the their involvement in the programme. Only

way, even though they only participated

during this allotted period. Only 6% of respondents

Low educational attainment does not only impact on current and future material well-being, but also constrains the day-to-day functioning of people. This is evident in the data on literacyrelated questions asked to respondents. With regard to the literacy levels of those interviewed, the majority of the respondents (85.3%) reported having no difficulty in writing their own names. However, the ability to read, write and consequently, the ability to fill out forms, ranged

**Literacy ability No difficulty Some difficulty A lot of difficulty Unable to Total**

12 35.3%

14 41.2%

8 23.5%

The majority of respondents experienced at least some difficulty in performing the skills of reading and writing, which in turn translated into a lower ability to fill out forms. Only between 20% and 23% of respondents indicated that they didn't have any difficulty with these three skills. While six (17.6%) of the respondents were unable to read and write at all, and conse‐ quently were unable to fill out forms, a further 17.6% of respondents also indicated an inability to fill out forms, despite their ability to at least read and write to some extent. This is an indication of low educational attainment as well as low skill levels that in turn impacts the respondents' ability to find stable and secure employment. Consequently, it can be assumed that due to these low levels of education and literacy, coupled with unemployment and underemployment, respondents and their household members are seriously constrained by

The following sections serve to ascertain to what extent the thatch harvesting programme has positively contributed towards raising the level of well-being of its beneficiaries, and subse‐

The results presented with regards to well-being pertain to the 2012 harvesting season. For the 2013 harvesting season, half the respondents who harvested during the 2012 season re-applied and were granted permits to harvest again in 2013. The other half did not apply for this particular year and gave two reasons for this. These respondents stated that they either did not apply on time, or they did not profit sufficiently from harvesting in the previous year and therefore ventured into other areas of employment. However, during the 2013 season thatch harvesting was stalled due to two massive fires that destroyed the areas allocated for harvest‐

**5.2. The health and well-being of beneficiaries to the Thatch Harvesting Programme**

8 23.5%

7 20.6%

7 20.6%

6 17.6%

6 17.6%

12 35.3% 34

34

34

from no difficulty to being unable to do this at all (Table 4).

610 14 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

8 23.5%

7 20.6%

7 20.6%

their socio-economic circumstances to achieve higher levels of well-being.

ing. This resulted in beneficiaries not generating any income for that year.

**Table 4.** Respondents' ability to read, write and fill out forms

quently the households of which they form a part of.

**Reading**

**Writing**

**Filling out forms**

Material well-being, according to the definition of this dimension [13], is the individual's experience of a good and secure life through prospects such as income, assets, livelihoods, shelter, clothing and access to goods. changed much since participating in the general affected them negatively in any programme for the participants, and consequently according to the dimensions of well-being the programme. Additionally, when asked whether the programme any way, 79.4% respondents indicated that it had not. The consequently for their households, become more nuanced being of the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment. programme had in The benefits of the nuanced when gauged

participated in one season of harvesting (during 2012). Most respondents the programme were difficult and that their lives improved Only one respondent expressed the opinion that her quality

respondents remarked improved as a result of quality of life had not

per day (Figure 3).

harvesting season enforce the earlier total income was harvest within a day. thatch harvest of individual income. Based approximated to respondents in the bundles harvested per

> contracted as a respondents (91.2%) recruited by the the thatch bundles

respondents managed to harvest more than 25 bundles per

indicate the actual amount that they had earned during the harvesting weekly for the number of bundles they harvested. This may enforce mouth existence of beneficiaries to this programme. The total number of bundles that each respondent was able to harvest approximately ZAR12.00. The equation used to calculate the total thatch Bundles per day X 20 days) X ZAR 12.00 = Total individual income generated from the thatch harvesting programme approximated amounts to an average of ZAR3,076 for each of the 34 respondents capita income depended on the actual number of bundles

collect and transport the thatch harvested. Most of the respondents

respondents actively harvested thatch, while one respondent was

coordinator. These beneficiaries indicated that they were the programme. The harvesting coordinator bought the

For the 2012 harvesting season, most respondents did not harvest large volumes of thatch. Almost half of the respondents (45.5%) harvested an average of 5 to10 bundles per day, whilst a further 30.3% of respondents averaged 11 to 15 bundles per day. This amount was harvested over a 30 day period allotted by the park's management. However, even though a 30 day period was allotted for harvesting, this included weekends when transport was difficult to obtain, and subsequently respondents were actually only able to harvest for 20 days during this allotted period. Only 6% of respondents managed to harvest more than 25 bundles per day (Figure 3). 5.2.1. Material well-being Material well-being, according to the definition and secure life through prospects such as For the 2012 harvesting season, most respondents respondents (45.5%) harvested an average averaged 11 to 15 bundles per day. This management. However, even though a transport was difficult to obtain, and subsequently definition of this dimension [13], is the individual's experience as income, assets, livelihoods, shelter, clothing and access respondents did not harvest large volumes of thatch. Almost average of 5 to10 bundles per day, whilst a further 30.3% This amount was harvested over a 30 day period allotted a 30 day period was allotted for harvesting, this included subsequently respondents were actually only able to harvest experience of a good to goods. Almost half of the .3% of respondents allotted by the park's weekends when harvest for 20 days

Figure 3. Average Number of Bundles Harvested Harvested by Respondents per Day (N=33) **Figure 3.** Average Number of Bundles Harvested by Respondents per Day (N=33)

Many beneficiaries were unable to indicate as they were paid either daily or weekly analysis that highlighted the hand-to-mouth calculated according to the average number Each bundle was sold at approximately respondents is as follows: (Number of Bundles on this calculation, the total income ZAR104,580 for the 2012 season. This amounts sample, although eventually the per capita

Thirty three (33) of the 34 respondents driver by a harvesting coordinator to collect sold their harvest to the harvesting coordinator.

harvesting coordinator to take part in

person per day.

Many beneficiaries were unable to indicate the actual amount that they had earned during the harvesting season as they were paid either daily or weekly for the number of bundles they harvested. This may enforce the earlier analysis that highlighted the hand-to-mouth existence of beneficiaries to this programme. The total income was calculated according to the average number of bundles that each respondent was able to harvest within a day. Each bundle was sold at approximately ZAR12.00. The equation used to calculate the total thatch harvest of respondents is as follows: (Number of Bundles per day X 20 days) X ZAR 12.00=Total indi‐ vidual income. Based on this calculation, the total income generated from the thatch harvesting programme approximated to ZAR104,580 for the 2012 season. This amounts to an average of ZAR3,076 for each of the 34 respondents in the sample, although eventually the per capita income depended on the actual number of bundles harvested per person per day.

Thirty three (33) of the 34 respondents actively harvested thatch, while one respondent was contracted as a driver by a harvesting coordinator to collect and transport the thatch harvested. Most of the respondents (91.2%) sold their harvest to the harvesting coordinator. These beneficiaries indicated that they were recruited by the harvesting coordinator to take part in the programme. The harvesting coordinator bought the thatch bundles from the beneficiaries and in turn sold this harvest to commercial thatching companies. One respondent indicated that the thatch harvested was used to repair the roof of their dwelling, while another respond‐ ent harvested thatch to make brooms and small carpets to sell to tourists and community members. Thus, only two of the respondents did not form part of the economic supply chain involving the harvesters, the harvesting coordinator and the thatching companies. The respondents therefore seem to prefer the security offered by having an immediate buyer for their thatch, rather than using the income obtained for the funding of entrepreneurial enter‐ prises, which may prove to be more uncertain in terms of securing material well-beingespecially in the short term.

One respondent, as indicated above, used the thatch as input material for a small entrepre‐ neurial enterprise. Three other respondents indicated that the money received from selling thatch contributed to start-up capital for new businesses. One respondent used her money to fund the start-up of a small sewing enterprise. Another respondent purchased fresh produce to sell at the local markets, enabling the start-up of a sustainable small business supplying local markets with fresh produce. One other respondent was able to purchase enough stock to start a tuck shop close to one of the local schools in Qwa Qwa. Although at a very small scale, these cases are indicative of the potential of the programme to stimulate entrepreneurship and as such to contribute to a more sustainable economic well-being of beneficiaries. The number of respondents who saw the thatch harvesting programme as an opportunity for starting a new business is low, although this is on par with the general trend in entrepreneurship in South Africa. In a recent study on entrepreneurship in South Africa [26], it was found that only 37.8% of South Africans were of the opinion that there will be good opportunities to start businesses in the area in which they live within the next six months. This is much lower than the average of 74.5% for Sub-Saharan Africa as a whole. The same study [26] also revealed that only 42.7% of the South African adult population believe that they have the knowledge, skills and experience to start a new business.

The ability of respondents to purchase assets with the incomes they obtained from selling their harvested grass is indicative of an improved ability to gain *materialistic control over their environment* [17,24]. When analysing what respondents spent the money on which they received from selling the thatch that they had harvested, their improved material well-being is evident. Only four respondents reported that the incomes generated from the thatch harvesting programme were used towards purchasing basic necessities such as food and toiletries, while 38% of the items purchased were consumable items such as blankets, clothes and shoes. Respondents indicated, among others, that they purchased electronic equipment, furniture, household appliances and livestock. Over half of the expenditure (52%) mentioned by the respondents could be characterised as spending on household assets, while 6% of the items mentioned could be classified as spending towards improving existing assets, i.e. purchasing of building materials or vehicle parts. Interestingly, most respondents did not mention that the money received was used for subsistence needs such as food and transport, but rather emphasised their improved ability to purchase items that would not have been possible if they did not have the added income received from thatch harvesting. Thus the programme seems to have contributed to improving the material well-being of those house‐ holds benefiting from the programme.

However, respondents did not include expenditure for items that would improve their quality of life in the long term, such as education. It appears that the satisfaction of short-term material needs was more of a consideration for respondents than working towards obtaining long-term and sustainable material well-being that would be achieved by contributing to savings plans, or pursuing further education. Only one respondent used his income from harvesting to improve his prospects for finding permanent employment as a truck driver in the foreseeable future by utilising some of the money from harvesting to go for driving lessons. While the programme has therefore managed to improve the short-term material position of the beneficiaries, the long-term material well-being of these people did not seem to improve markedly. At least 65% of the respondents indicated that they struggled financially and could not find employment. Some respondents (17.6%) indicated that they were offered sporadic employment by the park, i.e. working in the stable yards, repairing perimeter fencing, or as part of other poverty alleviation programmes run by the park. It can therefore be concluded that the programme has not benefited the long-term employment prospects of the beneficiaries significantly.

### *5.2.2. Health dimension*

Many beneficiaries were unable to indicate the actual amount that they had earned during the harvesting season as they were paid either daily or weekly for the number of bundles they harvested. This may enforce the earlier analysis that highlighted the hand-to-mouth existence of beneficiaries to this programme. The total income was calculated according to the average number of bundles that each respondent was able to harvest within a day. Each bundle was sold at approximately ZAR12.00. The equation used to calculate the total thatch harvest of respondents is as follows: (Number of Bundles per day X 20 days) X ZAR 12.00=Total indi‐ vidual income. Based on this calculation, the total income generated from the thatch harvesting programme approximated to ZAR104,580 for the 2012 season. This amounts to an average of ZAR3,076 for each of the 34 respondents in the sample, although eventually the per capita

income depended on the actual number of bundles harvested per person per day.

especially in the short term.

612 16 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

experience to start a new business.

Thirty three (33) of the 34 respondents actively harvested thatch, while one respondent was contracted as a driver by a harvesting coordinator to collect and transport the thatch harvested. Most of the respondents (91.2%) sold their harvest to the harvesting coordinator. These beneficiaries indicated that they were recruited by the harvesting coordinator to take part in the programme. The harvesting coordinator bought the thatch bundles from the beneficiaries and in turn sold this harvest to commercial thatching companies. One respondent indicated that the thatch harvested was used to repair the roof of their dwelling, while another respond‐ ent harvested thatch to make brooms and small carpets to sell to tourists and community members. Thus, only two of the respondents did not form part of the economic supply chain involving the harvesters, the harvesting coordinator and the thatching companies. The respondents therefore seem to prefer the security offered by having an immediate buyer for their thatch, rather than using the income obtained for the funding of entrepreneurial enter‐ prises, which may prove to be more uncertain in terms of securing material well-being-

One respondent, as indicated above, used the thatch as input material for a small entrepre‐ neurial enterprise. Three other respondents indicated that the money received from selling thatch contributed to start-up capital for new businesses. One respondent used her money to fund the start-up of a small sewing enterprise. Another respondent purchased fresh produce to sell at the local markets, enabling the start-up of a sustainable small business supplying local markets with fresh produce. One other respondent was able to purchase enough stock to start a tuck shop close to one of the local schools in Qwa Qwa. Although at a very small scale, these cases are indicative of the potential of the programme to stimulate entrepreneurship and as such to contribute to a more sustainable economic well-being of beneficiaries. The number of respondents who saw the thatch harvesting programme as an opportunity for starting a new business is low, although this is on par with the general trend in entrepreneurship in South Africa. In a recent study on entrepreneurship in South Africa [26], it was found that only 37.8% of South Africans were of the opinion that there will be good opportunities to start businesses in the area in which they live within the next six months. This is much lower than the average of 74.5% for Sub-Saharan Africa as a whole. The same study [26] also revealed that only 42.7% of the South African adult population believe that they have the knowledge, skills and

The health dimension of the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment [13] pertains to living in a healthy physical environment and to feeling well and being strong. For the purposes of this study, the analysis of the contribution of the programme is assessed in terms of physical as well as psychological well-being.

With regards to physical well-being, 82.3% of the respondents indicated that the programme had positively contributed towards their physical well-being. Of this group, 64.3% experienced being physically fitter and healthier, while 35.7% indicated that they felt physically stronger after participating in the programme. Some respondents, however, indicated that the pro‐ gramme impacted negatively on their physical health. More specifically, they pointed at health issues such as allergic reactions to the grass (5.9%) as well as severe cuts and wounds on their legs that took long to heal (11.8%). The harvesters were not provided with protective clothing such as safety boots and gloves that would prevent such injuries from occurring. One re‐ spondent indicated that she had problems with her blood pressure and that the hard labour of harvesting worsened her condition. She resignedly stated: *"But what choice do I have? I must work"*. These negative impacts on health were, however, not experienced by the majority of the respondents. The latter did not mention any negative health impacts as a result of their involvement in the programme.

The grass harvesting programme does seem to have significant benefits for the psychological well-being of participants. Fifty nine percent (59%) of respondents indicated that the pro‐ gramme had positively contributed towards their psychological well-being. Half of the respondents who indicated a psychological benefit specifically pointed out that the involve‐ ment in the programme made them feel more positive about their future, while the other 50% mostly experienced emotional relief over their ability to cope with their financial pressures. Additionally, the consensus among respondents (67.6%) was that they were very happy to be able to work in the thatch harvesting programme and that the programme contributed to their sense of pride, dignity and independence (32.4%). These positive perceptions of subjective well-being since joining the programme indicate the fulfilment of the need for identity with regards to feelings of differentiation and recognition. Two of the respondents specifically pointed out that the programme boosted their confidence and self-worth, while one respond‐ ent stated that by being a part of the programme, he was able to improve his communication skills and this consequently boosted his confidence as well.

### *5.2.3. The dimension of good social relations*

The dimension of good social relations includes aspects such as mutual respect, good family and gender relations, social cohesion and the ability to provide, when needed, for friends and children [13].

An important component of social cohesion is affiliation. Affiliation can be conceptualised as the capability of humans to be able to envision the circumstances of another entity, and to acknowledge and display concern for this entity as well [17,24]. Without a sense of affiliation, group cohesion is not attainable. Respect, dignity, equality and receptiveness are key factors in this need. The grass harvesting programme contributed towards satisfying beneficiaries' need for affiliation on two levels: Firstly, in relation to the communities of which the benefi‐ ciaries form part, and secondly, in relation to Golden Gate itself.

Overwhelmingly positive sentiments were expressed when respondents were asked about how their community perceived their involvement in the thatch harvesting programme. Most of the respondents (73.5%) stated that the community was very proud of them for working in the thatch harvesting programme. Almost one in every four respondents (23.5%) nevertheless reported that many community members were jealous because they (community members) had not been able to obtain permits to harvest as the beneficiaries had. The predominantly positive perception about the beneficiaries' involvement in the programme may serve to bolster feelings of affiliation with the community and generate better group cohesion.

It also transpired that Golden Gate serves as a vital cohesive element in the lives of the communities surrounding the park. A large number of respondents (76.5%) often travelled through Golden Gate to reach the nearby towns of Clarence and Bethlehem, which means that the park serves to connect people from different surrounding communities to one another. The park is also utilised by community members for cultural and spiritual activities as well as for recreation and leisure purposes. One fifth of the respondents (20.5%) had used the park for cultural and spiritual activities such as initiation ceremonies and meditation, while 8.8% of the respondents had used Golden Gate for leisure and recreational purposes. Although the latter proportion might appear to be very small, it should be interpreted in the context of the high levels of poverty and unemployment that prevail in the region. respondents (23.5%) nevertheless reported that many community members were jealous because they (community members) had not been able to obtain permits to harvest as the beneficiaries had. The predominantly positive perception about the beneficiaries' involvement in the programme may serve to bolster feelings of affiliation with the community and generate better group cohesion. It also transpired that Golden Gate serves as a vital cohesive element in the lives of the communities surrounding the park. A large number of respondents (76.5%) often travelled through Golden Gate to reach the nearby towns of Clarence and Bethlehem, which means that the park serves to connect people from different surrounding communities to one another. The park is also utilised by community members for cultural and spiritual activities as well as for recreation and leisure purposes. One fifth of the respondents (20.5%) had used the park for cultural and spiritual activities such as initiation ceremonies and meditation, while 8.8% of the respondents had used

Figure 4 illustrates the respondents' perceptions regarding the importance of Golden Gate as a conservation area. Respondents were allowed to offer more than one response in this section. Golden Gate for leisure and recreational purposes. Although the latter proportion might appear to be very small, it should be interpreted in the context of the high levels of poverty and unemployment that prevail in the region. Figure 4 illustrates the respondents' perceptions regarding the importance of Golden Gate as a conservation area.

Respondents were allowed to offer more than one response in this section.

#### Figure 4. Respondents' perception about Golden Gate **Figure 4.** Respondents' perception about Golden Gate

gramme impacted negatively on their physical health. More specifically, they pointed at health issues such as allergic reactions to the grass (5.9%) as well as severe cuts and wounds on their legs that took long to heal (11.8%). The harvesters were not provided with protective clothing such as safety boots and gloves that would prevent such injuries from occurring. One re‐ spondent indicated that she had problems with her blood pressure and that the hard labour of harvesting worsened her condition. She resignedly stated: *"But what choice do I have? I must work"*. These negative impacts on health were, however, not experienced by the majority of the respondents. The latter did not mention any negative health impacts as a result of their

The grass harvesting programme does seem to have significant benefits for the psychological well-being of participants. Fifty nine percent (59%) of respondents indicated that the pro‐ gramme had positively contributed towards their psychological well-being. Half of the respondents who indicated a psychological benefit specifically pointed out that the involve‐ ment in the programme made them feel more positive about their future, while the other 50% mostly experienced emotional relief over their ability to cope with their financial pressures. Additionally, the consensus among respondents (67.6%) was that they were very happy to be able to work in the thatch harvesting programme and that the programme contributed to their sense of pride, dignity and independence (32.4%). These positive perceptions of subjective well-being since joining the programme indicate the fulfilment of the need for identity with regards to feelings of differentiation and recognition. Two of the respondents specifically pointed out that the programme boosted their confidence and self-worth, while one respond‐ ent stated that by being a part of the programme, he was able to improve his communication

The dimension of good social relations includes aspects such as mutual respect, good family and gender relations, social cohesion and the ability to provide, when needed, for friends and

An important component of social cohesion is affiliation. Affiliation can be conceptualised as the capability of humans to be able to envision the circumstances of another entity, and to acknowledge and display concern for this entity as well [17,24]. Without a sense of affiliation, group cohesion is not attainable. Respect, dignity, equality and receptiveness are key factors in this need. The grass harvesting programme contributed towards satisfying beneficiaries' need for affiliation on two levels: Firstly, in relation to the communities of which the benefi‐

Overwhelmingly positive sentiments were expressed when respondents were asked about how their community perceived their involvement in the thatch harvesting programme. Most of the respondents (73.5%) stated that the community was very proud of them for working in the thatch harvesting programme. Almost one in every four respondents (23.5%) nevertheless reported that many community members were jealous because they (community members) had not been able to obtain permits to harvest as the beneficiaries had. The predominantly

involvement in the programme.

614 18 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

skills and this consequently boosted his confidence as well.

ciaries form part, and secondly, in relation to Golden Gate itself.

*5.2.3. The dimension of good social relations*

children [13].

substantiate this sentiment were that the park provided a place to go and learn about nature and that it provided employment opportunities. This was followed by responses such as "It is a tourist attraction" and "It conserves the natural grasslands". Notably, three of these four categories mentioned are either directly or indirectly related to the park's contribution to employment and economic opportunities. Tourism was regarded as important by respondents because it provided them with an opportunity to sell their wares in the form of pots, brooms, baskets, mats and jewellery. The protection of grasslands was regarded as important by the respondents, since it All the respondents believed that the park is an important entity. The two most frequent responses given to substantiate this sentiment were that the park provided a place to go and learn about nature and that it provided employment opportunities. This was followed by responses such as "It is a tourist attraction" and "It conserves the natural grasslands". Notably,

is a direct source of income for them. Subsequently, several respondents stated that if everyone was allowed to graze their cattle in the park, live there and/or harvest the grass whenever they wanted to, then the opportunity to harvest good quality grass would be reduced. These respondents also indicated that it is important to set rules and boundaries in the park's conservation policy in order to ensure the future sustainable utilisation of resources

All the respondents believed that the park is an important entity. The two most frequent responses given to

three of these four categories mentioned are either directly or indirectly related to the park's contribution to employment and economic opportunities. Tourism was regarded as important by respondents because it provided them with an opportunity to sell their wares in the form of pots, brooms, baskets, mats and jewellery. The protection of grasslands was regarded as important by the respondents, since it is a direct source of income for them. Subsequently, several respondents stated that if everyone was allowed to graze their cattle in the park, live there and/or harvest the grass whenever they wanted to, then the opportunity to harvest good quality grass would be reduced. These respondents also indicated that it is important to set rules and boundaries in the park's conservation policy in order to ensure the future sustainable utilisation of resources and protection of the ecosystem services. Three respondents indicated that Golden Gate also served to conserve and protect their heritage-a heritage which they felt was an essential part of their culture and which they hoped their children and future genera‐ tions might enjoy as well. Finally, two respondents felt that the park was an important place because it is where one can go to relax and enjoy the beauty of untouched nature.

Most of the respondents (94.1%) felt that the land should remain a protected area, despite the fact that this means that access to the park's resources are restricted. Only two respondents (5.9%) felt that the land should be utilized for economic practices rather than for conservation. These respondents felt that there was not enough grazing for cattle and that the land should be put to use for that purpose. The majority of the respondents therefore experienced a sense of affiliation towards Golden Gate. They were aware of the need for the land to be protected, the reasons thereof, and the benefits they gained from having a protected area so close to their local community.

The thatch harvesting programme also contributed to respondents being relieved at their ability to provide financially for their families. The majority of the respondents (85.0%) reported experiencing a sense of relief knowing that they were able to provide for their families. Poverty and a lack of employment are significant sources of family conflict. Thus, increased material well-being may serve to improve family relations. Interestingly, four respondents (11.8%) believed that some of their family members were jealous of the work they had found. This jealousy could again increase tension and impact negatively on family relations in these families. However, 30 (88.8%) of the respondents expressed that their family members were very proud of them because of the income they were able to generate from the project. Thus, overall, the conclusion can be drawn that the programme has contributed towards improving family relations and social cohesion in the neighbouring community.

### *5.2.4. The security dimension*

This dimension refers to the ability to secure access to natural or other resources, living in a controllable environment and having security from natural and human-made disasters. The programme has to some extent contributed to improving the ability of respondents to secure access to natural resources by allowing them to harvest a natural resource for household use, as well as to improve their material well-being. Through their involvement in the programme, the respondents' knowledge of the natural environment, as well as the importance of conser‐ vation was somewhat improved. While only four of the respondents reported having received some form of environmental education from the park, another seven indicated that they had received information from the harvesting coordinator in this regard. The information provided to the respondents included common rules applicable within many protected areas such as 'do not kill the animals', 'do not litter rubbish in the park', 'you may not start fires in the park', and lastly, 'do not destroy other plant life within the park'. Information such as this is vital in assisting beneficiaries to secure access to natural resources, in this case thatch, and also empowered respondents to secure themselves from the possibility of natural and human-made disasters such as veld fires – a very real hazard in a grassland environment. However, 67.6% of the respondents indicated that they did not receive any form of environmental education while being involved in the programme.

With regards to the correct techniques and procedures to harvest thatch, the overwhelming majority of respondents (87.9%) had prior knowledge of this activity. This knowledge is vital in enabling respondents to effectively access the thatch resources. Of these respondents with prior knowledge, 22 were taught by family members how to harvest while growing up, while seven respondents indicated that the harvesting coordinator taught them how to harvest the grass, how to cut, tie, and/or store the grass after harvesting and the appropriate length and thickness of the grass that should be cut. Some of the respondents expressed their gratitude towards the harvesting coordinator who imparted this knowledge to them, since they would have harvested the wrong types of grasses, or the wrong length and thickness without his assistance.

Thus, it appears that involvement in the programme has, at least to some extent, enabled beneficiaries to gain access to natural resources. With regards to having security from natural and human-made disasters, the programme did, in the context of the activity of harvesting itself, provide beneficiaries with knowledge to secure them from veld fires which are among the most commonly expected natural disasters in a grassland environment. Security from disasters, however, extends further than the day-to-day harvesting. As was previously discussed under material well-being, one respondent indicated that she used the thatch harvested for repairs on her roof, while three others used the money received from the thatch that they sold to buy building materials with which to repair and improve their dwellings. Through these activities, households are provided with the opportunity to enhance their security from some environmental hazards that plague households that are not able to afford proper dwellings.

### *5.2.5. The dimension of freedom and choice*

three of these four categories mentioned are either directly or indirectly related to the park's contribution to employment and economic opportunities. Tourism was regarded as important by respondents because it provided them with an opportunity to sell their wares in the form of pots, brooms, baskets, mats and jewellery. The protection of grasslands was regarded as important by the respondents, since it is a direct source of income for them. Subsequently, several respondents stated that if everyone was allowed to graze their cattle in the park, live there and/or harvest the grass whenever they wanted to, then the opportunity to harvest good quality grass would be reduced. These respondents also indicated that it is important to set rules and boundaries in the park's conservation policy in order to ensure the future sustainable utilisation of resources and protection of the ecosystem services. Three respondents indicated that Golden Gate also served to conserve and protect their heritage-a heritage which they felt was an essential part of their culture and which they hoped their children and future genera‐ tions might enjoy as well. Finally, two respondents felt that the park was an important place

because it is where one can go to relax and enjoy the beauty of untouched nature.

local community.

616 20 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

*5.2.4. The security dimension*

Most of the respondents (94.1%) felt that the land should remain a protected area, despite the fact that this means that access to the park's resources are restricted. Only two respondents (5.9%) felt that the land should be utilized for economic practices rather than for conservation. These respondents felt that there was not enough grazing for cattle and that the land should be put to use for that purpose. The majority of the respondents therefore experienced a sense of affiliation towards Golden Gate. They were aware of the need for the land to be protected, the reasons thereof, and the benefits they gained from having a protected area so close to their

The thatch harvesting programme also contributed to respondents being relieved at their ability to provide financially for their families. The majority of the respondents (85.0%) reported experiencing a sense of relief knowing that they were able to provide for their families. Poverty and a lack of employment are significant sources of family conflict. Thus, increased material well-being may serve to improve family relations. Interestingly, four respondents (11.8%) believed that some of their family members were jealous of the work they had found. This jealousy could again increase tension and impact negatively on family relations in these families. However, 30 (88.8%) of the respondents expressed that their family members were very proud of them because of the income they were able to generate from the project. Thus, overall, the conclusion can be drawn that the programme has contributed towards improving

This dimension refers to the ability to secure access to natural or other resources, living in a controllable environment and having security from natural and human-made disasters. The programme has to some extent contributed to improving the ability of respondents to secure access to natural resources by allowing them to harvest a natural resource for household use, as well as to improve their material well-being. Through their involvement in the programme, the respondents' knowledge of the natural environment, as well as the importance of conser‐ vation was somewhat improved. While only four of the respondents reported having received

family relations and social cohesion in the neighbouring community.

The dimension of freedom and choice refers to individuals having control over their lives and their values. From the data it transpires that 32% of the respondents reported that, before working on the programme, they felt helpless because they stayed at home doing nothing while their families had to struggle to find money to sustain the basic needs of those living within their household. Through the income provided by the programme, beneficiaries could expand the choices that they made about their immediate consumption patterns as well as their future well-being. This is evident in the different ways in which beneficiaries opted to spend the income they received, i.e. improving their dwellings, buying appliances and electronic equipment, enrolling for driving lessons, using the money as start-up capital for small businesses and buying equipment such as sewing machines which would enable them to expand their future choices.

### *5.2.6. Responses from commercial companies*

One of the key issues identified during the interviews with the two commercial companies that purchase the grass harvested at Golden Gate, was the lack of knowledge, skills and training of harvesters with regards to correct methods of harvesting thatch. This has resulted in both these companies receiving, at some point in time, bundles of thatch not suitable for use. Challenges included the following: the grass still being green when harvested; it was the wrong species of grass; the thatch was not straight; it was too thick, and/or it had not been cleaned properly. These challenges pose as major concerns regarding the sustainability and potential opportunities of this programme in the future. For instance, grass that is still green when cut means that the seeds have not yet had time to dry and drop from the stalk. Conse‐ quently, the premature harvesting of grass which may result in the absence of future re-growth could severely jeopardise the availability and sustainability of harvestable grass at Golden Gate in the future.

In addition to this, both companies strictly conform to guidelines set by the South African Bureau of Standards wherein the thickness, length, species and quality of the thatched bundles are core principles and must be stringently adhered to. Subsequently, these companies are forced to return grass that is unsuitable for use without payment or transport subsidy. Not only is this a waste of natural resources, but it also threatens the livelihood of these companies in that they rely heavily on the supply of thatch from harvesting coordinators. Augmenting this is also the negative impact this will have on those harvesting coordinators who had provided the thatch. The cost of transporting the grass from Golden Gate to the aforementioned companies is only viable if the grass can be sold upon arrival, and the return of unsuitable grass can result in harvesting coordinators such as the one previously mentioned, facing disgruntled labourers coupled with payment disputes. These issues can serve to heavily undermine the development of budding entrepreneurs such as this, and may result in the harvesting coordinator being forced to cease his/her operations. Even more worrying in a situation like this, is the fact that those labourers who had vested their time and physical energy to harvest the grass, must return to their homes empty-handed. Subsequently, lack of knowl‐ edge, skills and training has the potential to create this trickle-down effect and poses as a major challenge to the sustainability of this programme.

In order to prevent a situation such as this, it became clear that an intervention of sorts would be necessary. Upon enquiry, one of the commercial thatching companies indicated they would be willing to provide training sessions to those beneficiaries who have been granted permits to harvest in the park, wherein the beneficiaries will be provided information regarding matters such as the environmental impact of harvesting, how to identify the correct species of grass, the correct way to cut the grass, the required length and thickness of the grass, and how to properly clean the bundles for sale. Not only will this improve the knowledge base and skills of the beneficiaries, but it will also serve to enhance the sustainability and viability of this project in the future.

Taking the above findings into consideration, the following section will serve to highlight the challenges faced by the thatch harvesting programme and the beneficiaries' responses to possible ways in which the programme can be improved.

### **5.3. Challenges faced by beneficiaries to the thatch harvesting programme**

electronic equipment, enrolling for driving lessons, using the money as start-up capital for small businesses and buying equipment such as sewing machines which would enable them

One of the key issues identified during the interviews with the two commercial companies that purchase the grass harvested at Golden Gate, was the lack of knowledge, skills and training of harvesters with regards to correct methods of harvesting thatch. This has resulted in both these companies receiving, at some point in time, bundles of thatch not suitable for use. Challenges included the following: the grass still being green when harvested; it was the wrong species of grass; the thatch was not straight; it was too thick, and/or it had not been cleaned properly. These challenges pose as major concerns regarding the sustainability and potential opportunities of this programme in the future. For instance, grass that is still green when cut means that the seeds have not yet had time to dry and drop from the stalk. Conse‐ quently, the premature harvesting of grass which may result in the absence of future re-growth could severely jeopardise the availability and sustainability of harvestable grass at Golden

In addition to this, both companies strictly conform to guidelines set by the South African Bureau of Standards wherein the thickness, length, species and quality of the thatched bundles are core principles and must be stringently adhered to. Subsequently, these companies are forced to return grass that is unsuitable for use without payment or transport subsidy. Not only is this a waste of natural resources, but it also threatens the livelihood of these companies in that they rely heavily on the supply of thatch from harvesting coordinators. Augmenting this is also the negative impact this will have on those harvesting coordinators who had provided the thatch. The cost of transporting the grass from Golden Gate to the aforementioned companies is only viable if the grass can be sold upon arrival, and the return of unsuitable grass can result in harvesting coordinators such as the one previously mentioned, facing disgruntled labourers coupled with payment disputes. These issues can serve to heavily undermine the development of budding entrepreneurs such as this, and may result in the harvesting coordinator being forced to cease his/her operations. Even more worrying in a situation like this, is the fact that those labourers who had vested their time and physical energy to harvest the grass, must return to their homes empty-handed. Subsequently, lack of knowl‐ edge, skills and training has the potential to create this trickle-down effect and poses as a major

In order to prevent a situation such as this, it became clear that an intervention of sorts would be necessary. Upon enquiry, one of the commercial thatching companies indicated they would be willing to provide training sessions to those beneficiaries who have been granted permits to harvest in the park, wherein the beneficiaries will be provided information regarding matters such as the environmental impact of harvesting, how to identify the correct species of grass, the correct way to cut the grass, the required length and thickness of the grass, and how to properly clean the bundles for sale. Not only will this improve the knowledge base and skills

to expand their future choices.

Gate in the future.

*5.2.6. Responses from commercial companies*

618 22 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

challenge to the sustainability of this programme.

While the programme seems to have contributed to improving the overall well-being of respondents and their families, respondents also experienced some challenges while being involved in the programme and offered some suggestions for improving the programme for future beneficiaries (Table 5).


\* The n-values in table 5 indicate the number of respondents who identified each issue. Respondents could indicate more than one challenge or suggestion, or nothing at all.

**Table 5.** Challenges experienced and suggestions for improvement

From the data above, the biggest issue faced by respondents relates to insufficient time for harvesting. Eighteen of the respondents highlighted that the time allocated for harvesting was too short. This was followed by the issues of rangers treating them badly while harvesting and the issue of fires that diminish their potential to harvest. The respondents pointed out that fires destroyed the viable grass allocated for each season, forcing them to harvest in areas that were not designated by the park for harvesting. Park officials have indicated that they were aware of this challenge and, with the assistance of the harvesting coordinator, would choose har‐ vesting areas more carefully for the coming seasons, and would also demarcate the allotted areas better to prevent people from harvesting in undesignated areas.

Some respondents felt that the park does not do enough to advertise the programme in a timeous manner. This leaves people little time to apply for the programme. When asked if they had experienced any problems with the application process, seven (20.6%) respondents indicated that they had not experienced any problems, whilst 19 (55.9%) felt that the process took too long. Other respondents added to this by stating that, by the time the permits were granted, the period for harvesting had already begun, and that this increased the risk of fires destroying the grass before they could harvest. The remaining eight (23.5%) respondents expressed having felt frustrated during the application process because they did not know when to pick up their permits. The park officials reported that during 2012, they noted a number of individuals that had come to harvest before and during the time allotted for harvesting who did not have permits. This made it difficult to ascertain and monitor who had permits to harvest and who did not. It must also be noted that during the interviews with the beneficiaries it transpired that a few of those who had harvested in 2012 were individuals who did not reside in the local community as defined by the park. It was reported that these individuals borrowed identity documents from members of the local community to pass off as their own in order that they might harvest. This challenge is an important one, as the purpose of the programme is to benefit members of the local communities only. Subsequently, illegal harvesting has posed as a major challenge for the park and for local communities who should benefit from access to the natural resources in the park.

Furthermore, there appeared to be miscommunication between the park management and the local community with regards to the nature of the programme. This came in the form of local community members perceiving the thatch harvesting programme to be a source of employ‐ ment, whereas this programme is only offered as an opportunity to utilise the park's natural resources for their own benefit. Lastly, the respondents raised the issue of the park not providing them with tools or equipment with which to harvest, and a large number of respondents (n=14) suggested that the park should equip them with the necessary harvesting tools. Also, during the focus group session with the park officials, it was indicated that Golden Gate had established networks that formed part of a park forum wherein there are various traditional leaders that act as representatives within their local communities and serve to communicate issues of mutual concern. However, when asked; none of the respondents were aware of any community representatives, nor of any community meetings held with regards to projects made available by the park. In a similar vein, none of the beneficiaries interviewed reported having heard of any community members being involved in decisions regarding the thatch harvesting programme.

### **6. Conclusion**

Due to the poor socio-economic conditions surrounding the park, most respondents and their households depend heavily on the income earned from their involvement in the thatch harvesting programme. In fact, more than half of the households represented in the sample have no other source of income except for the employment of one of the household members on the programme. Thus, although the immediate benefits of the programme are limited to only a tiny proportion of the community, these benefits still make a significant and tangible difference to the well-being of those households living on the edge of subsistence. As has been confirmed previously by other outreach programmes in protected areas [3], this 'limitation' should nevertheless not be seen as a defect or an impediment of the thatch harvesting pro‐ gramme, but should serve as a constant reminder of what is realistically achievable with programmes of this kind offered by national parks and other protected areas in developing countries. Arguably, the main strength and impact of the programme – and other programmes of this kind – is not so much to significantly reduce poverty among a large proportion of households, but rather its ability to cultivate positive perceptions regarding conservation, sustainable utilisation of ecosystem services and the specific protected area in particular, among the local population.

Some respondents felt that the park does not do enough to advertise the programme in a timeous manner. This leaves people little time to apply for the programme. When asked if they had experienced any problems with the application process, seven (20.6%) respondents indicated that they had not experienced any problems, whilst 19 (55.9%) felt that the process took too long. Other respondents added to this by stating that, by the time the permits were granted, the period for harvesting had already begun, and that this increased the risk of fires destroying the grass before they could harvest. The remaining eight (23.5%) respondents expressed having felt frustrated during the application process because they did not know when to pick up their permits. The park officials reported that during 2012, they noted a number of individuals that had come to harvest before and during the time allotted for harvesting who did not have permits. This made it difficult to ascertain and monitor who had permits to harvest and who did not. It must also be noted that during the interviews with the beneficiaries it transpired that a few of those who had harvested in 2012 were individuals who did not reside in the local community as defined by the park. It was reported that these individuals borrowed identity documents from members of the local community to pass off as their own in order that they might harvest. This challenge is an important one, as the purpose of the programme is to benefit members of the local communities only. Subsequently, illegal harvesting has posed as a major challenge for the park and for local communities who should

Furthermore, there appeared to be miscommunication between the park management and the local community with regards to the nature of the programme. This came in the form of local community members perceiving the thatch harvesting programme to be a source of employ‐ ment, whereas this programme is only offered as an opportunity to utilise the park's natural resources for their own benefit. Lastly, the respondents raised the issue of the park not providing them with tools or equipment with which to harvest, and a large number of respondents (n=14) suggested that the park should equip them with the necessary harvesting tools. Also, during the focus group session with the park officials, it was indicated that Golden Gate had established networks that formed part of a park forum wherein there are various traditional leaders that act as representatives within their local communities and serve to communicate issues of mutual concern. However, when asked; none of the respondents were aware of any community representatives, nor of any community meetings held with regards to projects made available by the park. In a similar vein, none of the beneficiaries interviewed reported having heard of any community members being involved in decisions regarding the

Due to the poor socio-economic conditions surrounding the park, most respondents and their households depend heavily on the income earned from their involvement in the thatch harvesting programme. In fact, more than half of the households represented in the sample have no other source of income except for the employment of one of the household members on the programme. Thus, although the immediate benefits of the programme are limited to

benefit from access to the natural resources in the park.

620 24 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

thatch harvesting programme.

**6. Conclusion**

The thatch harvesting programme, at this stage, seems to be constrained by logistical and administrative challenges such as permits not being granted in time for harvesting, an unclear selection process and poor supervision of park officials to ensure that harvesting does not impede on the conservation function of the park. Anecdotal evidence from the interviews suggest that in some cases grass is harvested illegally, thus limiting the benefits that should trickle to local communities. This has also been found in a previous study conducted in the same park [27]. Although the current park management plan (compiled in 2011) provides the legal framework for the managing of natural resources at Golden Gate, the plan fails to quantify and account for the resources that are being harvested by adjacent communities. More specifically, the park's management plan does not adequately demonstrate *what* is being harvested, or the *extent* and *impact* of grass harvesting in the park. If managed properly, grass and grass harvesting can provide a long-term sustainable benefit to neigbouring communities and economic institutions, but the guidelines for such harvesting need to be set clearly in the park's management plan. Consequently, as previously pointed out [27], there is a clear need to monitor, evaluate and set the boundaries for grass harvesting in the park, and to clearly stipulate these limitations in the management plan. This problem, however, is not unique to Golden Gate, as there is a general lack of published research on resource extraction from national parks in South Africa, as well as from protected areas in general.

Based on the findings of the study, a small proportion of the community does seem to benefit from their involvement in the thatch harvesting programme. The data offers evidence of improved material well-being, better physical and psychological health, enhanced group cohesion, environmental security and more freedom of choice for beneficiaries. The impacts of the programme are however, for most respondents, short term. Only a limited number of respondents have used the money obtained from harvesting to enable the fulfilment of sustainable long term economic pursuits as is evidenced by the four respondents who managed to start small businesses and the one respondent who used the money to obtain a drivers licence.

In conditions of severe poverty and high levels of unemployment such as those that prevail in the area surrounding Golden Gate, natural resources play a crucial role in sustaining people's livelihoods. Under these conditions, the harvesting of grass for a commercial market presents an opportunity for the local community to increase their income base and improve their wellbeing. However, as previously concluded [23], more grass would have to be harvested to meet the demands of a commercial market than would be required for household use or producing items for a local market. In other words, although an increase in grass harvesting holds potential benefits for increased human well-being in the local community, an increase in the commercialization of harvesting at the same time requires strict monitoring and evaluation mechanisms to ensure a sustainable supply of raw materials and mitigation regarding the impact on the protected area. Since none of the businesses interviewed are involved in grass management and protection, they are potential victims of overharvesting and resource depletion as much as the members of the local community. Resource harvesting in a protected area that supplies the demands of a commercial market thus clearly requires different rules and monitoring mechanisms, than rules aimed at the regulation of such activities at a local level and only for the strict benefit of the local community.

With reference to the impact of the thatch harvesting programme on the ecosystem of the targeted areas allocated, the results remain indefinite. The reason for this being that the programme only became active in 2012, and in 2013 a massive fire swept through the parks grasslands, subsequently also destroying the areas allocated for harvesting. As a result of this, coupled with the fact that this programme is relatively new, a detailed analysis of these areas regarding the grass species composition, vegetation structure and biomass measure following the harvesting in 2012 has not yet been finalised. SANParks (Division of Scientific Services) has initiated a vegetation monitoring project in two of the areas that form part of the harvesting programme. It is, however, a long term monitoring process and no informed conclusions could be made in the relatively short period that the monitoring project has been running in the park. Early indications are nevertheless that the grassland ecosystem in the park, as well as the patterns and processes that are associated with it, have not been negatively affected by the harvesting programme. In areas where the grasses have been harvested the height of the grassland is lower than the conventional 1.8 meters (Species *H. dregeana*), but apart from this visual impact it appears that the species composition of the grassland has not changed and the same grass species still dominates these areas. Currently harvesting is taking place on old agricultural lands that were previously ploughed and grazed in the time of commercial farming activities in the area. The main two grasses that are being collected are *Hyparrhenia* cf*. hirta* (common thatching grass) and *Hyparrhenia* cf. *dregeana* (thatching grass) which are often found in disturbed and degraded areas such as these. The sustainable manner in which these grasses are harvested also contributes to the stability of the degraded land that it occupies. In fact, the harvesting of these grasses improves the palatability for other grazers of the wildlife group within the park, and assists in supporting a natural succession process in these degraded areas. The harvesting (clearing of grasslands) also allows for other plant species to thrive within an area usually dominated by one or two plant species.

However, there were some concerns regarding the use of some of these areas by grass owls (*Tyto capensis*) for nesting. Consequently, in order to determine the impact of the harvesting on this species, a habitat assessment of possible areas has been proposed. Practices in other protected areas have nevertheless shown that, despite all efforts of national parks to conserve biodiversity and ecosystem integrity, unsustainable resource use remains a threat because ecological functions and processes often occur over larger spatial scales [28]. To ensure that an ecosystem such as the grassland biome retains the ability to renew itself, additional land is needed for the expansion of national parks. In South Africa, national population policy drivers such as social redress and poverty alleviation, strongly influence resource use in national parks. This means that localized management solutions for ecosystem integrity and resource use should be embedded in a broader systems approach that recognizes the interface between protected areas and their surrounding communities, while also acknowledging the complex, multiple and reciprocal relationships of sustainability between ecological and socio-economic components in the environment.

## **Acknowledgements**

being. However, as previously concluded [23], more grass would have to be harvested to meet the demands of a commercial market than would be required for household use or producing items for a local market. In other words, although an increase in grass harvesting holds potential benefits for increased human well-being in the local community, an increase in the commercialization of harvesting at the same time requires strict monitoring and evaluation mechanisms to ensure a sustainable supply of raw materials and mitigation regarding the impact on the protected area. Since none of the businesses interviewed are involved in grass management and protection, they are potential victims of overharvesting and resource depletion as much as the members of the local community. Resource harvesting in a protected area that supplies the demands of a commercial market thus clearly requires different rules and monitoring mechanisms, than rules aimed at the regulation of such activities at a local

With reference to the impact of the thatch harvesting programme on the ecosystem of the targeted areas allocated, the results remain indefinite. The reason for this being that the programme only became active in 2012, and in 2013 a massive fire swept through the parks grasslands, subsequently also destroying the areas allocated for harvesting. As a result of this, coupled with the fact that this programme is relatively new, a detailed analysis of these areas regarding the grass species composition, vegetation structure and biomass measure following the harvesting in 2012 has not yet been finalised. SANParks (Division of Scientific Services) has initiated a vegetation monitoring project in two of the areas that form part of the harvesting programme. It is, however, a long term monitoring process and no informed conclusions could be made in the relatively short period that the monitoring project has been running in the park. Early indications are nevertheless that the grassland ecosystem in the park, as well as the patterns and processes that are associated with it, have not been negatively affected by the harvesting programme. In areas where the grasses have been harvested the height of the grassland is lower than the conventional 1.8 meters (Species *H. dregeana*), but apart from this visual impact it appears that the species composition of the grassland has not changed and the same grass species still dominates these areas. Currently harvesting is taking place on old agricultural lands that were previously ploughed and grazed in the time of commercial farming activities in the area. The main two grasses that are being collected are *Hyparrhenia* cf*. hirta* (common thatching grass) and *Hyparrhenia* cf. *dregeana* (thatching grass) which are often found in disturbed and degraded areas such as these. The sustainable manner in which these grasses are harvested also contributes to the stability of the degraded land that it occupies. In fact, the harvesting of these grasses improves the palatability for other grazers of the wildlife group within the park, and assists in supporting a natural succession process in these degraded areas. The harvesting (clearing of grasslands) also allows for other plant species

level and only for the strict benefit of the local community.

622 26 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

to thrive within an area usually dominated by one or two plant species.

However, there were some concerns regarding the use of some of these areas by grass owls (*Tyto capensis*) for nesting. Consequently, in order to determine the impact of the harvesting on this species, a habitat assessment of possible areas has been proposed. Practices in other protected areas have nevertheless shown that, despite all efforts of national parks to conserve biodiversity and ecosystem integrity, unsustainable resource use remains a threat because

The authors wish to thank South African National Parks, and particularly the management of the Golden Gate Highlands National Park, for their support during the planning and field work stages of this study. We also gratefully acknowledge the contribution made by the Vegetation Specialist of SANParks with regards to the current status of the grasslands as a result of the harvesting programme. Opinions expressed in this paper and conclusions that drawn, however, are those of the authors and do not necessarily represent the official views of either South African National Parks or that of the management of Golden Gate Highlands National Park.

## **Author details**

André Pelser\* , Nola Redelinghuys and Anna-Lee Kernan

\*Address all correspondence to: pelseraj@ufs.ac.za

Department of Sociology, University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa

## **References**


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[4] Roe D., Walpole MJ. Whose value counts? Trade-offs between biodiversity conserva‐ tion and poverty reduction. In: Williams N., Adams WM, Smith RJ (eds.) Trade-offs

[5] International Union for Conservation of Nature and Natural Resources, 2005, Bene‐ fits Beyond Boundaries: Proceedings of the Vth IUCN World Parks Congress, Cam‐

[6] South African National Parks (SANParks). People and Conservation: A brief history. http://www.sanparks.org/people/about/history.php. (accessed 6 July 2014).

[7] Egoh BN, Reyers B, Rouget M, Richardson DM. Identifying priority areas for ecosys‐ tem service management in South African grasslands. Journal of Environmental

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[9] Grasslands Programme. Grasslands under pressure. http://www.grasslands.org.za/

[11] COPA-Academy. COPA-Academy-Areas: Free State map. http://copaacade‐ my.files.wordpress.com/2013/07/free-state-map.gif (accessed 20 July 2014)

[12] South African National Parks. Golden Gate Highlands National Park Grass Harvest‐ ing Project: Progress Report. Pretoria: South African National Parks; 2012

[13] Millennium Ecosystem Assessment. *Ecosystems and Human Well-being: A Framework*

[14] Bengston DN. Environmental Values Related to Fish and Wildlife Lands. In: Depart‐ ment of Forest Resources (ed.) Human Dimensions of Natural Resource Manage‐ ment: Emerging Issues and Practical Applications. St Paul: University of Minnesota;

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[16] Throsby D. Cultural Capital. Journal of Cultural Economics 1999; 23:3-12.

[10] Ramsay S. Golden Gate Highlands National Park. Getaway 2013; 77-83.

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2000. p. 126 – 132.

June 2013).


## **Shortage of Biodiversity in Grassland**

Ricardo Loiola Edvan, Leilson Rocha Bezerra and Carlo Aldrovandi Torreão Marques

Additional information is available at the end of the chapter

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/59755

**1. Introduction**

In this chapter, we report existing distortions between the cultivation of native and exotic forage plants for breeding at pasture, a practice that reduces the biodiversity in grassland environments.

Raising animals on pasture with native forage species is cheaper than the cost of confinement and the use of exotic species. The introduction of exotic plants in pastures may increase production costs for farmers when introducing forage species that are not adapted to the system, in addition to causing environmental damage due to the reduction of biodiversity and the failure to consider the soil and climate of the region.

An approach will be made in relation to the climate-soil-plant-animal complex, emphasising the economic feasibility of using forage species with high genetic potential for native and exotic pastures and aiming to assist in the selection of the most appropriate forage species for grazing production systems and to avoid problems with biodiversity in grasslands.

## **2. Grass production**

Ruminant grazing on native forage is the most economical way of producing meat for human consumption. Livestock grazing is generally a more profitable approach than raising confined livestock [1]. The use of concentrate feeds in the diet increases the cost of production, as does the use of exotic forage that is not adapted to the environment. In Ethiopia, pastures are not only used as an economical source of food for herbivores; most are also used for recreation, because in this country, there are many natural parks, reserves and sanctuaries [2]. The management of rangelands with native species goes beyond animal production, because there

© 2015 The Author(s). Licensee InTech. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. © 2014 The Author(s). Licensee InTech. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and eproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

the animals (Figure 1).

are many factors in this diverse ecosystem with different purposes. Reducing the biodiversity of natural pastures to cultivate only a single species can cause serious environmental problems.

Native forage species reduce problems with invasive species, improve the wildlife habitat, contribute to carbon sequestration and increase the stability of the ecosystem [3], because they maintain the biodiversity of the environment. According to [4], the effect of cattle on native pasture is important for management because it prevents excess dead biomass, which would increase the risk of fires. The farmer must carefully analyse every investment that will be made in the cultivation of forage species, because the introduction of species into unnatural environments can require expensive treatments to render the soil suitable for their

cultivation; livestock production also renders this task more expensive because of the cost of

**Figure 1.** Livestock system with native and exotic (introduced) fodder plants

Note that when working with agriculture, all of the investment is returned quickly because the product is generated by the plant, while livestock products come from the animal that consumes the plant forage in pastures, which represents an additional cost to the production system compared to agriculture. Therefore, systems that integrate agriculture with livestock represent a viable option for the present and future of both agriculture and livestock, mainly due to increased environmental biodiversity and to the reduced production costs associated with this type of system.

are many factors in this diverse ecosystem with different purposes. Reducing the biodiversity of natural pastures to cultivate only a single species can cause serious environmental problems.

Native forage species reduce problems with invasive species, improve the wildlife habitat, contribute to carbon sequestration and increase the stability of the ecosystem [3], because they maintain the biodiversity of the environment. According to [4], the effect of cattle on native pasture is important for management because it prevents excess dead biomass, which would

The farmer must carefully analyse every investment that will be made in the cultivation of forage species, because the introduction of species into unnatural environments can require expensive treatments to render the soil suitable for their cultivation; livestock production also renders this task more expensive because of the cost of

**Native forage Exotic forrage**

Easy seeds

Does not discriminate Plantatio Plantation

> Correction of the soil pH and high base saturation

Management Management

Species rarely persistent

High-maintenance fertilization

Grazing Grazing

rate

to grazing in the dry season Product Products

> Undiversified products

product

Choice of species

> Controls weeds, pests and diseases

High need for fertilizers

Effective control of the

stocking rate Low resistance

Differentiated High production

increase the risk of fires.

the animals (Figure 1).

6282 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

Difficult seeds

Choice of species

production Intensive

Low stocking rate High stocking

**Figure 1.** Livestock system with native and exotic (introduced) fodder plants

Discriminates

Adapting the pH of the soil, saturation and low

Short, intensive

Persistence in the field

Low-maintenance fertilization

Longer duration of grazing in the dry season

> Diversified products

The farmer must carefully analyse every investment that will be made in the cultivation of forage species, because the introduction of species into unnatural environments can require expensive treatments to render the soil suitable for their cultivation; livestock production also renders this task more expensive because of the cost of the animals (Figure 1).

In India, only 4% of the land requires pasture to increase the area under cultivation with forage species; however, there are fewer seeds of forage quality that are available in the local market. The authors note that the percentage of germination of available tropical grass seeds averages 20-30% [5]. The acquisition of forage seeds for planting pasture is expensive, and farmers in this country prefer to work with agricultural crops, which is concerning because the shortage of quality in the seed market is the decisive point in the selection of forage species.

The native species have little or no available seed in trade, as multinational companies acting in tropical climate countries restrict the distribution and sale of seeds of forage species to a few cultivars, which are often of the same species. In the selection of forage species, several criteria are considered rather than only assessing certain aspects, such as productivity and nutritional value. Table 1 presents the main criteria for the selection of forage species, comparing between the native and exotic species.


**Table 1.** Comparison between native and exotic (introduced) species of grasses

## **3. Forage species**

Forage species are of fundamental importance for livestock everywhere on the planet because these species are responsible for feeding the herds of herbivores that in turn feed a large part of the world's population and some carnivorous animals. The use of native species is important because these plants are already adapted to inhabit regions that, due to a long process of natural selection carried out over time by nature, maintain the natural biodiversity of the grassland ecosystem. The variation in the wealth of native forage species is a valuable source for selecting the best kind [6].

The adaptation of forage plants to their natural environment occurs in the same way as for any other plant species in which the most suitable species for situations of soil and climate prevail in the region, along with different animals, such as insects, birds and herbivores. Long-term research must be conducted in native environments because there are several factors that affect the biodiversity and productivity of native pastures, and potential carbon sequestration is more complex and unpredictable than previously believed [7].

Native grasses have the potential to revegetate degraded land; however, due to little knowl‐ edge about their biology, preference is given to the use of exotic species that can be invasive, thus affecting local biodiversity [8]. The establishment and spread of plant species from other regions in natural ecosystems can reduce, disrupt or terminate the original flora populations and thus alter the balanced ecosystem, which today is one of the most significant environ‐ mental problems [9]. The planting and management of native grasses are difficult because information about these plants is scarce [10]. According to these authors, the native grasses of Brazil *Andropogon bicornis*, *Andropogon leucostachyus*, *Echinolaena inflexa* and *Setaria parviflora,* among others, show morphological and physiological characteristics that allow them to survive in environments with different stages of degradation, making these species good options for pasture recovery.

The genus *Paspalum* is promising for this country, but there are few studies of this genus. According to Barreto [11], 75% of the described *Paspalum* species occur in Brazil under a wide range of ecological conditions and as part of several plant communities. The importance of the genus *Paspalum* for Brazil is not only due to the production potential and quality of the species but also because it has a high potential for use in the recovery and conservation of degraded soils [12]. *Paspalum nicorae* is usually found in sandy soils, indicating a potential to tolerate drought and low soil fertility, and has a high response to fertilisation [13]. *Paspalum nicorae* has a wealth of natural morphological variation, which is a valuable source for the selection of new varieties for the native forage for Brazil [6].

In Congo, it is necessary to conduct studies with native and adapted species; the use of species that are not adapted to their conditions promotes food shortages at certain times of the year due to a lack of food during the dry season, which was a major cause of the reduced herd of the Sud-Kivu region in this country [14]. The identification of native forage species is essential for the establishment of small traditional farmers as agro-pastoralists [14]. In Nepal, species that are regarded as weeds in agricultural crops are native forage species; according to the authors, these species demonstrate an adaptability that could be used with greater frequency in animal feed [15].

The climate-soil-animal-plant complex must be considered when seeking to utilize grassland; it is not a simple task to introduce a system of livestock production using species from other regions for the purpose of feed because the native or exotic livestock will therefore have the same soil and climatic conditions of the place of origin in the new habitat. The use of exotic forage species is disturbing when introduced irrationally without considering the large climate-soil-plant-animal complex, and the introduction of these species can influence the biodiversity of the environment.

**3. Forage species**

6304 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

the best kind [6].

options for pasture recovery.

in animal feed [15].

varieties for the native forage for Brazil [6].

Forage species are of fundamental importance for livestock everywhere on the planet because these species are responsible for feeding the herds of herbivores that in turn feed a large part of the world's population and some carnivorous animals. The use of native species is important because these plants are already adapted to inhabit regions that, due to a long process of natural selection carried out over time by nature, maintain the natural biodiversity of the grassland ecosystem. The variation in the wealth of native forage species is a valuable source for selecting

The adaptation of forage plants to their natural environment occurs in the same way as for any other plant species in which the most suitable species for situations of soil and climate prevail in the region, along with different animals, such as insects, birds and herbivores. Long-term research must be conducted in native environments because there are several factors that affect the biodiversity and productivity of native pastures, and potential carbon sequestration is

Native grasses have the potential to revegetate degraded land; however, due to little knowl‐ edge about their biology, preference is given to the use of exotic species that can be invasive, thus affecting local biodiversity [8]. The establishment and spread of plant species from other regions in natural ecosystems can reduce, disrupt or terminate the original flora populations and thus alter the balanced ecosystem, which today is one of the most significant environ‐ mental problems [9]. The planting and management of native grasses are difficult because information about these plants is scarce [10]. According to these authors, the native grasses of Brazil *Andropogon bicornis*, *Andropogon leucostachyus*, *Echinolaena inflexa* and *Setaria parviflora,* among others, show morphological and physiological characteristics that allow them to survive in environments with different stages of degradation, making these species good

The genus *Paspalum* is promising for this country, but there are few studies of this genus. According to Barreto [11], 75% of the described *Paspalum* species occur in Brazil under a wide range of ecological conditions and as part of several plant communities. The importance of the genus *Paspalum* for Brazil is not only due to the production potential and quality of the species but also because it has a high potential for use in the recovery and conservation of degraded soils [12]. *Paspalum nicorae* is usually found in sandy soils, indicating a potential to tolerate drought and low soil fertility, and has a high response to fertilisation [13]. *Paspalum nicorae* has a wealth of natural morphological variation, which is a valuable source for the selection of new

In Congo, it is necessary to conduct studies with native and adapted species; the use of species that are not adapted to their conditions promotes food shortages at certain times of the year due to a lack of food during the dry season, which was a major cause of the reduced herd of the Sud-Kivu region in this country [14]. The identification of native forage species is essential for the establishment of small traditional farmers as agro-pastoralists [14]. In Nepal, species that are regarded as weeds in agricultural crops are native forage species; according to the authors, these species demonstrate an adaptability that could be used with greater frequency

more complex and unpredictable than previously believed [7].

The control of native species to introduce exotic species is generally done with fire or herbicide use, causing environmental damage [16]. Santos et al. [17] argue that the reasons for using fire in rangelands are diverse. Fire is one of the practices that causes environmental damage to the soil and is rarely carried out in pastures with exotic cultures, showing that not even the crop treatment applies. Another important aspect is the production cost of these exotic forage species when accounting for a system of livestock production. The production and introduc‐ tion of new forage species are frequent; every year private sector and public companies launch new varieties of these species which, in most cases, are exotic species that originated in another region. The improvement being realised is that the Kikuyu (*Pennisetum clandestinum*) originates from material coming from local farms, as a previous bid improved the tropical grass *Digitaria milanjiana* by giving it more leaves and a higher grass digestibility, but this species did not persist in the same pasture under proper management.

The *Brachiaria* genus originated in Africa and has resistance to acid soils and low fertility [19], allowing it to easily spread by seed and to be highly competitive with weeds [20], which explains the expansion of this type of grass to tropical and subtropical regions of the world [21]. However, cultivated species currently belonging to these genera demand large amounts of fertiliser to persist in the field and to compete with the native species of each region. Exotic species represent the high cost of deployment and maintenance. In Brazil, cultivated forage species originate from Africa (Table 2). Research of these species at the intuited has improved the forage potential of these species. The most cultivated species and that which is of greatest importance to Brazilian livestock are, respectively, *Brachiaria decumbens* and *Brachiaria brizan‐ tha* [22]. In Brazil, there is a lack of diversity in the cultivation of fodder plants in 45% of the areas, and 60% of the produced seeds are of cv. Marandu (*Brachiaria brizantha*) [23].


**Table 2.** Origin of the forage species that are grown in Brazil

A lack of diversity can lead to future problems with pests and diseases, as these species are not natural in that particular region. Due to the large amount of area that is currently planted with these species in Brazil, future losses may occur in the livestock sector due to the lack of diversity of forage species. Brazil has 190 million hectares of grasslands that sustain 209 million cattle, the largest export of meat and the largest commercial cattle herd in the world [24]. According to these authors, the *Brachiaria brizantha*, *B. decumbens*, *B. humidicola* and *Panicum maximum* are the primarily used pastures (Figure 2); therefore, of the few cultivars that occupy a large amount of grazing area, only *Brachiaria brizantha* cv. Marandu occupies 50 million hectares of area in this country. Marandu is apomictic and resistant to leafhoppers-of-pastures [25], which has made this species the most produced in this country. The same mistakes were made as before, with areas being planted with cv. Marandu and with *Brachiaria decumbens,* which is susceptible to this pest. With the leafhopper attack that reduced pasture productivity in Brazil came the need to replace this forage species; the same may happen again with the Marandu. In this country only 0.8% of the grassland areas are planted with native species that are resistant to these natural pest attacks (Figure 2). %&?>209<\$%&?>million<\$%&?>cattle,<\$%&?> >the<\$%&?>largest<\$%&?>commercial<\$%&?> According<\$%&?>to<\$%&?>these<\$%&?>authors bens,<\$%&?>B.<\$%&?>humidicola<\$%&?>and %&?>used<\$%&?>pastures<\$%&?>(Figure<\$%&?> <\$%&?>that<\$%&?>occupy<\$%&?>a<\$%&?> &?>Brachiaria<\$%&?>brizantha<\$%&?>cv.<\$%&?> %&?>of<\$%&?>area<\$%&?>in<\$%&?>this<\$%&?> ?>resistant<\$%&?>to<\$%&?>leafhoppers-of pastures<\$%&?>[25],<\$%&?>which<\$%&?>has roduced<\$%&?>in<\$%&?>this<\$%&?>country ?>as<\$%&?>before,<\$%&?>with<\$%&?>areas &?>and<\$%&?>with<\$%&?>Brachiaria<\$%&?>decumbens, s<\$%&?>pest.<\$%&?>With<\$%&?>the<\$%&?> ?>productivity<\$%&?>in<\$%&?>Brazil<\$%&?> forage<\$%&?>species;<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>same Marandu.<\$%&?>In<\$%&?>this<\$%&?>country reas<\$%&?>are<\$%&?>planted<\$%&?>with <\$%&?>the<\$%&?>largest<\$%&?>export<\$%&?>of<\$%&?>meat <\$%&?>cattle<\$%&?>herd<\$%&?>in<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>world<\$%&?> authors,<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>Brachiaria<\$%&?>brizantha,<\$%&?> and<\$%&?>Panicum<\$%&?>maximum<\$%&?>are<\$%&?>the <\$%&?>2);<\$%&?>therefore,<\$%&?>of<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>few <\$%&?>large<\$%&?>amount<\$%&?>of<\$%&?>grazing<\$%&?>area, <\$%&?>Marandu<\$%&?>occupies<\$%&?>50<\$%&?>million <\$%&?>country.<\$%&?>Marandu<\$%&?>is<\$%&?>apomictic ofhas<\$%&?>made<\$%&?>this<\$%&?>species<\$%&?>the<\$%&?> country.<\$%&?>The<\$%&?>same<\$%&?>mistakes<\$%&?>were areas<\$%&?>being<\$%&?>planted<\$%&?>with<\$%&?>cv.<\$%&?> Brachiaria<\$%&?>decumbens,<\$%&?>which<\$%&?>is<\$%&?>susceptible<\$%&?> <\$%&?>leafhopper<\$%&?>attack<\$%&?>that<\$%&?>reduced<\$%&?> <\$%&?>came<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>need<\$%&?>to<\$%&?>replace same<\$%&?>may<\$%&?>happen<\$%&?>again<\$%&?>with country<\$%&?>only<\$%&?>0.8%<\$%&?>of<\$%&?>the<\$%&?> with<\$%&?>native<\$%&?>species<\$%&?>that<\$%&?>are<\$%&?> meat<\$%&?>and<\$%&? <\$%&?>[24].<\$%&?> <\$%&?>B.<\$%&?>decum the<\$%&?>primarily<\$ few<\$%&?>cultivars area,<\$%&?>only<\$% million<\$%&?>hectares<\$ apomictic<\$%&?>and<\$%& <\$%&?>most<\$%&?>p were<\$%&?>made<\$%& <\$%&?>Marandu<\$% <\$%&?>to<\$%&?>thi <\$%&?>pasture<\$%& replace<\$%&?>this<\$%&?> with<\$%&?>the<\$%&?> <\$%&?>grassland<\$%&?>a <\$%&?>resistant<\$%&?>

<\$%&?>attacks<\$%&?>(Figure<\$%&?>2).

#### Figure 2. Genus<\$%&?>of<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>forage >in<\$%&?>Brazil<\$%&?>in<\$%&?>2012 forage<\$%&?>crops<\$%&?>that<\$%&?>were<\$%&?>grown<\$%&?>on Adapted from www.rallydapecuária.com.br

Adapted<\$%&?>from<\$%&?>www.rallydapecuária.com.br In<\$%&?>Brazil,<\$%&?>there<\$%&?>are<\$%&?> www.rallydapecuária.com.br<\$%&?>five<\$%&?>species<\$%&?>of<\$%&?>Brachiaria<\$%&?> **Figure 2.** Genus of the forage crops that were grown on farms in Brazil in 2012

> &?>improve<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>production<\$%&?> \$%&?>plants<\$%&?>so<\$%&?>as<\$%&?>not tion<\$%&?>to<\$%&?>soil<\$%&?>fertility.<\$%&?> %&?>tropical<\$%&?>and<\$%&?>subtropical

> to<\$%&?>these<\$%&?>natural<\$%&?>pest<\$%&?>

t<\$%&?>are<\$%&?>native<\$%&?>and,<\$%&?> %&?>possess<\$%&?>forage<\$%&?>potential undermine<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>achievement<\$%&?> &?>native<\$%&?>species,<\$%&?>as<\$%&?> \$%&?>evaluate<\$%&?>all<\$%&?>of<\$%&?> &?>potential<\$%&?>forage<\$%&?>and<\$%&?> <\$%&?>according<\$%&?>to<\$%&?>these<\$%&?>authors,<\$%&?> potential<\$%&?>[26].<\$%&?>Conclusions<\$%&?>such<\$%&?>as<\$%&?> <\$%&?>new<\$%&?>research<\$%&?>and<\$%&?>the<\$%&?> <\$%&?>studies<\$%&?>presenting<\$%&?>such<\$%&?>species<\$% <\$%&?>the<\$%&?>criteria<\$%&?>to<\$%&?>determine<\$%&?>the <\$%&?>thus<\$%&?>cannot<\$%&?>conclude<\$%&?>that<\$%&?> <\$%&?>do<\$%&?>not<\$ <\$%&?>this<\$%&?> <\$%&?>use<\$%&?>of<\$% <\$%&?>do<\$%&?>not< the<\$%&?>actual<\$% <\$%&?>these<\$%&?>spec In Brazil, there are five species of *Brachiaria* genus that are native and, according to these authors, do not possess forage potential [26]. Conclusions such as this undermine the ach‐ ievement new research and the use of native species, as studies presenting such species do not evaluate all of the criteria to determine the actual potential forage and thus cannot conclude that these species do not have forage potential.

ies<\$%&?>do<\$%&?>not<\$%&?>have<\$%&?> Studies<\$%&?>with<\$%&?>native<\$%&?>forage <\$%&?>forage<\$%&?>potential. forage<\$%&?>species<\$%&?>must<\$%&?>be<\$%&?>conducted conducted<\$%&?>to<\$% Studies with native forage species must be conducted to improve the production and nutri‐ tional characteristics of these plants so as not to harm their hardiness in relation to soil fertility.

> <\$%&?>and<\$%&?>nutritional<\$%&?>characteristics<\$%&?> not<\$%&?>to<\$%&?>harm<\$%&?>their<\$%&?>hardiness<\$%&?> <\$%&?>This<\$%&?>fact<\$%&?>is<\$%&?>identified<\$%&?> subtropical<\$%&?>regions<\$%&?>of<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>world,<\$%&?>

on<\$%&?>farms<\$%&?

<\$%&?>genus<\$%&?>tha

<\$%&?>of<\$%&?>these< <\$%&?>in<\$%&?>rela <\$%&?>mainly<\$%&?>in<\$ <\$%&?>in<\$%&?>which

This fact is identified mainly in tropical and subtropical regions of the world, in which several authors have reported the need for studies with native species in each region. In this context, Hacker et al. [27] report that Australia is required to conduct studies that are related to the improvement of tropical and subtropical grasslands, mainly related to forage species.

A lack of diversity can lead to future problems with pests and diseases, as these species are not natural in that particular region. Due to the large amount of area that is currently planted with these species in Brazil, future losses may occur in the livestock sector due to the lack of diversity of forage species. Brazil has 190 million hectares of grasslands that sustain 209 million cattle, the largest export of meat and the largest commercial cattle herd in the world [24]. According to these authors, the *Brachiaria brizantha*, *B. decumbens*, *B. humidicola* and *Panicum maximum* are the primarily used pastures (Figure 2); therefore, of the few cultivars that occupy a large amount of grazing area, only *Brachiaria brizantha* cv. Marandu occupies 50 million hectares of area in this country. Marandu is apomictic and resistant to leafhoppers-of-pastures [25], which has made this species the most produced in this country. The same mistakes were made as before, with areas being planted with cv. Marandu and with *Brachiaria decumbens,* which is susceptible to this pest. With the leafhopper attack that reduced pasture productivity in Brazil came the need to replace this forage species; the same may happen again with the Marandu. In this country only 0.8% of the grassland areas are planted with native species that

of-

<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>largest<\$%&?>export<\$%&?>of<\$%&?>meat <\$%&?>cattle<\$%&?>herd<\$%&?>in<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>world<\$%&?> authors,<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>Brachiaria<\$%&?>brizantha,<\$%&?> and<\$%&?>Panicum<\$%&?>maximum<\$%&?>are<\$%&?>the <\$%&?>2);<\$%&?>therefore,<\$%&?>of<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>few <\$%&?>large<\$%&?>amount<\$%&?>of<\$%&?>grazing<\$%&?>area, <\$%&?>Marandu<\$%&?>occupies<\$%&?>50<\$%&?>million <\$%&?>country.<\$%&?>Marandu<\$%&?>is<\$%&?>apomictic

meat<\$%&?>and<\$%&? <\$%&?>[24].<\$%&?> <\$%&?>B.<\$%&?>decum the<\$%&?>primarily<\$ few<\$%&?>cultivars area,<\$%&?>only<\$% million<\$%&?>hectares<\$ apomictic<\$%&?>and<\$%&

<\$%&?>most<\$%&?>p were<\$%&?>made<\$%& <\$%&?>Marandu<\$% <\$%&?>to<\$%&?>thi <\$%&?>pasture<\$%& replace<\$%&?>this<\$%&?> with<\$%&?>the<\$%&?> <\$%&?>grassland<\$%&?>a <\$%&?>resistant<\$%&?>

on<\$%&?>farms<\$%&?

<\$%&?>genus<\$%&?>tha <\$%&?>do<\$%&?>not<\$ <\$%&?>this<\$%&?> <\$%&?>use<\$%&?>of<\$% <\$%&?>do<\$%&?>not< the<\$%&?>actual<\$% <\$%&?>these<\$%&?>spec

conducted<\$%&?>to<\$% <\$%&?>of<\$%&?>these< <\$%&?>in<\$%&?>rela <\$%&?>mainly<\$%&?>in<\$ <\$%&?>in<\$%&?>which

has<\$%&?>made<\$%&?>this<\$%&?>species<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>

Native Species 0.8%

country.<\$%&?>The<\$%&?>same<\$%&?>mistakes<\$%&?>were areas<\$%&?>being<\$%&?>planted<\$%&?>with<\$%&?>cv.<\$%&?> Brachiaria<\$%&?>decumbens,<\$%&?>which<\$%&?>is<\$%&?>susceptible<\$%&?> <\$%&?>leafhopper<\$%&?>attack<\$%&?>that<\$%&?>reduced<\$%&?> <\$%&?>came<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>need<\$%&?>to<\$%&?>replace same<\$%&?>may<\$%&?>happen<\$%&?>again<\$%&?>with country<\$%&?>only<\$%&?>0.8%<\$%&?>of<\$%&?>the<\$%&?> with<\$%&?>native<\$%&?>species<\$%&?>that<\$%&?>are<\$%&?>

forage<\$%&?>crops<\$%&?>that<\$%&?>were<\$%&?>grown<\$%&?>on

<\$%&?>according<\$%&?>to<\$%&?>these<\$%&?>authors,<\$%&?> potential<\$%&?>[26].<\$%&?>Conclusions<\$%&?>such<\$%&?>as<\$%&?> <\$%&?>new<\$%&?>research<\$%&?>and<\$%&?>the<\$%&?> <\$%&?>studies<\$%&?>presenting<\$%&?>such<\$%&?>species<\$% <\$%&?>the<\$%&?>criteria<\$%&?>to<\$%&?>determine<\$%&?>the <\$%&?>thus<\$%&?>cannot<\$%&?>conclude<\$%&?>that<\$%&?>

forage<\$%&?>species<\$%&?>must<\$%&?>be<\$%&?>conducted <\$%&?>and<\$%&?>nutritional<\$%&?>characteristics<\$%&?> not<\$%&?>to<\$%&?>harm<\$%&?>their<\$%&?>hardiness<\$%&?> <\$%&?>This<\$%&?>fact<\$%&?>is<\$%&?>identified<\$%&?> subtropical<\$%&?>regions<\$%&?>of<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>world,<\$%&?>

www.rallydapecuária.com.br<\$%&?>five<\$%&?>species<\$%&?>of<\$%&?>Brachiaria<\$%&?>

<\$%&?>forage<\$%&?>potential.

In Brazil, there are five species of *Brachiaria* genus that are native and, according to these authors, do not possess forage potential [26]. Conclusions such as this undermine the ach‐ ievement new research and the use of native species, as studies presenting such species do not evaluate all of the criteria to determine the actual potential forage and thus cannot conclude

Studies with native forage species must be conducted to improve the production and nutri‐ tional characteristics of these plants so as not to harm their hardiness in relation to soil fertility.

Brachiaria 77.38%

<\$%&?>attacks<\$%&?>(Figure<\$%&?>2).

are resistant to these natural pest attacks (Figure 2).

Panincum 10.21%

Andropogon 5.81%

s<\$%&?>pest.<\$%&?>With<\$%&?>the<\$%&?> ?>productivity<\$%&?>in<\$%&?>Brazil<\$%&?> forage<\$%&?>species;<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>same Marandu.<\$%&?>In<\$%&?>this<\$%&?>country reas<\$%&?>are<\$%&?>planted<\$%&?>with to<\$%&?>these<\$%&?>natural<\$%&?>pest<\$%&?>

Figure 2. Genus<\$%&?>of<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>forage >in<\$%&?>Brazil<\$%&?>in<\$%&?>2012

Adapted from www.rallydapecuária.com.br

that these species do not have forage potential.

In<\$%&?>Brazil,<\$%&?>there<\$%&?>are<\$%&?> t<\$%&?>are<\$%&?>native<\$%&?>and,<\$%&?> %&?>possess<\$%&?>forage<\$%&?>potential undermine<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>achievement<\$%&?> &?>native<\$%&?>species,<\$%&?>as<\$%&?> \$%&?>evaluate<\$%&?>all<\$%&?>of<\$%&?> &?>potential<\$%&?>forage<\$%&?>and<\$%&?> ies<\$%&?>do<\$%&?>not<\$%&?>have<\$%&?>

**Figure 2.** Genus of the forage crops that were grown on farms in Brazil in 2012

Studies<\$%&?>with<\$%&?>native<\$%&?>forage &?>improve<\$%&?>the<\$%&?>production<\$%&?> \$%&?>plants<\$%&?>so<\$%&?>as<\$%&?>not tion<\$%&?>to<\$%&?>soil<\$%&?>fertility.<\$%&?> %&?>tropical<\$%&?>and<\$%&?>subtropical

Adapted<\$%&?>from<\$%&?>www.rallydapecuária.com.br

&?>and<\$%&?>with<\$%&?>Brachiaria<\$%&?>decumbens,

Other Genus 5.81%

%&?>209<\$%&?>million<\$%&?>cattle,<\$%&?> >the<\$%&?>largest<\$%&?>commercial<\$%&?> According<\$%&?>to<\$%&?>these<\$%&?>authors bens,<\$%&?>B.<\$%&?>humidicola<\$%&?>and %&?>used<\$%&?>pastures<\$%&?>(Figure<\$%&?> <\$%&?>that<\$%&?>occupy<\$%&?>a<\$%&?> &?>Brachiaria<\$%&?>brizantha<\$%&?>cv.<\$%&?> %&?>of<\$%&?>area<\$%&?>in<\$%&?>this<\$%&?> ?>resistant<\$%&?>to<\$%&?>leafhoppers-of pastures<\$%&?>[25],<\$%&?>which<\$%&?>has roduced<\$%&?>in<\$%&?>this<\$%&?>country ?>as<\$%&?>before,<\$%&?>with<\$%&?>areas

6326 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

There are efforts by multinational companies and researchers to assess fodder plant species in different regions of the world. Care must be taken in this type of approach, as it creates a need the evaluation of a region, which is more profitable for multinational companies that hold the production of these seeds in its area of operation and sale of seeds. In their study, Hare [28] report that the same efforts for distributing forage seeds are being addressed in more than 20 countries in tropical regions of Asia, Africa, the Pacific and Central and South America with the species *Brachiaria ruziziensis*, *B. Decumbens*, *B. Brizan‐ tha*, *Panicum maximum*, *Stylosanthes guianensis* and *Paspalum atratum*. The lack of diversity of cultivated forage species in extensive grazing area represents a risk to livestock produc‐ tion in any country that adopts this practice [24].

There is not a single grass species or group of fodder species that is cultivated in any region as a standard species in grazing production systems. Although these species are tolerant of different climate regions, the soil is the determining factor in modifying their fertility to adapt, which is costly. Temperate countries do not seek alternatives elsewhere, but rather study the development of technology with their own native species. In Canada, since 2001, efforts for the reestablishment of native forage species have successfully developed sustainably systems that use native pasture [29]. This example should be followed by countries in tropical and subtropical climates.

In Australia, efforts are being made to encourage the planting of the native species *Themeda australis*, which is considered valuable forage that country, as it is food source for wild and domestic animals, conserves soil and water, decreases the use of exotic species and contributes to the rehabilitation of degraded and polluted [habitats 30]. Studies are underway in Africa and India to spread *Themeda triandra* species, which has physiological and morphological characteristics that are similar to those of Australia.

## **4. Importance of soil in the pasture production system**

The soils in tropical regions are easily eroded and degraded by inappropriate land use, especially when trying to deploy a production system with fodder plants that are not suitable for the region without correcting the soil acidity and without adequate levels of fertiliser use, resulting in the depletion of pasture over time and thereby causing degradation in these areas. The loss of pasture productivity is mainly due to inadequate livestock management and the lack of nutrient replenishment [31]. Pastures in tropical regions are characterised by extensive grazing systems with the application of low levels of nitrogen fertilisers mainly due to unfavourable economic returns and the limited availability of fertilisers [32]. For planting forage species, farmers usually choose soils with severe limitations with regard to features such as natural chemical fertility, acidity and topography [33], because the best soils in terms of fertility and topography are intended for agricultural crops.

The costs of the cultivation of natural species of the region are always lower, although these plants often fail to achieve the production of commercialised exotic species that have high genetic potential. Planted under the same soil and fertility conditions, native and exotic forage plants have differential potentials. Fertile soils with high levels of chemical fertiliser for exotic forage with high genetic potential present greater production compared to that for native forage but with high costs to acquire seeds to achieve the high genetic potential of these plants. Comparisons between native and exotic species are often performed incorrectly; for example, genetically crafted plant species will produce more forage mass per plant than is produced by native plants, and many studies do not assess the cost of production, neglecting the costs of fertiliser. Despite the African continent having a similar climate as that of Brazil, the soil characteristics are different. The nutritional requirements in terms of exotic forage crops that are currently grown are high, excessively increasing the cost of production. Many farmers do not use the recommended fertiliser for forage plants, damaging the permanence of these species in the pasture. The cost fertilising is high because the grassland species that are selected for implantation are discerning. Studies that are performed with these species use high fertilisation, and the species that are evaluated have excellent results in this type of evaluation; however, economic feasibility studies are not performed considering that grazing areas are generally of large tracts.

The degree of adaptation to soil fertility of *Brachiaria brizantha* cv. Marandu leads to the recommendation of a medium nitrogen level of 200-250 kg ha-1 (10,000.00 m²) per year for the Brazilian Cerrado soils [34]. An extensive grazing system with a carrying capacity from 0.5 to 0.8 AU (animal unit=450 kg animal live weight) ha-1 according to these authors for the same species would require only 50 kg of nitrogen per hectare (ha) and may reach 350 to 400 kg N ha-1 per year for irrigated grazing systems with a carrying capacity of 6-7 AU ha-1.

The cost of fertiliser must be evaluated because every region of the world will have different recommendations for the correction of soil acidity using nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium and micronutrients. It can be seen in Table 3 that the cost of nitrogen fertiliser is different in Brazil and Thailand using the same species of forage crop. In 1980, Seifert reported that in Brazil, the species that were at their peak at the time were *Brachiaria decumbens* and *Brachiaria humidicu‐ la* and that these species reached high production on fertile soils. Costa et al. [34] reported that these species are considered to have low soil fertility requirements, with a recommendation of 100 kg ha-1 of nitrogen for both of these species. The recommendation of fertilisers has increased over time for the same species; this fact is related mainly to the impoverishment of the soil due to consecutive cultivation using species with high fertility requirements and to the non-replenishment of soil fertility.

In Brazil, due to the use of forages that are exacting with regard to soil fertility and to the inadequate handling of these plants, the degraded areas are increasing, and every year, approximately 8 million hectares are renewed or recovered in this country [24]. Low nitrogen availability in the soil is among the major limitations to the production of forage in tropical and subtropical areas and is one the greatest causes of pasture degradation [32]. Nitrogen is


the nutrient that limits productivity, being rapidly depleted by the cultivation mainly of forage species with a C4 metabolic cycle that are characterised by rapid growth and high yields.

such as natural chemical fertility, acidity and topography [33], because the best soils in terms

The costs of the cultivation of natural species of the region are always lower, although these plants often fail to achieve the production of commercialised exotic species that have high genetic potential. Planted under the same soil and fertility conditions, native and exotic forage plants have differential potentials. Fertile soils with high levels of chemical fertiliser for exotic forage with high genetic potential present greater production compared to that for native forage but with high costs to acquire seeds to achieve the high genetic potential of these plants. Comparisons between native and exotic species are often performed incorrectly; for example, genetically crafted plant species will produce more forage mass per plant than is produced by native plants, and many studies do not assess the cost of production, neglecting the costs of fertiliser. Despite the African continent having a similar climate as that of Brazil, the soil characteristics are different. The nutritional requirements in terms of exotic forage crops that are currently grown are high, excessively increasing the cost of production. Many farmers do not use the recommended fertiliser for forage plants, damaging the permanence of these species in the pasture. The cost fertilising is high because the grassland species that are selected for implantation are discerning. Studies that are performed with these species use high fertilisation, and the species that are evaluated have excellent results in this type of evaluation; however, economic feasibility studies are not performed considering that grazing areas are

The degree of adaptation to soil fertility of *Brachiaria brizantha* cv. Marandu leads to the recommendation of a medium nitrogen level of 200-250 kg ha-1 (10,000.00 m²) per year for the Brazilian Cerrado soils [34]. An extensive grazing system with a carrying capacity from 0.5 to 0.8 AU (animal unit=450 kg animal live weight) ha-1 according to these authors for the same species would require only 50 kg of nitrogen per hectare (ha) and may reach 350 to 400 kg N

The cost of fertiliser must be evaluated because every region of the world will have different recommendations for the correction of soil acidity using nitrogen, phosphorus, potassium and micronutrients. It can be seen in Table 3 that the cost of nitrogen fertiliser is different in Brazil and Thailand using the same species of forage crop. In 1980, Seifert reported that in Brazil, the species that were at their peak at the time were *Brachiaria decumbens* and *Brachiaria humidicu‐ la* and that these species reached high production on fertile soils. Costa et al. [34] reported that these species are considered to have low soil fertility requirements, with a recommendation of 100 kg ha-1 of nitrogen for both of these species. The recommendation of fertilisers has increased over time for the same species; this fact is related mainly to the impoverishment of the soil due to consecutive cultivation using species with high fertility requirements and to the

In Brazil, due to the use of forages that are exacting with regard to soil fertility and to the inadequate handling of these plants, the degraded areas are increasing, and every year, approximately 8 million hectares are renewed or recovered in this country [24]. Low nitrogen availability in the soil is among the major limitations to the production of forage in tropical and subtropical areas and is one the greatest causes of pasture degradation [32]. Nitrogen is

ha-1 per year for irrigated grazing systems with a carrying capacity of 6-7 AU ha-1.

of fertility and topography are intended for agricultural crops.

6348 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

generally of large tracts.

non-replenishment of soil fertility.

**Table 3.** Recommendation and cost of fertilisation with nitrogen for *Panicum maximum* in Brazil and Thailand

Soil is an element that must be considered with great caution, because its management is expensive when seeking to make changes in fertility traits. The deployment of species elsewhere may represent higher production costs, as soil suitable must become suitable for the development of exotic species. The production of natural species for grazing is inexpensive because these species are already adapted to the soil and climate of the region, making it unnecessary to correct the soil acidity frequently to raise the base saturation of the soil to high levels, which is a common practice when planting exotic species and represents high costs to the livestock production system. This fact does not indicate that native species do not respond to the use of fertilisers.

In Brazil, many find that exotic forage plants have better forage potential than native or natural species. It is noteworthy that the forage potential encompasses several aspects and not only productivity and chemical composition. In reality, plants with forage potential should submit economic returns to farmers without compromising the integrity of the soil or the environment. How much more productive the most demanding fertility forage plant will be generally occurs with exotic forage species, in addition to the fact that these species are not adapted to the local soil, making it necessary to correct the soil pH to achieve the full potential of these species. Pastures with exotic species that are fertilised with nitrogen have a higher stocking rate than do native pasture species without nitrogen fertiliser [35]. This type of comparison is incipient because the native pasture was not fertilised and cannot be compared to a species under the influence of fertilisation. The native forage species tolerate low soil fertility and have a high response to fertilisation [36].

Intensive soil tillage may represent high costs for a production system that still has expenses for animal production. Rating adaptations to acidity and soil fertility were performed with the plant species that have been classified according to the degree of need for adaptation and fertiliser. This criterion is valid for identifying classes of soils in relation to base saturation and levels of phosphorus and potassium in the soil for many forage species [37]. Exotic species with high genetic potential are generally classified as the most demanding.

### **5. Nutritional differences**

The interrelationship among the elements existing in an ecosystem for a forage species in a given region is more complex than for human consumption species because the animals of each region depend on this interrelationship to survive and influence the natural selection of species through grazing. The nutritional value of exotic species that are grown is undoubtedly superior to native species because these species have been enhanced to provide greater production and nutritional value for animals, while the native have been neglected by research. The nutritional value of exotic forage species does not justify the replacement of native species, although this value is used by many researchers and technicians to justify the introduction of exotic species in systems of grazing production [38]. More than one variable should be considered in the choice of forage; even if that species has a superior nutritive value than that of the native species, the nutritional parameter of an individual plant cannot define which exotic species is a better choice than the native species.

The existence of anti-nutritional factors in native pastures has been questioned by many researchers who report that these factors may be obstacles to animal nutrition at pasture [39], but research should be performed to improve these species to decrease the levels of these compounds, as is done with the exotic species with a high genetic potential. In a study evaluating the quality of native forages in Canada, native species during the dry season of the year were enough to maintain livestock [40]. Native species provide a differential characteristic in the products that are generated by grazing. Native species in a region provides character‐ istics and peculiar flavours to the products that are generated by the animals, valuing the product in the marketing. An appreciation of animal products exists in which animals graze native forages and are internationally known and marketed for a higher price. Thus, the low productivity of cattle is the main problem when trying to produce animals on pasture with native species, but this can be overcome by asking the highest price when marketing the generated products.

### **6. Conclusion**

The cost of production is the decisive factor in choosing a forage species, especially in relation to the requirement of the plant in relation to soil fertility. The choice of forage species must be made with caution, especially when using exotic species with a high genetic potential. Native forage species are viable options for use in a production system with grazing animals. These species are already adapted to the characteristics of the soil and do not require changes to soil fertility, unlike exotic species. It is necessary to conduct further studies with native forage species in each region, especially in regions with a tropical climate. The use of native species in grasslands maintains an ecologically balanced environment because it preserves local biodiversity.

## **Author details**

fertiliser. This criterion is valid for identifying classes of soils in relation to base saturation and levels of phosphorus and potassium in the soil for many forage species [37]. Exotic species

The interrelationship among the elements existing in an ecosystem for a forage species in a given region is more complex than for human consumption species because the animals of each region depend on this interrelationship to survive and influence the natural selection of species through grazing. The nutritional value of exotic species that are grown is undoubtedly superior to native species because these species have been enhanced to provide greater production and nutritional value for animals, while the native have been neglected by research. The nutritional value of exotic forage species does not justify the replacement of native species, although this value is used by many researchers and technicians to justify the introduction of exotic species in systems of grazing production [38]. More than one variable should be considered in the choice of forage; even if that species has a superior nutritive value than that of the native species, the nutritional parameter of an individual plant cannot define which

The existence of anti-nutritional factors in native pastures has been questioned by many researchers who report that these factors may be obstacles to animal nutrition at pasture [39], but research should be performed to improve these species to decrease the levels of these compounds, as is done with the exotic species with a high genetic potential. In a study evaluating the quality of native forages in Canada, native species during the dry season of the year were enough to maintain livestock [40]. Native species provide a differential characteristic in the products that are generated by grazing. Native species in a region provides character‐ istics and peculiar flavours to the products that are generated by the animals, valuing the product in the marketing. An appreciation of animal products exists in which animals graze native forages and are internationally known and marketed for a higher price. Thus, the low productivity of cattle is the main problem when trying to produce animals on pasture with native species, but this can be overcome by asking the highest price when marketing the

The cost of production is the decisive factor in choosing a forage species, especially in relation to the requirement of the plant in relation to soil fertility. The choice of forage species must be made with caution, especially when using exotic species with a high genetic potential. Native forage species are viable options for use in a production system with grazing animals. These species are already adapted to the characteristics of the soil and do not require changes to soil fertility, unlike exotic species. It is necessary to conduct further studies with native forage

with high genetic potential are generally classified as the most demanding.

**5. Nutritional differences**

636 10 Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

generated products.

**6. Conclusion**

exotic species is a better choice than the native species.

Ricardo Loiola Edvan\* , Leilson Rocha Bezerra and Carlo Aldrovandi Torreão Marques

\*Address all correspondence to: edvan@ufpi.edu.br

Department of Zootecnia, University Federal of Piauí, Bom Jesus, Piauí, Brasil

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Disponível em: <http://www.prairiesoilsandcrops.ca/articles/volume-5-9-screen.pdf>. Acesso em: 25 de abril de 2014.


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## *Edited by Yueh-Hsin Lo, Juan A. Blanco and Shovonlal Roy*

The term biodiversity has become a mainstream concept that can be found in any newspaper at any given time. Concerns on biodiversity protection are usually linked to species protection and extinction risks for iconic species, such as whales, pandas and so on. However, conserving biodiversity has much deeper implications than preserving a few (although important) species. Biodiversity in ecosystems is tightly linked to ecosystem functions such as biomass production, organic matter decomposition, ecosystem resilience, and others. Many of these ecological processes are also directly implied in services that the humankind obtains from ecosystems. The first part of this book will introduce different concepts and theories important to understand the links between ecosystem function and ecosystem biodiversity. The second part of the book provides a wide range of different studies showcasing the evidence and practical implications of such relationships.

Photo by cturtletrax / iStock

Biodiversity in Ecosystems - Linking Structure and Function

Biodiversity in Ecosystems

Linking Structure and Function

*Edited by Yueh-Hsin Lo,* 

*Juan A. Blanco and Shovonlal Roy*