**Impacts of Cyclone Nargis on Social Capital and Happiness in Slightly and Heavily Affected Areas of Myanmar**

Peter H. Calkins and Ngu Wah Win

Additional information is available at the end of the chapter

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/54140

#### **1. Introduction**

Over the past twelve years, natural disasters such as floods, tornadoes, cyclones, volcanic eruptions, earthquakes, *tsunamis* and landslides have intensified, violently terminating thou‐ sands of lives and leading to vast financial and environmental losses. The magnitude of those losses depends upon the vulnerability of the affected population, which is in turn in‐ fluenced by the country's poverty level, social safety nets, inter-group inequalities, educa‐ tional system, infrastructure, other institutions or policies, and prevention technologies. Still, many types of disasters brush mockingly aside even the most ingenious technologies per‐ fected by humans.

Multiple causes explain the increased frequency and destructiveness of such events. Human abuse of the earth's resources, unrestrained pollution, and the release of greenhouse gases may not actually cause natural disasters, but they have clearly made them worse and more frequent [1]. Destruction could be eased through short-term early warning systems and long-term poverty reduction programs. Human cultures, beliefs, social interactions and hap‐ piness are deeply affected by disasters and constitute a set of human resources that can be used to rebuild society afterwards. Only if the physical and emotional impacts, as well as the successful and unsuccessful prevention and mitigation strategies, of such disasters are better understood may societies hope to reduce suffering from future disasters.

#### **1.2. Case study of cyclone Nargis**

One of the least analyzed natural disasters of the past 20 years is the cyclone -- decep‐ tively named *daffodil* (Nargis) – that assailed the *Subjective Well-Being (SWB)* of small

scale farm families in the Irrawaddy Delta, Myanmar. On May 2, 2008, this cyclone rip‐ ped away the ability of those farmers to feed even themselves, much less others. They lost their families, means of livelihood, and property. Flooding, rains and storms surges washed out almost everything and left behind only barren land. The government stop‐ ped reporting the official death toll when it reached 138,000 people, but this is surely an underestimate; especially since the figure did not include the 55,000 people still missing at that time. Thus, Nargis victims in Myanmar easily surpassed the entire human loss (170,000 fatalities) suffered from the much better-known nine-country (Indonesia, Sri Lan‐ ka, India, Thailand, the Maldives, Somalia, Myanmar, Malaysia, Seychelles) tsunami of 2004 [2].

**3.** Identify the physical, mental, emotional, social, and spiritual causes of subjective ill-be‐

Impacts of Cyclone Nargis on Social Capital and Happiness in Slightly and Heavily Affected Areas of Myanmar

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/54140

73

**4.** Advance recommendations to local and national governments, NGOs, disaster re‐ searchers, and the affected communities concerning how to reduce absolute unhappi‐ ness; and anticipate, protect against, and reduce the psychological and social impacts of

**Figure 1.** Path of cyclone Nargis and the loctions of the heavily and slightly affected areas. Source: MIMU \_ Myanmar

The socio-economic research on natural disasters and their human consequences is fairly limited. Studies carried out among direct victims of disasters have demonstrated the per‐ sistence of at least one third of cases of trauma for more than two years after disaster ex‐ posure [7]. According to Galea et al. [8], most post disaster trauma will likely be resolved. Long term trauma on disasters continues to remain largely unexplored. Gener‐ ally, post disaster stress subsides within one or two years in comparison to the immedi‐

To alleviate such trauma, Das [9] finds that the creation of a public space for sufferers may achieve to share voices for recounting their experience and a social acknowledgement of the

ing in areas differentially affected by Nargis.

natural disasters.

Information Management Unit

**2. Literature review**

ate post-disaster situation.

A significant portion of the Nargis deaths could probably have been avoided. No system or programs of disaster relief or prevention were in place in Myanmar at the time of the disas‐ ter. Indeed, Nargis is the epitome of what can and does go wrong when humans disregard the delicate balance between nature and human consumption patterns, fail to anticipate or prepare for the consequences, and refuse aid in the hours and days following the disaster. It is true that throughout Myanmar, the involvement of government, non-governmental and economic development organizations in disaster recovery brought a certain level of needed support to the victims. Some organizations dedicated entire programs to disaster-related is‐ sues, whereas others administered recovery funding to only a limited extent. Unfortunately, however, each aiding country or organization brought its separate capacity and solutions, leading to coordination gaps and overlaps. Some international relief organizations even im‐ posed conditions, such as religious conversion, which put victims into a no-win situation. Worse still, the government turned away or lethally delayed much of the shipments of food and medicine sent to the country [3].

#### **1.3. Goal and specific objectives of the case study**

The present study attempts to measure the subjective, intangible impacts of the Nargis cy‐ clone on the happiness and well-being of the inhabitants of the Delta. The overall goal is thus to infer, using two study areas differentially affected by Nargis, its impacts on the level and distribution of *SWB* and social capital, and to make policy recommendations for the al‐ leviation of some of the psychic effects. We used the word *infer* rather than *measure* because there had been no baseline study of subjective (or even monetary) well-being of the heavily affected area, Bogolay, before Nargis struck. A slightly affected area, Pyapon, was selected as a proxy benchmark for the *before* situation in Bogolay, against which the *after* situation, 27 months following Nargis, might be compared. To achieve this overall goal, this chapter is designed to meet four specific objectives:


**Figure 1.** Path of cyclone Nargis and the loctions of the heavily and slightly affected areas. Source: MIMU \_ Myanmar Information Management Unit

#### **2. Literature review**

scale farm families in the Irrawaddy Delta, Myanmar. On May 2, 2008, this cyclone rip‐ ped away the ability of those farmers to feed even themselves, much less others. They lost their families, means of livelihood, and property. Flooding, rains and storms surges washed out almost everything and left behind only barren land. The government stop‐ ped reporting the official death toll when it reached 138,000 people, but this is surely an underestimate; especially since the figure did not include the 55,000 people still missing at that time. Thus, Nargis victims in Myanmar easily surpassed the entire human loss (170,000 fatalities) suffered from the much better-known nine-country (Indonesia, Sri Lan‐ ka, India, Thailand, the Maldives, Somalia, Myanmar, Malaysia, Seychelles) tsunami of

72 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

A significant portion of the Nargis deaths could probably have been avoided. No system or programs of disaster relief or prevention were in place in Myanmar at the time of the disas‐ ter. Indeed, Nargis is the epitome of what can and does go wrong when humans disregard the delicate balance between nature and human consumption patterns, fail to anticipate or prepare for the consequences, and refuse aid in the hours and days following the disaster. It is true that throughout Myanmar, the involvement of government, non-governmental and economic development organizations in disaster recovery brought a certain level of needed support to the victims. Some organizations dedicated entire programs to disaster-related is‐ sues, whereas others administered recovery funding to only a limited extent. Unfortunately, however, each aiding country or organization brought its separate capacity and solutions, leading to coordination gaps and overlaps. Some international relief organizations even im‐ posed conditions, such as religious conversion, which put victims into a no-win situation. Worse still, the government turned away or lethally delayed much of the shipments of food

The present study attempts to measure the subjective, intangible impacts of the Nargis cy‐ clone on the happiness and well-being of the inhabitants of the Delta. The overall goal is thus to infer, using two study areas differentially affected by Nargis, its impacts on the level and distribution of *SWB* and social capital, and to make policy recommendations for the al‐ leviation of some of the psychic effects. We used the word *infer* rather than *measure* because there had been no baseline study of subjective (or even monetary) well-being of the heavily affected area, Bogolay, before Nargis struck. A slightly affected area, Pyapon, was selected as a proxy benchmark for the *before* situation in Bogolay, against which the *after* situation, 27 months following Nargis, might be compared. To achieve this overall goal, this chapter is

**1.** Assess and compare relative poverty vs. relative happiness using the Gini, Thiel, and Lorenz curves [4], [5] for small farm households in heavily- vs. slightly-affected areas.

**2.** Assess and compare absolute poverty vs. absolute happiness using the Foster-Greer-Thorbecke indices [6] for small farm households in heavily- vs. slightly affected areas.

2004 [2].

and medicine sent to the country [3].

designed to meet four specific objectives:

**1.3. Goal and specific objectives of the case study**

The socio-economic research on natural disasters and their human consequences is fairly limited. Studies carried out among direct victims of disasters have demonstrated the per‐ sistence of at least one third of cases of trauma for more than two years after disaster ex‐ posure [7]. According to Galea et al. [8], most post disaster trauma will likely be resolved. Long term trauma on disasters continues to remain largely unexplored. Gener‐ ally, post disaster stress subsides within one or two years in comparison to the immedi‐ ate post-disaster situation.

To alleviate such trauma, Das [9] finds that the creation of a public space for sufferers may achieve to share voices for recounting their experience and a social acknowledgement of the events they have survived. Healing can be the end of suffering based on the way people use right understanding and life wisdom to interpret those events. The themes of wholeness and spirituality are harmonized with the origin of the term healing. Healing may be achieved through cognitive, emotional or behavioral reactions.

tween 0 and 1, the smaller the better. In this study, we shall innovate by calculating the Gini coefficient not just for the distribution of monetary income, but also for of the distribution of happiness. The Theil coefficient is closely related to the Gini coefficient but avoids some of

Impacts of Cyclone Nargis on Social Capital and Happiness in Slightly and Heavily Affected Areas of Myanmar

1 21 41 61 81 101 121 141

But since the Gini coefficient is based upon the entire distribution of income, it is still inade‐ quate to identify and help those households with absolute income below critical levels tar‐ geted by social and economic policies. The best-known absolute measures of poverty are the *Foster-Greer-Thorbecke (FGT)* measures of the *incidence*, *depth*, and *intensity* of poverty, to

( )

Where: H = number of poor households; N = number of total households; z = poverty line in

measure of the social aversion to inequality, such that, α=0 denotes the incidence of poverty; α=1 measures the depth of poverty; α=2 measures the intensity of poverty; α=3 measures the

Poverty is defined by monetary measures by the number of people living under the poverty line. The common international poverty line used today is \$1.25 at 2005 purchasing-power parity (PPP) [20]. Other subjective approaches to well-being assessment have been devel‐

*N*

µ

é ù - ë û <sup>=</sup> <sup>å</sup> (1)

1 *H i*

*i zy z FGT*

µ =

Perfect Equality Line

Lorenz Curve of Net Income in Slightly Affected Area Lorenz Curve of Net Income in Heavily Affected Area

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/54140

75

= actual per capita expenditure; α=

its mathematical shortcomings.

0

urgency of poverty.

**Figure 2.** Illustrations of the Lorenz curves and Gini coefficients

which we add the *urgency* of poverty (Eq. 1).

terms of the amount spent by the household per day; yi

0.2

0.4

0.6

Cummulative Percentage of Net Income

0.8

1

The individual stresses of a disaster have been found to be influenced by social networks. Disaster recovery is not only about building houses but the reconstruction of the whole com‐ munity as a safer place [10]. To mobilize each member of the community in this community development, social capital is a crucial need. Indeed, in the post disaster situation the main‐ tenance or increase of social capital seems crucial to enhanced disaster resilience. Social fac‐ tors play a big role in the prevention of Post-Disaster Psychological Distress because of the strong correlation between the presence of social support and the mental health outcome following traumatic events.

Adler and Kwon [11] believe that social capital research is guided by the intuition that the goodwill borne to us by others us is a valuable resource. They define social capital as the goodwill available to individuals or social groups. Its source lies in the structure and content of the actor's relations. Its effects flow from the information, influence, and solidarity made available to the actor. Dekker and Uslaner [12] label external or out-group social capital as bridging [13] or communal social capital [14], while that focused on internal relations may be termed *bonding* or *linking*. Noy [15] has determined that countries with higher social capi‐ tal, educational attainment, quality of institutions and governance, government spending and per capita income are better able to withstand the initial disaster shock and prevent fur‐ ther spillovers into the macro-economy. It is worth noting that Myanmar is lacking in most of these dimensions.

Social capital in turn is found to be positively correlated with subjective happiness since it provides support and opportunities for sharing at the individual level. Frey [16] explains that such trust and honesty improve social outcomes by increasing the levels of per capita income and SWB. If the people with whom one deals can be trusted rather than doubted, social capital is generally higher. Trustworthiness has both individual and societal dimen‐ sions; those who live in societies with high levels of trust are likely to have higher well-be‐ ing, irrespective of individual views about trust. There are thus real well-being benefits from living in an environment where people can be trusted. Social capital is thus related to the value of social networks, bonding with similar people, and bridging between diverse people within the norms of reciprocity [17]. By providing networks of relationships, facilitating job search [18], and engendering the support from others, social capital is strongly related to a person's level of subjective happiness. This extends to the impact of democratic institutions on well-being through their positive influences on political, economic and individual free‐ doms [19].

Happiness is also dependent upon the level and distribution of income and its correlate, poverty. For this study, the Gini and Theil coefficients [4], [5] will be used to measure rela‐ tive income inequality. The Gini coefficient is defined as the proportion of the area lying be‐ tween the Lorenz curves of actual income distribution (red and green lines in Figure 2) and the blue 45-degree straight line of perfect equality. The range of the Gini coefficient is be‐ tween 0 and 1, the smaller the better. In this study, we shall innovate by calculating the Gini coefficient not just for the distribution of monetary income, but also for of the distribution of happiness. The Theil coefficient is closely related to the Gini coefficient but avoids some of its mathematical shortcomings.

**Figure 2.** Illustrations of the Lorenz curves and Gini coefficients

events they have survived. Healing can be the end of suffering based on the way people use right understanding and life wisdom to interpret those events. The themes of wholeness and spirituality are harmonized with the origin of the term healing. Healing may be achieved

The individual stresses of a disaster have been found to be influenced by social networks. Disaster recovery is not only about building houses but the reconstruction of the whole com‐ munity as a safer place [10]. To mobilize each member of the community in this community development, social capital is a crucial need. Indeed, in the post disaster situation the main‐ tenance or increase of social capital seems crucial to enhanced disaster resilience. Social fac‐ tors play a big role in the prevention of Post-Disaster Psychological Distress because of the strong correlation between the presence of social support and the mental health outcome

Adler and Kwon [11] believe that social capital research is guided by the intuition that the goodwill borne to us by others us is a valuable resource. They define social capital as the goodwill available to individuals or social groups. Its source lies in the structure and content of the actor's relations. Its effects flow from the information, influence, and solidarity made available to the actor. Dekker and Uslaner [12] label external or out-group social capital as bridging [13] or communal social capital [14], while that focused on internal relations may be termed *bonding* or *linking*. Noy [15] has determined that countries with higher social capi‐ tal, educational attainment, quality of institutions and governance, government spending and per capita income are better able to withstand the initial disaster shock and prevent fur‐ ther spillovers into the macro-economy. It is worth noting that Myanmar is lacking in most

Social capital in turn is found to be positively correlated with subjective happiness since it provides support and opportunities for sharing at the individual level. Frey [16] explains that such trust and honesty improve social outcomes by increasing the levels of per capita income and SWB. If the people with whom one deals can be trusted rather than doubted, social capital is generally higher. Trustworthiness has both individual and societal dimen‐ sions; those who live in societies with high levels of trust are likely to have higher well-be‐ ing, irrespective of individual views about trust. There are thus real well-being benefits from living in an environment where people can be trusted. Social capital is thus related to the value of social networks, bonding with similar people, and bridging between diverse people within the norms of reciprocity [17]. By providing networks of relationships, facilitating job search [18], and engendering the support from others, social capital is strongly related to a person's level of subjective happiness. This extends to the impact of democratic institutions on well-being through their positive influences on political, economic and individual free‐

Happiness is also dependent upon the level and distribution of income and its correlate, poverty. For this study, the Gini and Theil coefficients [4], [5] will be used to measure rela‐ tive income inequality. The Gini coefficient is defined as the proportion of the area lying be‐ tween the Lorenz curves of actual income distribution (red and green lines in Figure 2) and the blue 45-degree straight line of perfect equality. The range of the Gini coefficient is be‐

through cognitive, emotional or behavioral reactions.

74 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

following traumatic events.

of these dimensions.

doms [19].

But since the Gini coefficient is based upon the entire distribution of income, it is still inade‐ quate to identify and help those households with absolute income below critical levels tar‐ geted by social and economic policies. The best-known absolute measures of poverty are the *Foster-Greer-Thorbecke (FGT)* measures of the *incidence*, *depth*, and *intensity* of poverty, to which we add the *urgency* of poverty (Eq. 1).

$$FGT\_{x\_i} = \sum\_{i=1}^{H} \frac{\left[\left(z - y\_i\right)/z\right]^x}{N} \tag{1}$$

Where: H = number of poor households; N = number of total households; z = poverty line in terms of the amount spent by the household per day; yi = actual per capita expenditure; α= measure of the social aversion to inequality, such that, α=0 denotes the incidence of poverty; α=1 measures the depth of poverty; α=2 measures the intensity of poverty; α=3 measures the urgency of poverty.

Poverty is defined by monetary measures by the number of people living under the poverty line. The common international poverty line used today is \$1.25 at 2005 purchasing-power parity (PPP) [20]. Other subjective approaches to well-being assessment have been devel‐ oped to measure the perceived poverty line, thus complementing or in some cases replacing income-based approaches [21], [22], [23]. In addition, purely subjective yardsticks have been developed to capture self-reported levels of happiness [24] [25].

**f.** Contextual and situational factors, such as particular employment and working condi‐ tions; the stress involved in the work place; interpersonal relations with work collea‐ gues, relatives and friends, and most importantly the marriage partner; as well as living

Impacts of Cyclone Nargis on Social Capital and Happiness in Slightly and Heavily Affected Areas of Myanmar

**g.** Institutional factors, such as the extent of political decentralization, perceived levels of

Yellow boxes portray the physical and logistical effects of natural disasters, especially as concern demography, both physical and wealth well-being. These elements, as well as social well-being and final SWB (light blue boxes) present great importance to the creation of hap‐ piness. The pink boxes represent negative impact on well-being (absolute poverty and rela‐ tive inequality): they often have a powerful and immediate depressing impact upon *SWB*. Social well-being may act through both bridging and bonding social capital and rapid re‐ bound to offset the effects of both yellow and pink boxes. If government and NGOs do not intervene, this system can operate internally to determine the level and distribution of SWB. When there is external intervention, however, it may take the various forms represented by the green boxes. These include education, training, and the attraction of better-educated res‐ idents, poverty reduction programs, the installation of early warning system, coordination among NGOs and with government agencies, rehabilitation of victims, loans to poor and fe‐

Any or all of these may act perniciously, however. This is because institutional power, eco‐ nomic situation, aid distribution and pre-disaster relationships between and within societies may be harmful to the affected community, which can lead to both social problems and in‐ tensified human suffering. Unfortunately, previous research (e.g. [26], [27] and [25]) has of‐ ten confused the internal anatomy of SWB (to the left of the equals sign in equation (2) with

each area, compare that structure between the two areas, and then explain and test for sig‐ nificant differences among the determinants β<sup>i</sup> of the overall well-being score. Disasters and their direct effects (yellow boxes, Figure 3) have negative impacts on the emotional well-be‐ ing, financial status, health and even life itself of individuals, families and communities.

Based on the literature and conceptual framework, we shall empirically test five research

**1.** Average SWB (happiness) of the heavily affected area is not significantly different from that of the mildly-affected benchmark area, suggesting that human beings rebound rap‐

) of the components of well-being for

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/54140

77

corruption, and citizens' direct civil and political participation rights.

male-headed households, and the creation of individual and social resilience.

conditions and health.

its exogenous determinants (to the right).

**3. Methodology**

hypotheses:

**3.1. Testable research hypotheses**

idly from disasters.

This research will estimate the endogenous weights (ω<sup>i</sup>

In the present research, we calculate FGT measures to the incidence, depth, intensity and ur‐ gency of unhappiness with respect to mean self-reported happiness for the population. We employ the Lyubormisky questionnaire [24]. We shall also use some of the questions from Argyle and Hills' 29-statement Oxford Happiness Survey [25].

### **3. Conceptual framework**

Based upon the literature, our conceptual framework is portrayed in Figure 3. The rhombus shows the structure of the dependent variable (well-being) that figures to the left of the equal sign in relation 2:

p m e0 1 s sp 2 3 4 5 Well- being physical, mental, basal happiness + personality + emotional, social, spiritual socio- demo factors + economic factors + interpersonal and work relations + institutio ( = ) w w vb b w w b b b b nal factors (2)

The remaining boxes and arrows trace the direct and indirect influences that lead up to the final level of *SWB*; in other words the separate items and interactions among the arguments to the right of the equals sign in relation 2. These boxes portray the factors that potentially make some people happier or unhappier than others in the face of natural disasters or other external vicissitudes:


Yellow boxes portray the physical and logistical effects of natural disasters, especially as concern demography, both physical and wealth well-being. These elements, as well as social well-being and final SWB (light blue boxes) present great importance to the creation of hap‐ piness. The pink boxes represent negative impact on well-being (absolute poverty and rela‐ tive inequality): they often have a powerful and immediate depressing impact upon *SWB*. Social well-being may act through both bridging and bonding social capital and rapid re‐ bound to offset the effects of both yellow and pink boxes. If government and NGOs do not intervene, this system can operate internally to determine the level and distribution of SWB. When there is external intervention, however, it may take the various forms represented by the green boxes. These include education, training, and the attraction of better-educated res‐ idents, poverty reduction programs, the installation of early warning system, coordination among NGOs and with government agencies, rehabilitation of victims, loans to poor and fe‐ male-headed households, and the creation of individual and social resilience.

Any or all of these may act perniciously, however. This is because institutional power, eco‐ nomic situation, aid distribution and pre-disaster relationships between and within societies may be harmful to the affected community, which can lead to both social problems and in‐ tensified human suffering. Unfortunately, previous research (e.g. [26], [27] and [25]) has of‐ ten confused the internal anatomy of SWB (to the left of the equals sign in equation (2) with its exogenous determinants (to the right).

This research will estimate the endogenous weights (ω<sup>i</sup> ) of the components of well-being for each area, compare that structure between the two areas, and then explain and test for sig‐ nificant differences among the determinants β<sup>i</sup> of the overall well-being score. Disasters and their direct effects (yellow boxes, Figure 3) have negative impacts on the emotional well-be‐ ing, financial status, health and even life itself of individuals, families and communities.

### **3. Methodology**

oped to measure the perceived poverty line, thus complementing or in some cases replacing income-based approaches [21], [22], [23]. In addition, purely subjective yardsticks have been

In the present research, we calculate FGT measures to the incidence, depth, intensity and ur‐ gency of unhappiness with respect to mean self-reported happiness for the population. We employ the Lyubormisky questionnaire [24]. We shall also use some of the questions from

Based upon the literature, our conceptual framework is portrayed in Figure 3. The rhombus shows the structure of the dependent variable (well-being) that figures to the left of the

5

b

b

nal factors

b

(2)

b

and work relations + institutio

The remaining boxes and arrows trace the direct and indirect influences that lead up to the final level of *SWB*; in other words the separate items and interactions among the arguments to the right of the equals sign in relation 2. These boxes portray the factors that potentially make some people happier or unhappier than others in the face of natural disasters or other

**b.** Non-income economic factors, such as perceptions of individual vs. aggregate income, unemployment, and inflation. Being unemployed or feeling that one is losing ground with respect to inflation or the neighbors' income, is a far more important drain on hap‐

**c.** Genetics and the make-up of the brain. This relates to the ambient levels of serotonin and other chemicals that physically create cheerfulness regardless of external circum‐

**d.** Personality factors, such as self-esteem, personal control, optimism, extraversion, and neuroticism. Taken together, b and c constitute what psychologists term the set point. Previous research shows that each individual returns very rapidly to that set point even after major good luck (e.g., winning the lottery) or bad luck (being the victim of a natu‐ ral disaster). It normally takes between six months and a year to return to one's normal

**e.** Socio-demographic factors, such as age, gender, marital status, education, culture, and

s sp 2 3 4

emotional, social, spiritual socio- demo factors + economic factors + interpersonal

developed to capture self-reported levels of happiness [24] [25].

76 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

Argyle and Hills' 29-statement Oxford Happiness Survey [25].

p m e0 1

b

Well- being physical, mental, basal happiness + personality +

 vb

**3. Conceptual framework**

( =

 w

 w )

piness than a low level of income itself.

equal sign in relation 2:

w

w

external vicissitudes:

**a.** Income loss.

stances.

religion.

happiness level [1].

#### **3.1. Testable research hypotheses**

Based on the literature and conceptual framework, we shall empirically test five research hypotheses:

**1.** Average SWB (happiness) of the heavily affected area is not significantly different from that of the mildly-affected benchmark area, suggesting that human beings rebound rap‐ idly from disasters.

**3.2. Methods used for data analysis**

different concepts.

The present research into the intangible consequences of a natural disaster upon subjective (un)happiness will be highly quantitative. We shall sequentially apply: a) the Foster-Greer-Thorbecke models of the absolute unhappiness, b) Gini and Theil estimations for relative happiness, c) tests for significance differences of means, d) correlation matrices with tests of significance and e) multiple linear regressions to determine the causes of absolute unhappi‐ ness. To best gauge the effects of a natural disaster, we have innovated on the three-part Foster-Greer-Thorbecke model of the a) incidence, 2) depth, and 3) intensity of monetary poverty by adding a fourth level 4) urgency. To calculate urgency, one simply takes the level of poverty or ill-being to the third power instead of just the 0th, 1st or 2nd powers. We also

Impacts of Cyclone Nargis on Social Capital and Happiness in Slightly and Heavily Affected Areas of Myanmar

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/54140

79

The cost-of-basic-needs approach will be used to measure poverty as it is perceived by a household. This should capture the psychological, demographic and social aspects that are taken into account in SWB approaches by considering an individual or household to be ex‐ tremely, moderately, or not at all poor with respect to their consumption needs. In addition, two different scales to measure SWB or happiness were jointly used to analyze the impacts,

We used Lyubomirsky scale [24], and the Chiang Mai University (CMU) scale, that It in‐ cludes 28 questions taken or adapted from various sources, including the authors' field ex‐ perience and the Oxford Happiness Survey [25] (Table 1). Even though the Lyubomirsky and Chiang Mai scales both seek to assess overall happiness, they are built up from quite

The Chiang Mai scale is clearly broken down into social capital; as well as physical, mental, emotional, social and spiritual happiness. Each of these five dimensions implies a dominant

For example, emotional happiness should logically be significantly correlated with the Lyu‐ bomirsky scale in the short run in that emotions are the immediate and often fleeting feel‐ ings in people's lives. At the other extreme, spiritual happiness is essentially a long- or eternal-term dimension expected to be positively correlated with Lyubomirsky's general happiness. This is because spiritual happiness is based on the satisfaction derived from in‐ ner mindfulness and mental strength regardless of, or even gained from, events in one's life.

**Emotional Physical Social Mental Spiritual**

*Short term Long term*

if any, of cyclone Nargis on the level and components of happiness in the two areas.

innovate in applying all four levels to unhappiness as well as poverty.

time horizon, which may be hypothesized to lie on a continuum (Fig. 4).

That strength can be a source of self-realization and inner pride.

**Figure 4.** Continuum of the sub-components of happiness by time horizon

**Figure 3.** Conceptualization of the causes, pathways, well-being impacts, and corrective policies of a natural disaster


#### **3.2. Methods used for data analysis**

**2.** Around similar average happiness levels in the two areas, there are much more severe cases of unhappiness, and hence a much worse distribution of happiness, in heavily af‐

**Figure 3.** Conceptualization of the causes, pathways, well-being impacts, and corrective policies of a natural disaster

**3.** The internal weighting of the sub-components of happiness differs significantly be‐

**4.** The social capital of both types (bridging and bonding) in the Nargis heavily-affected area has increased significantly in comparison with the slightly affected area. This

**5.** The determinants of SWB include income, social capital, education, employment, spiri‐ tual meditation, and male gender of household head regardless of the extent of Nargis

should give them higher protection from disasters in the future.

fected than in slightly affected areas.

78 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

tween the two areas.

damage.

The present research into the intangible consequences of a natural disaster upon subjective (un)happiness will be highly quantitative. We shall sequentially apply: a) the Foster-Greer-Thorbecke models of the absolute unhappiness, b) Gini and Theil estimations for relative happiness, c) tests for significance differences of means, d) correlation matrices with tests of significance and e) multiple linear regressions to determine the causes of absolute unhappi‐ ness. To best gauge the effects of a natural disaster, we have innovated on the three-part Foster-Greer-Thorbecke model of the a) incidence, 2) depth, and 3) intensity of monetary poverty by adding a fourth level 4) urgency. To calculate urgency, one simply takes the level of poverty or ill-being to the third power instead of just the 0th, 1st or 2nd powers. We also innovate in applying all four levels to unhappiness as well as poverty.

The cost-of-basic-needs approach will be used to measure poverty as it is perceived by a household. This should capture the psychological, demographic and social aspects that are taken into account in SWB approaches by considering an individual or household to be ex‐ tremely, moderately, or not at all poor with respect to their consumption needs. In addition, two different scales to measure SWB or happiness were jointly used to analyze the impacts, if any, of cyclone Nargis on the level and components of happiness in the two areas.

We used Lyubomirsky scale [24], and the Chiang Mai University (CMU) scale, that It in‐ cludes 28 questions taken or adapted from various sources, including the authors' field ex‐ perience and the Oxford Happiness Survey [25] (Table 1). Even though the Lyubomirsky and Chiang Mai scales both seek to assess overall happiness, they are built up from quite different concepts.

The Chiang Mai scale is clearly broken down into social capital; as well as physical, mental, emotional, social and spiritual happiness. Each of these five dimensions implies a dominant time horizon, which may be hypothesized to lie on a continuum (Fig. 4).

For example, emotional happiness should logically be significantly correlated with the Lyu‐ bomirsky scale in the short run in that emotions are the immediate and often fleeting feel‐ ings in people's lives. At the other extreme, spiritual happiness is essentially a long- or eternal-term dimension expected to be positively correlated with Lyubomirsky's general happiness. This is because spiritual happiness is based on the satisfaction derived from in‐ ner mindfulness and mental strength regardless of, or even gained from, events in one's life. That strength can be a source of self-realization and inner pride.

**Figure 4.** Continuum of the sub-components of happiness by time horizon


the township, village profiles, maps, annual progress reports, project documents reports

Impacts of Cyclone Nargis on Social Capital and Happiness in Slightly and Heavily Affected Areas of Myanmar

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/54140

81

The questionnaire was designed to inquire about the socio-economic situation, use of eco‐ nomic infrastructures, social capital and happiness levels of individual households in the two research areas. The time frame of an interview was set at forty-five minutes to one hour. A pilot survey was conducted in May 2010 in Pyapon Township. The pilot survey data re‐ vealed the impact of local norms, gaps in information, and the degree to which data analysis would be feasible. Some assumptions and survey questions had to be adjusted before the main survey was undertaken. Final data collection involved 298 respondents: 148 from Pya‐

Average SWB of the heavily affected area is not significantly different from the mildly-af‐ fected benchmark area, suggesting that human beings rebound rapidly from disasters.

The results shown in table 2 fail to invalidate hypothesis 1 as to the equality of average hap‐ piness levels in the two townships. The average score of heavily-affected Bogalay on the Chiang Mai scale (3.143) is not significantly different from the scale of slightly affected Pya‐ pon (3.202). The level of significance (ie., the probability of committing an error in assuming a significant difference) is 12.8%, higher than the 10% cut-off point established for this study. In terms of the Lyubomirsky scale, the score of happiness in Bogalay is actually higher than in Pyapon (3.087 vs. 3.078), but this result is extremely insignificant (significance = 0.879).

The results further show that only average mental happiness is significantly lower in Boga‐ lay (3.00) than in Pyapon (3.20). This is presumably because of the residual mental anguish associated with bad memories, nightmares, missed loved ones, and the karmic questionings noted above. We have also determined from a correlation matrix (not shown here) that all the components of happiness are very highly correlated with each other, except for emotion‐ al and social happiness. The former is individual; while the latter is collective, a reflection of social capital and human relations. Further research will have to be done to determine why

Around similar average happiness levels in the two areas, there are much more severe cases of unhappiness, and hence a much worse distribution of happiness, in heavily affected than

We must reject hypothesis 2, however, because overall happiness and its five components do not mask significantly greater variations around the mean for Bogalay than for Pyapon. On the one hand, the coefficients of variation across households within the two samples

were also collected.

pon and 150 from Bogalay.

**4. Case study results**

**4.1. Hypothesis 1**

this is so.

**4.2. Hypothesis 2**

in slightly affected areas.

**Table 1.** Component questions from the Lyubomirsky and Chiang Mai scales and the composite scores

#### **3.3. Data collection**

Sources of data were both local and national. We first amassed the secondary data on the Irrawaddy Division (Cyclone Nargis affected area). The major sources for secondary data were the Myanmar Agriculture Services, Settlement and Land Record Department, Central Statistical Organization, United Nation Development Program, Food and Agricultural Or‐ ganization, World Food Program, United Nation Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affair, United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund), Groupe de recherche et d'échanges technologiques and other non-governmental organizations. Secondary data of the township, village profiles, maps, annual progress reports, project documents reports were also collected.

The questionnaire was designed to inquire about the socio-economic situation, use of eco‐ nomic infrastructures, social capital and happiness levels of individual households in the two research areas. The time frame of an interview was set at forty-five minutes to one hour. A pilot survey was conducted in May 2010 in Pyapon Township. The pilot survey data re‐ vealed the impact of local norms, gaps in information, and the degree to which data analysis would be feasible. Some assumptions and survey questions had to be adjusted before the main survey was undertaken. Final data collection involved 298 respondents: 148 from Pya‐ pon and 150 from Bogalay.

### **4. Case study results**

#### **4.1. Hypothesis 1**

Average SWB of the heavily affected area is not significantly different from the mildly-af‐ fected benchmark area, suggesting that human beings rebound rapidly from disasters.

The results shown in table 2 fail to invalidate hypothesis 1 as to the equality of average hap‐ piness levels in the two townships. The average score of heavily-affected Bogalay on the Chiang Mai scale (3.143) is not significantly different from the scale of slightly affected Pya‐ pon (3.202). The level of significance (ie., the probability of committing an error in assuming a significant difference) is 12.8%, higher than the 10% cut-off point established for this study. In terms of the Lyubomirsky scale, the score of happiness in Bogalay is actually higher than in Pyapon (3.087 vs. 3.078), but this result is extremely insignificant (significance = 0.879).

The results further show that only average mental happiness is significantly lower in Boga‐ lay (3.00) than in Pyapon (3.20). This is presumably because of the residual mental anguish associated with bad memories, nightmares, missed loved ones, and the karmic questionings noted above. We have also determined from a correlation matrix (not shown here) that all the components of happiness are very highly correlated with each other, except for emotion‐ al and social happiness. The former is individual; while the latter is collective, a reflection of social capital and human relations. Further research will have to be done to determine why this is so.

#### **4.2. Hypothesis 2**

**3.3. Data collection**

*+ am not unhappy person*

*ask for help + involvement in the groups*

*probably be free from diseases*

Sources of data were both local and national. We first amassed the secondary data on the Irrawaddy Division (Cyclone Nargis affected area). The major sources for secondary data were the Myanmar Agriculture Services, Settlement and Land Record Department, Central Statistical Organization, United Nation Development Program, Food and Agricultural Or‐ ganization, World Food Program, United Nation Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affair, United Nations International Children's Emergency Fund), Groupe de recherche et d'échanges technologiques and other non-governmental organizations. Secondary data of

**Questions Composite score**

Lyubomirsky Subjective Happiness

Social Capital

Physical Happiness

Mental happiness

Emotional Happiness

Spiritual Happiness

Social Happiness

*In general, consider myself a very happy person + Compare to most my peers, consider myself happier + Some people are generally very happy and what extent best describe the respondents*

80 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

*Types of neighborhoods + agree or disagree that this neighborhood from different backgrounds get on well together + contact organization to solve the problem affecting people in the respondents' local area + share information to others if there is anyone the respondents could*

*Look attractive + feel fresh and full of energy + have great physical well-being at this time + will*

*Love to challenge my mind to create something new and different + often lose myself in the flow of my work or hobbies + feel secure + do have a happy memories + have no worries*

*Don't regret the past + can easily/quickly calm down when feel bad/stressed + find myself*

*Can laugh even in the face of difficulty + know myself and exactly what want/need + respect myself + have clear faith or religion + feel great peace in my soul + willingly accept what happens to me + accept that others may have different beliefs + feel my life is very bright + can*

*Love to share with other people + feel harmony with others people + am not afraid of what*

**Table 1.** Component questions from the Lyubomirsky and Chiang Mai scales and the composite scores

*be myself however am or where go + am satisfied about everything in my live*

*others may think + My own freedom is more important than what others think*

*smiling when no one else around + feel peace in my heart*

Around similar average happiness levels in the two areas, there are much more severe cases of unhappiness, and hence a much worse distribution of happiness, in heavily affected than in slightly affected areas.

We must reject hypothesis 2, however, because overall happiness and its five components do not mask significantly greater variations around the mean for Bogalay than for Pyapon. On the one hand, the coefficients of variation across households within the two samples


**Table 2.** Tests of significant differences in means between the two areas (Slight damage: Pyapon; Heavy damage: Bogalay).

(Table 2) are very similar for happiness and all its components, suggesting that -- like the means -- the distributions of happiness overall and by category are also roughly similar. On the other, Table 2 suggests extremely little difference in either the absolute incidence (four extended Foster-Greer-Thorbecke measures) or the relative distribution (Theil and Gini coef‐ ficient) of overall happiness and most of its subcomponents, either for the combined or the Pyapon and Bogalay samples. The differences would probably not be significant if appropri‐ ate statistical tests were available; except in the case of the incidence, depth, intensity, and urgency of mental unhappiness in Bogalay, for the reasons stated above. This single excep‐ tion does not prevent us from clearly rejecting hypothesis 2.

What is more, the distribution of happiness is much more equal than the distribution of in‐ come per capita (as measured by the Gini and Theil coefficients) of the two samples (Table 4 and Figure 5). The incidence, depth, and intensity of unhappiness are not only radically less pronounced than the incidence, depth, and intensity of monetary poverty (cf. Figure 2); they are virtually identical for the heavily- and slightly-affected areas. As a corollary to the East‐ erlin paradox, we may posit that greater poverty does not make people proportionately less happy.

The results shown in table 3 fail to invalidate hypothesis 3. The fact that the two Chiang Mai and Lyubomirsky scales contain very different components allows us to regress one on the other. In this case, we shall "explain" the Lyubomirsky score based on the five separate di‐ mensions of the Chiang Mai scale to determine their relative importance to inhabitants of the two distinct areas of the Irrawaddy Delta. Three separate regressions were run for: a) the entire 2980 person sample and b-c) the 148 to 150 people in each area. The dependent varia‐ ble for all three equations was the Lyubomirsky happiness score of the household, predicat‐ ed to significantly increase as each dimension of short- or long-term happiness. The first three data columns of Table 5 indicate that for the overall sample, neither mental nor social happiness was a significant explanatory variable of the Lyubomirsky scale. In the mental di‐ mension, two years after Nargis, people still had an indelible memory of this tragedy. Men‐

**Table 3.** Absolute unhappiness and the distribution of relative happiness in the two areas (Slight damage: Pyapon;

**Regression Absolute unhappiness Relative happiness**

**Quintile ratio**

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/54140

**Gini coef.**

83

**Anatomy Incidence Depth Intensity Urgency**

Impacts of Cyclone Nargis on Social Capital and Happiness in Slightly and Heavily Affected Areas of Myanmar

*Combined sample* **35.9% 0.082 0.027 0.011 1.38 0.062** *Slight 37.2% 0.084 0.028 0.012 1.39 0.063 Heavy 34.7% 0.080 0.027 0.010 1.36 0.056*

*Combined sample* **.009\*\*\* 35.9% 0.189 0.129 0.108 1.76 0.119** *Slight 0.204 37.8% 0.199 0.146 0.134 1.78 0.128 Heavy 0.072\* 34.0% 0.178 0.113 0.082 1.74 0.125*

*Combined sample* **.000\*\*\* 38.6% 0.193 0.130 0.109 1.65 0.108** *Slight 0.178 39.2% 0.199 0.131 0.105 1.67 0.119 Heavy 0.000\*\*\* 38.0% 0.187 0.130 0.112 1.64 0.111*

*Combined sample* **0.19 37.6% 0.194 0.134 0.121 1.83 0.129** *Slight 0.052\* 39.9% 0.221 0.173 0.175 1.86 0.139 Heavy 0.83 35.3% 0.167 0.097 0.067 1.8 0.134*

*Combined sample* **0.186 34.6% 0.136 0.070 0.045 1.54 0.093** *Slight 0.440 29.1% 0.097 0.043 0.025 1.5 0.099 Heavy 0.398 40.0% 0.173 0.097 0.065 1.52 0.099*

*Combined sample* **.000\*\*\* 24.8% 0.069 0.027 0.013 1.49 0.088** *Slight 0.000\*\*\* 23.0% 0.061 0.025 0.013 1.48 0.095 Heavy 0.069\* 26.7% 0.077 0.028 0.012 1.49 0.096*

**CMU SWB score**

**Physical happiness**

**Emotional happiness**

**Social happiness**

**Mentalhappiness**

**Spiritualhappiness**

Heavy damage: Bogalay).

#### **4.3. Hypothesis 3**

The internal weighting of the sub-components of happiness differs significantly between the two areas.


**Table 3.** Absolute unhappiness and the distribution of relative happiness in the two areas (Slight damage: Pyapon; Heavy damage: Bogalay).

(Table 2) are very similar for happiness and all its components, suggesting that -- like the means -- the distributions of happiness overall and by category are also roughly similar. On the other, Table 2 suggests extremely little difference in either the absolute incidence (four extended Foster-Greer-Thorbecke measures) or the relative distribution (Theil and Gini coef‐ ficient) of overall happiness and most of its subcomponents, either for the combined or the Pyapon and Bogalay samples. The differences would probably not be significant if appropri‐ ate statistical tests were available; except in the case of the incidence, depth, intensity, and urgency of mental unhappiness in Bogalay, for the reasons stated above. This single excep‐

**Table 2.** Tests of significant differences in means between the two areas (Slight damage: Pyapon; Heavy damage:

**Means Heavy minus slight**


Slight 3.202 0.337 11%

0.009

Slight 3.078 0.500 16%

0.044

Slight 3.078 0.625 20%


Slight 3.203 0.482 15%


Slight 3.055 0.435 14%

0.108

Slight 3.097 0.688 22%

0.128

Slight 3.143 0.339 14%

**Std. Dev'n**

0.339 11%

0.447 14%

0.614 20%

0.451 15%

0.372 12%

0.671 21%

0.469 14%

**Coeff var'n**

**t Sig.**


0.15 0.879

0.61 0.545



1.38 0.168


What is more, the distribution of happiness is much more equal than the distribution of in‐ come per capita (as measured by the Gini and Theil coefficients) of the two samples (Table 4 and Figure 5). The incidence, depth, and intensity of unhappiness are not only radically less pronounced than the incidence, depth, and intensity of monetary poverty (cf. Figure 2); they are virtually identical for the heavily- and slightly-affected areas. As a corollary to the East‐ erlin paradox, we may posit that greater poverty does not make people proportionately less

The internal weighting of the sub-components of happiness differs significantly between the

tion does not prevent us from clearly rejecting hypothesis 2.

**Happiness Nargis**

Average CMU score

Average Lyubomirsky score

Physical AHLS score

Mental AHLS score

Emotional AHLS score

Social AHLS score

Spiritual AHLS score

**damage**

82 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

Heavy 3.143

Heavy 3.087

Heavy 3.122

Heavy 3.004

Heavy 3.031

Heavy 3.205

Heavy 3.271

happy.

Bogalay).

two areas.

**4.3. Hypothesis 3**

The results shown in table 3 fail to invalidate hypothesis 3. The fact that the two Chiang Mai and Lyubomirsky scales contain very different components allows us to regress one on the other. In this case, we shall "explain" the Lyubomirsky score based on the five separate di‐ mensions of the Chiang Mai scale to determine their relative importance to inhabitants of the two distinct areas of the Irrawaddy Delta. Three separate regressions were run for: a) the entire 2980 person sample and b-c) the 148 to 150 people in each area. The dependent varia‐ ble for all three equations was the Lyubomirsky happiness score of the household, predicat‐ ed to significantly increase as each dimension of short- or long-term happiness. The first three data columns of Table 5 indicate that for the overall sample, neither mental nor social happiness was a significant explanatory variable of the Lyubomirsky scale. In the mental di‐ mension, two years after Nargis, people still had an indelible memory of this tragedy. Men‐


**Table 4.** The relative and absolute distribution of monetary income (Slight damage: Pyapon; Heavy damage: Bogalay).

observed them grab their toys and run into the house. To make matters worse, their parents were also facing problems of crop failure that season. This added to the mental stress and anguish of all households, taking away any significant connection with inter-household dif‐

**Type of happiness B t Sig. B t Sig. B t Sig.**

Impacts of Cyclone Nargis on Social Capital and Happiness in Slightly and Heavily Affected Areas of Myanmar

*Physical* **0.18 2.61 .009\*\*\* 0.17 1.81 0.072\* 0.12 1.28 0.204**

*Mental* 0.11 1.33 0.190 0.1 0.85 0.400 0.09 0.78 0.440

*Emotional* **0.26 3.81 .000\*\*\* 0.4 3.57 .000\*\*\* 0.12 1.35 0.178**

*Social* -0.12 -1.31 0.190 0 -0.2 0.830 -0.22 -1.96 0.052\*

*Spiritual* **0.57 4.11 .000\*\*\* 0.38 1.83 0.069\* 0.84 4.36 .000\*\*\***

**Table 5.** Lyubomirsky happiness scale as determined by the five components of the Chiang Mai happiness scale.

Dependent variable = Household-level Lyubormisky scores within the designated sample

**Overall sample Heavy damage: Bogalay Slight damage: Pyapon**

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/54140

85

In terms of the social dimension, we would also have expected good relations with others to increase happiness. However, social happiness is non-significant in the combined and Boga‐ lay regressions and significantly negative in the case of Pyapon (Table 5). This surprising re‐ sult may partially be explained by resentment over how the aid after the cyclone was distributed. Based on the selection criteria for which areas and households were to receive relief, conflict arose between vulnerable households and community-based organizations. Because most of the NGOs knew little about Pyapon and which households were truly the most vulnerable, they sought direction from the community-based organizations. But these latter were corrupt and subject to favoritism, leading to injustice and unhappiness on the

The Bogalay regression (Table 4) indicates that physical, emotional, and spiritual dimen‐ sions are strongly correlated with happiness in the Lybomirsky sense, as predicted. Howev‐ er, both mental and social happiness are not significant for the same reasons as for the overall sample. Indeed, the people of Bogalay arguably suffered as much physical, liveli‐ hood, environmental, and human loss as almost anywhere in the Delta region. There is thus an enormous burden of karmic suffering from what has happened in their lives. This is con‐ sistent with the results of the t-tests for significant differences in means, under which only

ferences in overall happiness.

part of just about everyone.

**Figure 5.** The Lorenz curves and Gini coefficients of unhappiness for both Bogalay and Pyapon.

tal unhappiness persists in the long-run, especially in Buddhist societies, because it is difficult to forget and even harder to forgive what people assume to have been their own errors in previous generations.

When people become victims of natural disasters, they ruminate on the horrible mistakes they must have made in their previous incarnation to merit the terrible fate of losing all one's family and possessions. At the time of the survey, it was also the monsoon season, with very stormy weather. When the children heard the thunder and saw the lightning, we Impacts of Cyclone Nargis on Social Capital and Happiness in Slightly and Heavily Affected Areas of Myanmar http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/54140 85


**Table 5.** Lyubomirsky happiness scale as determined by the five components of the Chiang Mai happiness scale. Dependent variable = Household-level Lyubormisky scores within the designated sample

observed them grab their toys and run into the house. To make matters worse, their parents were also facing problems of crop failure that season. This added to the mental stress and anguish of all households, taking away any significant connection with inter-household dif‐ ferences in overall happiness.

In terms of the social dimension, we would also have expected good relations with others to increase happiness. However, social happiness is non-significant in the combined and Boga‐ lay regressions and significantly negative in the case of Pyapon (Table 5). This surprising re‐ sult may partially be explained by resentment over how the aid after the cyclone was distributed. Based on the selection criteria for which areas and households were to receive relief, conflict arose between vulnerable households and community-based organizations. Because most of the NGOs knew little about Pyapon and which households were truly the most vulnerable, they sought direction from the community-based organizations. But these latter were corrupt and subject to favoritism, leading to injustice and unhappiness on the part of just about everyone.

The Bogalay regression (Table 4) indicates that physical, emotional, and spiritual dimen‐ sions are strongly correlated with happiness in the Lybomirsky sense, as predicted. Howev‐ er, both mental and social happiness are not significant for the same reasons as for the overall sample. Indeed, the people of Bogalay arguably suffered as much physical, liveli‐ hood, environmental, and human loss as almost anywhere in the Delta region. There is thus an enormous burden of karmic suffering from what has happened in their lives. This is con‐ sistent with the results of the t-tests for significant differences in means, under which only

tal unhappiness persists in the long-run, especially in Buddhist societies, because it is difficult to forget and even harder to forgive what people assume to have been their own

**Figure 5.** The Lorenz curves and Gini coefficients of unhappiness for both Bogalay and Pyapon.

1 11 21 31 41 51 61 71 81 91 101 111 121 131 141

**Monetary income/poverty Happiness/unhappiness Pyapon Bogalay Pyapon Bogalay** *Slight Heavy Slight Heavy*

Gini coefficient 0.400 0.450 0.063 0.056 Theil Index or quintile ratio 0.250 0.380 0.012 0.010 Incidence 39.0% 67.0% 37% 35% Depth 0.16 0.32 0.084 0.08 Intensity 0.08 0.20 0.028 0.027 Urgency 0.05 0.17 1.39 1.36

**Table 4.** The relative and absolute distribution of monetary income (Slight damage: Pyapon; Heavy damage: Bogalay).

When people become victims of natural disasters, they ruminate on the horrible mistakes they must have made in their previous incarnation to merit the terrible fate of losing all one's family and possessions. At the time of the survey, it was also the monsoon season, with very stormy weather. When the children heard the thunder and saw the lightning, we

errors in previous generations.

0%

20%

40%

60%

80%

100%

Cumulative % of households

84 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

per capita

Cumulative % of SWB

120%

mental happiness was significantly different (and lower) in the heavily-affected area. It is not surprising, then, that happiness in Bogalay does not spring from the mental dimension.

Thus, social capital does have a positive influence on happiness. However, the specific for‐ mulation of hypothesis 4 stipulates that "the social capital of both types (bridging and bond‐ ing) in the Nargis heavily-affected area has increased significantly in comparison with the non-heavily affected area." To test the hypothesis we conducted a t-test to compare the mean levels of social capital (and its bonding and bridging sub-components) between the

Impacts of Cyclone Nargis on Social Capital and Happiness in Slightly and Heavily Affected Areas of Myanmar

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/54140

87

In heavily-affected Bogalay, people feel discriminated against less often. The overwhelming reason for discrimination in both townships is the same: poverty. They are more religious than the people in Pyapon (but not significantly more than before Nargis). Indeed, there is no significant increase in temple-going, prayer, or meditation as a result of the cycle in either township. They also have been living longer together in Bogalay significantly longer, and

Based on these findings, one would logically expect their levels of social and bonding capital to be higher than in Pyapon. However, table 6 shows the exact opposite. The people of Boga‐ lay have significantly lower scores for overall social capital and bonding capital within the community. Bridging capital with the outside world and organizations is also less, but not significantly so. While trustworthiness is higher within the community in Bogalay, people from different backgrounds get on less well together. Presumably because of the loss of fam‐ ily members, people in Bogalay have fewer people to ask for help when they are ill or finan‐ cially strapped, resorting to strangers or NGOs (bridging) more often than the spouse or

People in Bogalay also get together in discussion-action groups less; when they do, they are more involved in NGO-type bridging than local bonding groups. It is equally striking that the main significant differences between the two areas are not in their means but in the var‐ iances around the means. This means that there are more persistent differences within com‐ munities than between the differentially affected areas, confirming that the social fabric has not been strengthened in the hard-hit area. There was undoubtedly less need for people in slightly-affected Pyapon Township to develop bonding or bridging social capital because in‐ dividual households were largely able to put their lives back together again on their own. Indeed, there was competition between spending time building social capital and spending

We are thus in a position to clearly reject hypothesis 4. Although the people of heavily-af‐ fected, Bogalay trust each other more and are more active religiously, overall social and bonding capital are significantly lower. Bridging capital is also, lower, though not signifi‐ cantly so, because (a) people from differing backgrounds do not get along and (b) in the ab‐ sence of close relatives; distant neighbors are presumably put upon to help in sickness and financial distress. Meanwhile, opportunities for compensation for the lack of social capital by building bonding capital, such as participating in local discussion-action groups, are not taken up as frequently as in Pyapon Township, the slightly affected area. Strengthening so‐ cial capital in the future could overcome traditional barriers and promote working together

for a common cause as the basis for more resilient responses to disaster in the future.

have been confronted by a more fearsome external menace.

time meditating by oneself on the results of one's previous life.

two areas (Table 5).

close family members (bonding).

The Pyapon regression (Table 4) is quite different. Spiritual happiness accounts for an as‐ tounding 84 percent of the overall score on the Lybomirsky scale. This reflects the over‐ whelming importance of individual karma in people's perceptions of happiness in the slightly affected area, in the sense that the people of Pyapon take strong comfort and satis‐ faction from the fact that their previous good deeds (kusula) saved them from the eye of the cyclone. This is also related to the fact that the social dimension in Pyapon is significantly negative. Social conflict arose in Pyapon because of both aid distribution problems, and high population density, and dependency ratios. An ugly social situation may therefore help to explain the strong spiritual retreat into interiorization, meditation, and solace-seeking in re‐ ligion in Pyapon. Finally, the physical, mental, and emotional dimensions of happiness have nothing significant to do with the Lyubomirsky score, denoting a random distribution of these elements across happy and unhappy people in Pyapon.

These differences lead us to accept hypothesis 3. We further determined, in results not shown, that average scores of physical, mental, emotional, social and spiritual happiness of male-headed households were all higher than for their female-headed counterparts.

#### **4.4. Hypothesis 4**

The social capital of both types (bridging and bonding) in the Nargis heavily-affected area has increased significantly in comparison with the slightly affected area. This should give them higher protection from disasters in the future.

Various analyses lead us to reject hypothesis 4. As mentioned, Nargis affected status has no significant effect upon happiness. But this is not the case with social capital, which has a positive and significant correlation with happiness roughly equal to meditation at the tem‐ ple. In the sustainable livelihood context, social capital is taken to mean the forms of mutual social assistance upon which people draw. These include networks such as caste, play groups, men's groups, women's associations, and religious groups. These networks can pro‐ vide an informal safety net during difficult times and play a pivotal role in helping people access resources needed after a disaster. One of the most significant characteristics of resil‐ ient communities is the extent to which they work together towards a common aim, a func‐ tion of their social cohesion. Groups that are homogeneous in terms of class, ethnicity, livelihood or wealth are more likely to cooperate in building resilience to disaster.

Village-level interviews determined that the relations between villagers and their formal and informal leaders were particularly strong. Indeed, one would expect that there would be an increase in joy as people banded together to help each other rebuild their lives. This is, as we have seen, an example of *bonding*. We would also expect that the vil‐ lagers would be assisted by new NGOs and other organizations from outside, with whom they had had little or no contact in the past. This is an example of *bridging*. Where these positive conditions exist, they can offset the social unhappiness noted above from how aid is delivered.

Thus, social capital does have a positive influence on happiness. However, the specific for‐ mulation of hypothesis 4 stipulates that "the social capital of both types (bridging and bond‐ ing) in the Nargis heavily-affected area has increased significantly in comparison with the non-heavily affected area." To test the hypothesis we conducted a t-test to compare the mean levels of social capital (and its bonding and bridging sub-components) between the two areas (Table 5).

mental happiness was significantly different (and lower) in the heavily-affected area. It is not surprising, then, that happiness in Bogalay does not spring from the mental dimension.

The Pyapon regression (Table 4) is quite different. Spiritual happiness accounts for an as‐ tounding 84 percent of the overall score on the Lybomirsky scale. This reflects the over‐ whelming importance of individual karma in people's perceptions of happiness in the slightly affected area, in the sense that the people of Pyapon take strong comfort and satis‐ faction from the fact that their previous good deeds (kusula) saved them from the eye of the cyclone. This is also related to the fact that the social dimension in Pyapon is significantly negative. Social conflict arose in Pyapon because of both aid distribution problems, and high population density, and dependency ratios. An ugly social situation may therefore help to explain the strong spiritual retreat into interiorization, meditation, and solace-seeking in re‐ ligion in Pyapon. Finally, the physical, mental, and emotional dimensions of happiness have nothing significant to do with the Lyubomirsky score, denoting a random distribution of

These differences lead us to accept hypothesis 3. We further determined, in results not shown, that average scores of physical, mental, emotional, social and spiritual happiness of

The social capital of both types (bridging and bonding) in the Nargis heavily-affected area has increased significantly in comparison with the slightly affected area. This should give

Various analyses lead us to reject hypothesis 4. As mentioned, Nargis affected status has no significant effect upon happiness. But this is not the case with social capital, which has a positive and significant correlation with happiness roughly equal to meditation at the tem‐ ple. In the sustainable livelihood context, social capital is taken to mean the forms of mutual social assistance upon which people draw. These include networks such as caste, play groups, men's groups, women's associations, and religious groups. These networks can pro‐ vide an informal safety net during difficult times and play a pivotal role in helping people access resources needed after a disaster. One of the most significant characteristics of resil‐ ient communities is the extent to which they work together towards a common aim, a func‐ tion of their social cohesion. Groups that are homogeneous in terms of class, ethnicity,

livelihood or wealth are more likely to cooperate in building resilience to disaster.

Village-level interviews determined that the relations between villagers and their formal and informal leaders were particularly strong. Indeed, one would expect that there would be an increase in joy as people banded together to help each other rebuild their lives. This is, as we have seen, an example of *bonding*. We would also expect that the vil‐ lagers would be assisted by new NGOs and other organizations from outside, with whom they had had little or no contact in the past. This is an example of *bridging*. Where these positive conditions exist, they can offset the social unhappiness noted above

male-headed households were all higher than for their female-headed counterparts.

these elements across happy and unhappy people in Pyapon.

86 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

them higher protection from disasters in the future.

**4.4. Hypothesis 4**

from how aid is delivered.

In heavily-affected Bogalay, people feel discriminated against less often. The overwhelming reason for discrimination in both townships is the same: poverty. They are more religious than the people in Pyapon (but not significantly more than before Nargis). Indeed, there is no significant increase in temple-going, prayer, or meditation as a result of the cycle in either township. They also have been living longer together in Bogalay significantly longer, and have been confronted by a more fearsome external menace.

Based on these findings, one would logically expect their levels of social and bonding capital to be higher than in Pyapon. However, table 6 shows the exact opposite. The people of Boga‐ lay have significantly lower scores for overall social capital and bonding capital within the community. Bridging capital with the outside world and organizations is also less, but not significantly so. While trustworthiness is higher within the community in Bogalay, people from different backgrounds get on less well together. Presumably because of the loss of fam‐ ily members, people in Bogalay have fewer people to ask for help when they are ill or finan‐ cially strapped, resorting to strangers or NGOs (bridging) more often than the spouse or close family members (bonding).

People in Bogalay also get together in discussion-action groups less; when they do, they are more involved in NGO-type bridging than local bonding groups. It is equally striking that the main significant differences between the two areas are not in their means but in the var‐ iances around the means. This means that there are more persistent differences within com‐ munities than between the differentially affected areas, confirming that the social fabric has not been strengthened in the hard-hit area. There was undoubtedly less need for people in slightly-affected Pyapon Township to develop bonding or bridging social capital because in‐ dividual households were largely able to put their lives back together again on their own. Indeed, there was competition between spending time building social capital and spending time meditating by oneself on the results of one's previous life.

We are thus in a position to clearly reject hypothesis 4. Although the people of heavily-af‐ fected, Bogalay trust each other more and are more active religiously, overall social and bonding capital are significantly lower. Bridging capital is also, lower, though not signifi‐ cantly so, because (a) people from differing backgrounds do not get along and (b) in the ab‐ sence of close relatives; distant neighbors are presumably put upon to help in sickness and financial distress. Meanwhile, opportunities for compensation for the lack of social capital by building bonding capital, such as participating in local discussion-action groups, are not taken up as frequently as in Pyapon Township, the slightly affected area. Strengthening so‐ cial capital in the future could overcome traditional barriers and promote working together for a common cause as the basis for more resilient responses to disaster in the future.


**4.5. Hypothesis 5**

Physical

Economic

Social

Spiritual

squared=0.192; F-statistic= 6.867)

The determinants of SWB include income, social capital, education, employment, spiritual meditation, and male gender of household head regardless of the extent of Nargis damage.

Impacts of Cyclone Nargis on Social Capital and Happiness in Slightly and Heavily Affected Areas of Myanmar

The results reported in Table 7 support hypothesis 5. To assess the impact of demographic characteristics upon happiness with a view to better social targeting, we ran a regression to determine overall happiness [Equation 2] as measured by the Chiang Mai scale as a possible function of income, income squared (we expected a negative sign due to the Easterlin para‐ dox), social capital, the employment rate/number of jobs, years of schooling of the house‐ hold head, prayer/meditation, the quality of the diet, the regularity of meals over the previous week, and Nargis-affected area (Table 7). As expected, the sign on net income per capita was positive, while the sign on net income per capita squared was negative. This sig‐ nals a decreasing rate of improvement of happiness as income increases, consistent with the Easterlin paradox. Similarly, education, total jobs in the household and the employment rate tended to increase happiness. This supports Lane's [28] contention that work is a source of self-realization in and of itself; rather than a necessary burden to be taken up in order to earn enough income for consumption, the view held by traditional neoclassical economics.

Constant 3.32 .16 20.42 .000

Nargis affected status -.06 .04 -.08 -1.35 .179 Average number of meals, past 7 days -.09 .04 -.12 -2.19 .029 Level in food scarcity pyramid -.02 .01 -.10 -1.68 .094

Net income per capita .00 .00 .37 3.27 .001 Net income per capita squared .00 .00 -.33 -2.95 .003 Total no of jobs in household .07 .03 .12 2.30 .022 Employment Rate .16 .09 .10 1.82 .070

Schooling years of household head .03 .01 .17 3.08 .002 Social capital score (the lower the better) -.01 .01 -.11 -2.03 .044 Gender of household head (female) -.11 .06 -.10 -1.86 .064

Times pray per month after Nargis -.003 .00 -.18 -3.27 .001 Time meditate in temple last year .01 .00 .11 2.11 .035

**Table 7.** Regression of Chiang Mai Happiness Score upon a Complete set of Socio-Economic Factors (Adjusted R-

**B Std. Error Beta t Sig.**

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/54140

89

**Table 6.** Tests of means and variances of overall, bonding, and bridging capital scores by Nargis-affected areas

#### **4.5. Hypothesis 5**

**Social capital indicator Nargis**

88 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

Seek bonding help from: *8 = spouse,7 = other family, 6 =*

People from different backgrounds get on well together: *definitely agree= 6; definitely disagree= 3, don't know =2, too few people in neighborhood= 1, all same backgrounds= 0*

If you are in financial straits for survival, seek bonding help: *husband / wife/ partner = 9, other hh member =8, relative*

During last year, participated in bonding discussion-action group: *7= others, 6= religious,5= sports, 4= social, 3= self-help*

Trustworthiness in neighborhood: *most people = 4 …, no one*

Sought bridging help for community problems from: *2=GO*

Cause of discrimination: *race= 1, religion= 2, gender=3,*

Community spirit: *people help each other =3, go own way =2,*

Seek bridging help from: *work colleague= 4, voluntary/ other*

Satisfaction of the neighborhood: *very satisfied =5… very*

If you are ill in bed, seek bridging help: *3= colleague, 2=*

Participated in a bridging discussion-action group: *1=GO*

*economic= 4, health= 5, social = 6*

*relative, 5= friends, 4= neighbor*

*s=7, friends =6, neighbor=5*

*is trust worthy=1*

*NGO,3=NGO*

*mixture =1*

*NGO, 2= NGO*

*org.= 3, other =2*

*dissatisfied =1*

*voluntary or other org*

**damage**

Slight 0.80

Slight 0.26

Slight 0.59

Slight 0.80

Slight 0.86

Slight 0.16

Slight 0.28

Slight 0.92

Slight 6.78

Slight 0.06

Slight 0.05

Slight 0.68

Slight 0.93

Slight 0.09

Slight 0.11

Slight 0.80

Slight 0.00

Social capital score Heavy 0.79 -0.01 -2.06 0.040

Bridging social capital score Heavy 0.25 -0.01 -0.94 0.348

Bonding social capital score Heavy 0.56 -0.03 -2.75 0.006

How long have you lived in this area? (years) Heavy 6.94 0.16 2.54 0.012

Increase in trips to temple per month after Nargis Heavy 0.36 0.31 1.18 0.240

**Table 6.** Tests of means and variances of overall, bonding, and bridging capital scores by Nargis-affected areas

**Mean Heavy-**

**slight**

Heavy 0.70 -0.10 -3.99 0.000

Heavy 0.76 -0.10 -4.26 0.000

Heavy 0.07 -0.09 -2.87 0.004

Heavy 0.17 -0.11 -2.8 0.005

Heavy 0.96 0.05 2.81 0.005

Heavy 0.08 0.02 1.25 0.214

Heavy 0.67 -0.01 -1.1 0.273

Heavy 0.95 0.02 0.99 0.322

Heavy 0.08 -0.01 -0.54 0.591

Heavy 0.11 0.01 0.46 0.644

Heavy 0.80 0.00 0.06 0.950

Heavy 0.00 0.00 -0.01 0.992

**t Sig. diff.**

The determinants of SWB include income, social capital, education, employment, spiritual meditation, and male gender of household head regardless of the extent of Nargis damage.

The results reported in Table 7 support hypothesis 5. To assess the impact of demographic characteristics upon happiness with a view to better social targeting, we ran a regression to determine overall happiness [Equation 2] as measured by the Chiang Mai scale as a possible function of income, income squared (we expected a negative sign due to the Easterlin para‐ dox), social capital, the employment rate/number of jobs, years of schooling of the house‐ hold head, prayer/meditation, the quality of the diet, the regularity of meals over the previous week, and Nargis-affected area (Table 7). As expected, the sign on net income per capita was positive, while the sign on net income per capita squared was negative. This sig‐ nals a decreasing rate of improvement of happiness as income increases, consistent with the Easterlin paradox. Similarly, education, total jobs in the household and the employment rate tended to increase happiness. This supports Lane's [28] contention that work is a source of self-realization in and of itself; rather than a necessary burden to be taken up in order to earn enough income for consumption, the view held by traditional neoclassical economics.


**Table 7.** Regression of Chiang Mai Happiness Score upon a Complete set of Socio-Economic Factors (Adjusted Rsquared=0.192; F-statistic= 6.867)

Furthermore, although long term meditation at the temple seems to increase happiness, the frequency of prayer decreases it (this is possibly because prayer often involves a mixture of noble and self-interested requests). Surprisingly, both the regularity and the diversity of the diet seem to decrease happiness. This result – which would support periodic fasting as an uplifting pursuit – certainly merits further research beyond the scope of this chapter.

**5. Conclusions, limitations and recommendations**

The comparison between two areas differentially affected by cyclone Nargis has led to the acceptance of hypotheses 1, 3, and 5 (Figure 3) and the rejection of hypotheses 2 and 4. We have demonstrated that the basic needs and economic possibilities for residents from the heavily affected area less sufficient and more arduous than in the slightly affected area. Nonetheless, Bogalay inhabitants are surprisingly happy living under the poverty line and trying their best to improve their future. The chapter has shown that the happiness of the heavily affected area is not significantly different from that of the slightly-affected area, sug‐ gesting that human beings rebound rapidly from disasters. Nor is there a greater tendency for the depth, intensity or urgency of unhappiness to be higher in the more heavily-affected area. For both areas, spiritual happiness is more than twice as important as emotional happi‐ ness, and physical happiness is less than one-third as important as spiritual happiness. Ac‐

Impacts of Cyclone Nargis on Social Capital and Happiness in Slightly and Heavily Affected Areas of Myanmar

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/54140

91

The internal weighting of the sub-components of happiness does differ significantly be‐ tween the two areas (hypothesis 3). In heavily affected Bogalay, a dark cloud of mental an‐ guish lingered a full 27 months after the passage of Nargis; and overall social, bonding and bridging capital were significantly lower. People living in households with female heads were significantly more likely to experience difficulty meeting their needs than their maleheaded counterparts, largely because of their lower social capital and the resulting exorbi‐

We have further determined that the impacts of a natural disaster tend to strengthen social capital; while assistance and aid, if poorly administered, can undermine it. Social capital has become more important than ever because of the critical significance of knowledge-sharing to organizations. The informal safety net during disasters plays a pivotal role in helping people to access the resources such as credit. Presentation, as we have done, of the nature of the social capital in Myanmar should help policy makers, researchers, community workers and non-government organization as they work to identify, and bring help to, the most vul‐ nerable of the vulnerable. Thus, social capital can play a strategic role in rehabilitating or‐

ganizational performance, farm productivity, and mental health following a disaster.

comparable, so this study cannot be fully considered a "controlled experiment."

Due to limited statistical information on the pre-cyclone period, this research has had to re‐ sort to a contemporaneous comparison of two areas differentially affected by cyclone Nar‐ gis. Despite the similarity of the two areas in other ways, no two townships are perfectly

The study has presented new applications of several methods (the new Chiang Mai scale, Gini coefficient, Lorenz curve, and the extended Foster-Greer-Thorbecke indicators) to the study of the level and distribution of social capital and happiness. It is hoped that these methods can be applied to other studies in the future. This will provide comparisons over

cess to health care and education are no less good in the heavily-affected area.

**5.1. Conclusions**

tant interest rates they must pay.

**5.2. Limitations and strengths of the research**


**Table 8.** T-tests for significant differences by gender of household head

A t-test was employed to detect significant differences between the 257 households with male and 41 female heads in terms of the likelihood to experience difficulty in terms of hap‐ piness, social capital, and interest rates for various types of loan. We found (Table 8) that the social capital of males is better than that of females in both types of Nargis- affected areas, since a man can spend his time in social activities after working hours. Most people use pawn shops for credit, since the interest rates from other sources are too high for them. However, social capital is very important if they want to borrow money from pawn shops. Since female headed households generally lack such social capital, the interest rates charged to female headed households are significantly higher than those charged to male headed households for food, drinks, and even health care.

The interest rate for education is also higher for female headed households, but much less so than for other categories of loan. However, the dummy variable Nargis-affected status is not significant the 0.10 level or better. We therefore cannot reject hypothesis 5.

## **5. Conclusions, limitations and recommendations**

#### **5.1. Conclusions**

Furthermore, although long term meditation at the temple seems to increase happiness, the frequency of prayer decreases it (this is possibly because prayer often involves a mixture of noble and self-interested requests). Surprisingly, both the regularity and the diversity of the diet seem to decrease happiness. This result – which would support periodic fasting as an

> **Social capital score (the lower the better)**

Gender hh head F M F M F M F M F M

Sample size 41 257 41 257 41 256 41 257 41 257

Mean by gender 3.0 3.2 15 15 2 1.5 2.3 1.8 1.9 1.0

Standard dev'n 0.3 0.4 2.9 3.8 4.5 3.5 4.7 3.7 4.4 2.9

Mean difference -0.17 0.08 0.52 0.54 0.87

Sig. variances 0.09 0.09 0.03 0.03 0.01

t-test for equal means -1.83 -3.27 2.34 2.35 -1.79

Sig. means 0.07 0 0.02 0.02 0.09

A t-test was employed to detect significant differences between the 257 households with male and 41 female heads in terms of the likelihood to experience difficulty in terms of hap‐ piness, social capital, and interest rates for various types of loan. We found (Table 8) that the social capital of males is better than that of females in both types of Nargis- affected areas, since a man can spend his time in social activities after working hours. Most people use pawn shops for credit, since the interest rates from other sources are too high for them. However, social capital is very important if they want to borrow money from pawn shops. Since female headed households generally lack such social capital, the interest rates charged to female headed households are significantly higher than those charged to male headed

The interest rate for education is also higher for female headed households, but much less so than for other categories of loan. However, the dummy variable Nargis-affected status is not

significant the 0.10 level or better. We therefore cannot reject hypothesis 5.

**Interest rate for education and training (%)**

2.81 2.82 4.87 4.95 8.35

**Interest rate for health care and medicine (%)**

**Interest rate for food and drink (%)**

uplifting pursuit – certainly merits further research beyond the scope of this chapter.

**Aver. physical, mental, emotional, spiritual scores**

90 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

**Table 8.** T-tests for significant differences by gender of household head

households for food, drinks, and even health care.

**Variable**

Levene's test for Equal

variances

The comparison between two areas differentially affected by cyclone Nargis has led to the acceptance of hypotheses 1, 3, and 5 (Figure 3) and the rejection of hypotheses 2 and 4. We have demonstrated that the basic needs and economic possibilities for residents from the heavily affected area less sufficient and more arduous than in the slightly affected area. Nonetheless, Bogalay inhabitants are surprisingly happy living under the poverty line and trying their best to improve their future. The chapter has shown that the happiness of the heavily affected area is not significantly different from that of the slightly-affected area, sug‐ gesting that human beings rebound rapidly from disasters. Nor is there a greater tendency for the depth, intensity or urgency of unhappiness to be higher in the more heavily-affected area. For both areas, spiritual happiness is more than twice as important as emotional happi‐ ness, and physical happiness is less than one-third as important as spiritual happiness. Ac‐ cess to health care and education are no less good in the heavily-affected area.

The internal weighting of the sub-components of happiness does differ significantly be‐ tween the two areas (hypothesis 3). In heavily affected Bogalay, a dark cloud of mental an‐ guish lingered a full 27 months after the passage of Nargis; and overall social, bonding and bridging capital were significantly lower. People living in households with female heads were significantly more likely to experience difficulty meeting their needs than their maleheaded counterparts, largely because of their lower social capital and the resulting exorbi‐ tant interest rates they must pay.

We have further determined that the impacts of a natural disaster tend to strengthen social capital; while assistance and aid, if poorly administered, can undermine it. Social capital has become more important than ever because of the critical significance of knowledge-sharing to organizations. The informal safety net during disasters plays a pivotal role in helping people to access the resources such as credit. Presentation, as we have done, of the nature of the social capital in Myanmar should help policy makers, researchers, community workers and non-government organization as they work to identify, and bring help to, the most vul‐ nerable of the vulnerable. Thus, social capital can play a strategic role in rehabilitating or‐ ganizational performance, farm productivity, and mental health following a disaster.

#### **5.2. Limitations and strengths of the research**

Due to limited statistical information on the pre-cyclone period, this research has had to re‐ sort to a contemporaneous comparison of two areas differentially affected by cyclone Nar‐ gis. Despite the similarity of the two areas in other ways, no two townships are perfectly comparable, so this study cannot be fully considered a "controlled experiment."

The study has presented new applications of several methods (the new Chiang Mai scale, Gini coefficient, Lorenz curve, and the extended Foster-Greer-Thorbecke indicators) to the study of the level and distribution of social capital and happiness. It is hoped that these methods can be applied to other studies in the future. This will provide comparisons over time and across space of the level and causes of subjective well-being, and contribute to the external validity of the findings.

**References**

978-0-309-07510-7.

[1] Committee on Assessing the Costs of Natural Disasters, National Research Council. The Impacts of Natural Disasters: A Framework for Loss Estimation. Washington, DC.: National Academies press; 1999. ISBN-10: 0-309-07510-6, ISBN-13:

Impacts of Cyclone Nargis on Social Capital and Happiness in Slightly and Heavily Affected Areas of Myanmar

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/54140

93

[2] Suwanvanichkij V., Murakami N., Lee C., Leigh J., Wirtz A. L., Brock D., Mahn M., Maung C. and Beyrer C. Community-based assessment of human rights in a complex humanitarian emergency: the Emergency Assistance Teams-Burma and Cyclone

[3] Gastwirth J L. The Estimation of the Lorenz Curve and Gini Index. The Review of

[4] Cowell, FA. Theil, Inequality and the Structure of Income Distribution. Discussion paper DARP 67, London School of Economics and Political Sciences. May 2003.

[5] Foster J., Greer J. and Thorbecke E. A class of decomposable poverty measures. Econ‐

[6] Scott R., Brooks N. and McKinlay W. Post-traumatic morbidity in a civilian commun‐ ity of litigants: A follow-up at 3 years. Journal of Traumatic Stress 1995; (8) 403-418.

[7] Galea S., Nadil A. and Vlahov D. The Epidemiology of Post-Traumatic Stress Disor‐

[8] Das V. Language and body: transactions in the construction of pain. In: Kleinman A., Das V. and Lock M. (ed) Social Suffering. Berkeley: University of California Press;

[9] Nakagawa Y. and Shaw R. Social capital: a missing link to disaster recovery. Interna‐

[10] Adler SP. and Kwon SW. Social Capital: Prospects for a New Concept. The Academy

[11] Dekker P. and Uslaner EM. Social capital and participation in everyday life. London:

[12] Woolcock M. Social Capital and Economic Development: Toward a Theoretical Syn‐

[13] Noy I. The macroeconomic consequences of disasters. Journal of Development Eco‐

[14] Frey BS. Direct democracry for transition countries. Journal of Institutional Innova‐

thesis and Policy Framework. Theory and Society 1998; 27(2) 151-208.

Nargis. Conflict and Health 2010, 4:8, doi:10.1186/1752-1505-4-8.

der after Disasters. Epidemiologic Reviews 2005; 27(1) 78-91.

tional Journal of Mass Emergencies and Disasters 2004; (22)1 5-34.

Economics and Statistics 1972; 54(3) 306-316.

of Management Review 2002; 27(1) 17-40.

tion, Development and Transition 2003; (7) 42-59.

Routledge; 2001, pp. 224.

nomics 2008; 88(9) 221-231.

ometrica 1984; 2 (81) 761–766.

1997.

#### **5.3. Suggestions for further research and policy**

The social and policy motivations of this study have been to provide a statistically assess‐ ment of the impacts of cyclone Nargis for use by regional councils and national planners, in the hope that such knowledge would help them to better define their role in post-disaster recovery. The results may also serve to inspire similar studies into the psychological and in‐ tangible effects of natural disasters in other countries for other periods.

Much more work on coordination among researchers and between researchers and key dis‐ aster response decision-makers is also needed to realize the full potential of post-disaster mental health research. Several levels of coordination are needed for successful post-disaster research: within inter-disciplinary teams of researchers; between researchers and adminis‐ trative agencies that have access to data that can facilitate research; between researchers and service providers; and among the many different sets of individuals and organizations that provide services, often with inadequate coordination, to disaster victims.

In this, for example, since the two study areas differ substantially, and the determinants of income per capita are not the simple opposites of the determinants of the intensity of food poverty, policy implications must be targeted both geographically and in terms of the di‐ mension of well-being. The government and non-governmental organizations should put in‐ to place new loans to help female-headed households. State and local economic development officials should focus their efforts on encouraging education and retaining and attracting better-educated residents. The resulting social capital will be the best gauge of the continued rehabilitation of the victims and the creation of individual and social resilience in case of future events.

#### **Acknowledgements**

The authors express their sincere gratitude to the Heinrich Boell Foundation for its generous financial support of the first author's Master's degree studies at Chiang Mai University, as well as the field research project that led to the findings reported in this chapter.

#### **Author details**

Peter H. Calkins1 and Ngu Wah Win2

1 Faculty of Economics, Chiang Mai University, Thailand

2 Parami Energy, Yangon, Myanmar

#### **References**

time and across space of the level and causes of subjective well-being, and contribute to the

The social and policy motivations of this study have been to provide a statistically assess‐ ment of the impacts of cyclone Nargis for use by regional councils and national planners, in the hope that such knowledge would help them to better define their role in post-disaster recovery. The results may also serve to inspire similar studies into the psychological and in‐

Much more work on coordination among researchers and between researchers and key dis‐ aster response decision-makers is also needed to realize the full potential of post-disaster mental health research. Several levels of coordination are needed for successful post-disaster research: within inter-disciplinary teams of researchers; between researchers and adminis‐ trative agencies that have access to data that can facilitate research; between researchers and service providers; and among the many different sets of individuals and organizations that

In this, for example, since the two study areas differ substantially, and the determinants of income per capita are not the simple opposites of the determinants of the intensity of food poverty, policy implications must be targeted both geographically and in terms of the di‐ mension of well-being. The government and non-governmental organizations should put in‐ to place new loans to help female-headed households. State and local economic development officials should focus their efforts on encouraging education and retaining and attracting better-educated residents. The resulting social capital will be the best gauge of the continued rehabilitation of the victims and the creation of individual and social resilience in

The authors express their sincere gratitude to the Heinrich Boell Foundation for its generous financial support of the first author's Master's degree studies at Chiang Mai University, as

well as the field research project that led to the findings reported in this chapter.

and Ngu Wah Win2

2 Parami Energy, Yangon, Myanmar

1 Faculty of Economics, Chiang Mai University, Thailand

tangible effects of natural disasters in other countries for other periods.

provide services, often with inadequate coordination, to disaster victims.

external validity of the findings.

case of future events.

**Acknowledgements**

**Author details**

Peter H. Calkins1

**5.3. Suggestions for further research and policy**

92 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment


[15] Dekker P. and Uslaner EM. Social capital and participation in everyday life. London: Routledge; 2001, pp. 224.

**Chapter 5**

**Participation in Natural Disaster Reconstruction, Lessons**

Post disaster reconstructions are naturally multifaceted, uncertain, multiscale and affect multiple actors and agencies. Some aspects in Post disaster reconstructions are more important like; cost of reconstructions, psychological problems of damaged area, need to social and economical recovery. To solve a part of these problems, stakeholder participation is progres‐ sively more being sought. This procedure has been changed into a paradigm in post disaster reconstructions and it has been found a spectrum in world wide. Participation is increasingly becoming regarded as a democratic right (Reed 2008), but execution methods and performance of participation follow different patterns. These differentiations are due to view points of

Participation is an especial experiment in any post disaster reconstructions that it could affect further reconstruction. Iran as a vulnerable country in the world experienced strong earth‐ quakes in the past centuries, due to pressure of Arabian platform on country (Berberian and Yeats 2001). The Tabas (1978), Ghaen (1980), Golbaf (1981), Manjil (1990), Bou'in-Zahr (2002), Bam (2003), Zarand (2005), Mazandaran (2005), Borujerd (2006), Qeshem (2008), Damghan (2010), Hosseinabad (2010), Kahnooj (2011) and Varzeqan (2012) are examples of such earth‐ quakes. Several different rehabilitate and reconstruction procedures have been adopted in disaster-affected areas. Participation provides an effective framework for natural disaster recovery. It decreases cost of reconstruction, helps to people psychological recovery and outsider affair acceptance. Therefore Participation is accepted as effective framework in

It expected that new strategies will be adopted in further reconstructions. These strategies should provide a more effective framework in natural disaster management. Participation is

and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

© 2013 H. et al.; licensee InTech. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use,

© 2013 The Author(s). Licensee InTech. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution,

distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

governments to participation, political and economical condition of countries.

**from Iran**

Darabi H., Zafari H. and Milani Nia S.

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/55004

disaster recovery and reconstruction.

**1. Introduction**

Additional information is available at the end of the chapter


**Chapter 5**

## **Participation in Natural Disaster Reconstruction, Lessons from Iran**

Darabi H., Zafari H. and Milani Nia S.

Additional information is available at the end of the chapter

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/55004

### **1. Introduction**

[15] Dekker P. and Uslaner EM. Social capital and participation in everyday life. London:

[16] Sander T. Social capital and new urbanism: leading a civic horse to water? National

[17] Helliwell JF. Linkages Between National Capital Markets: Does Globalization Expose Policy Gaps? In: Berry A. and Indart G. (ed) Critical Issues in International Financial Reform. New Brunswick NJ and London UK: Transaction Publishers; 2003, pp.

[18] World Bank. World Development Indicators: Poverty Data A Supplement to World

[19] Kingdon G. and Knight J. The measurement of unemployment when unemployment

[20] Pradhan M. and Martin R. Measuring Poverty Using Qualitative Perceptions of Con‐ sumption Adequacy. The Review of Economics and Statistics, MIT Press 2000; 82(3)

[21] Rojas M. Experienced poverty and income poverty in Mexico: a subjective well-being

[22] Lyubomirsky S. The how of happiness: A scientific approach to getting the life you

[23] Hills P. and Argyle M. The Oxford Happiness Questionnaire: a compact scale for the measurement of psychological well-being. Personality and Individual Differences

[24] Graham C. The Economics of Happiness: Insights on globalization from a novel ap‐

[25] Dolan P., Peasgood T. and White M. Do we really know what makes us happy? A review of the economic literature on the factors associated with subjective well-be‐

[26] Lane RE. The Market Experience. Boston: Cambridge University Press; 1991, pp. 644.

Routledge; 2001, pp. 224.

153-174.

462-471.

civic review 2002; 91(3) 213 - 343.

94 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

Development Indicators. 2008.

is high. Labour economics 2006; (13) 291-315.

want. New York: Penguin Press; 2008.

proach. World Economics 2005; 6(3) 41-55.

2002; (33) 1073-1082.

approach. World Development 2008; (36)6 1078-1093.

ing. Journal of economic psychology 2008; (29) 94-122.

Post disaster reconstructions are naturally multifaceted, uncertain, multiscale and affect multiple actors and agencies. Some aspects in Post disaster reconstructions are more important like; cost of reconstructions, psychological problems of damaged area, need to social and economical recovery. To solve a part of these problems, stakeholder participation is progres‐ sively more being sought. This procedure has been changed into a paradigm in post disaster reconstructions and it has been found a spectrum in world wide. Participation is increasingly becoming regarded as a democratic right (Reed 2008), but execution methods and performance of participation follow different patterns. These differentiations are due to view points of governments to participation, political and economical condition of countries.

Participation is an especial experiment in any post disaster reconstructions that it could affect further reconstruction. Iran as a vulnerable country in the world experienced strong earth‐ quakes in the past centuries, due to pressure of Arabian platform on country (Berberian and Yeats 2001). The Tabas (1978), Ghaen (1980), Golbaf (1981), Manjil (1990), Bou'in-Zahr (2002), Bam (2003), Zarand (2005), Mazandaran (2005), Borujerd (2006), Qeshem (2008), Damghan (2010), Hosseinabad (2010), Kahnooj (2011) and Varzeqan (2012) are examples of such earth‐ quakes. Several different rehabilitate and reconstruction procedures have been adopted in disaster-affected areas. Participation provides an effective framework for natural disaster recovery. It decreases cost of reconstruction, helps to people psychological recovery and outsider affair acceptance. Therefore Participation is accepted as effective framework in disaster recovery and reconstruction.

It expected that new strategies will be adopted in further reconstructions. These strategies should provide a more effective framework in natural disaster management. Participation is

© 2013 H. et al.; licensee InTech. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. © 2013 The Author(s). Licensee InTech. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

an important feature in this procedure that makes disaster management effective. But this feature has occurred in Iran?

communities in specific planning activities within bodies of knowledge. But we understand participation as: "Capacity building and empowerment process of people or local community in manner that enable them to control the causes which affects their lives." The origin of definition refers to democratic theories and human right based approaches. According to these approaches citizens have a right to influence decisions that affect their lives and is based on principles of citizen empowerment, equity, and social justice (Pomeroy, Ratner et al. 2006). We try to go beyond short term outcomes such as: reducing conflicts, acceptable and particular ends, more cost-effective, get access to additional resources, create sense of ownership. It tries vice versa to emphasis on institutional development and continuation of participatory

Participation in Natural Disaster Reconstruction, Lessons from Iran

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/55004

97

Some researchers criticize the empowerment concept. They believe empowerment is unclear and it does not obvious who will be empowered (Cleaver 1999). Empowerment and capacity building in reconstruction process does not perceive merely as tool for empower marginalize people or other special groups. Empowerment is not redistribution of power but also it is as democratic practice and making institutional foundation of socio-cultural wisdom for future development. Thus it looks at unwanted circumstance as opportunity to strengthen social capital as a base for not only reconstruction, but also for sustainable continuum development.

The ideal empower process is allowing community members to make their own decisions and having authorities to help implement what they decide (Becker, Saunders et al. 2011). But always it faced with obstacles in operation. There are some gaps between presumption and action (Davidson, Johnson et al. 2007). Obstacles driving forces divided in four main sub‐ groups: a) general barriers, b) obstacles related to developer agencies, c) barriers related to

**a.** General obstacles could be summarized as:1) Different perception of participation by verity of stockholder, 2) participation appeared as 'tyrannical' (Sliwinski 2010), 3) Information deficiency, 4) Lack of resources, 5) Lack of motivation, interest, or time (Kruahongs 2008), 6) Unrealistic levels of expectation(Holdar, Zakharchenko et al. 2002),

**b.** Obstacles related to developer agencies obstacles could be précised as: 1) Lack of aware‐ ness of the need (Holdar, Zakharchenko et al. 2002), 2) Lack of skills, culture of partici‐ pation and experience in this field (Holdar, Zakharchenko et al. 2002), 3) fear from delay or revise projects (Adomokai and Sheate 2004), 4) difficulties in building up mutual trust between agencies and communities (Ishmail, 2005; adopted from Lizarralde and Massyn 2008), 5) time and political pressure (Jha, Barenstein et al. 2010), 6) Improper behavior by

**c.** Some barriers relate to government and its deputies such as: 1) the decision-making process (Duxbury and Dickinson 2007), 2) inappropriate policies (Duxbury and Dickinson 2007), 3) Focus on short term issue rather than development and long term issues, 4) government structure and their perception and wants from participation, 5) difficulties to integrate the community in the design and management of the project (Ishmail, 2005;

7) Difficulty or deficit in comprehensive community needs assessment.

Thus it tries to empower all people and group, social integration.

government and d) barriers related to local community.

local community, 7) Local culture misunderstanding.

institution in area.

The article tries to examine this framework and answer following questions:

What participation strategies have been selected for reconstruction in Gilan-Zanjan, Bam and Lorestan earthquake?

What are the differences between these strategies and their outcomes?

#### **2. Theoretical debate**

'Participation' in social affairs and development dated back to the 1960s-70s (Ling, McGee et al. 2010). participation entered into planning domain in 70s (Reed 2008). Participatory techni‐ ques such as Rapid Rural Appraisal has been used especially by experts in development arena (Tsouvalis and Waterton 2012). From 90s term of participation has been overused. It led to ambiguous into means and ends. Ambiguity distinguishes between the efficiency, equality and empowerment arguments. (Cleaver 1999).

From 90s and afterward different facet of participation were discussed such as: Transparency in decision-making, Social integration (Lizarrald, Johnson et al. 2010), more partnerships; mobilization self-reliance, control and access to power, resources and basic services; (Victoria 2002), as a means leading to a precise end, comprehensive empowerment of poors (Sliwinski 2010), gender equity (Christoplos 2006), 'good governance' and democratic decentralization, accountability, (Ling, McGee et al. 2010) ensure the sustainability of the reconstruction, successful implementation (Mahfuzar and Chowdhury 2011), build a culture of safety, ascertaining sustainable development, enriched by social capital (Duxbury and Dickinson 2007).

The last period in participation referred to ''post-participation'' and learning from the mistakes and successes of this long history (Reed 2008). Critical view of point about participation rose simultaneously with participation growth (Cleaver 1999; Cooke and Kothari 2001; Edigheji 2004; Piffero 2009).

Participation trickled into the different discipline. It narrowed down and many classifications elaborated by different approaches and divers terminology (White. 1996; CHoguill 1996 ; Tosun 2006; Lizarralde and Massyn 2008; Reed 2008; Becker, Saunders et al. 2011; Tsouvalis and Waterton 2012). Arnstein's (1969) presented the first typology of participation as ''ladder of participation'' based on power redistribution in eight class (Arnstein 1969). Fiorino (1990) presents three category for participation: 'normative', 'instrumental', and 'substantive' (Tsouvalis and Waterton 2012). White (1996) classified it into four category as: nominal, instrumental, representative and transformative (White. 1996). In the reconstruction Da Silva (1980) suggested five levels of participation as: management, financing, design, construction of components and assembly of components (Lizarralde and Massyn 2008).

The meaning given to participation varies significantly from case to case (Barenstein 2011). Participation has been seen as an approach, as a method, a set of guidelines for involving communities in specific planning activities within bodies of knowledge. But we understand participation as: "Capacity building and empowerment process of people or local community in manner that enable them to control the causes which affects their lives." The origin of definition refers to democratic theories and human right based approaches. According to these approaches citizens have a right to influence decisions that affect their lives and is based on principles of citizen empowerment, equity, and social justice (Pomeroy, Ratner et al. 2006). We try to go beyond short term outcomes such as: reducing conflicts, acceptable and particular ends, more cost-effective, get access to additional resources, create sense of ownership. It tries vice versa to emphasis on institutional development and continuation of participatory institution in area.

an important feature in this procedure that makes disaster management effective. But this

What participation strategies have been selected for reconstruction in Gilan-Zanjan, Bam and

'Participation' in social affairs and development dated back to the 1960s-70s (Ling, McGee et al. 2010). participation entered into planning domain in 70s (Reed 2008). Participatory techni‐ ques such as Rapid Rural Appraisal has been used especially by experts in development arena (Tsouvalis and Waterton 2012). From 90s term of participation has been overused. It led to ambiguous into means and ends. Ambiguity distinguishes between the efficiency, equality

From 90s and afterward different facet of participation were discussed such as: Transparency in decision-making, Social integration (Lizarrald, Johnson et al. 2010), more partnerships; mobilization self-reliance, control and access to power, resources and basic services; (Victoria 2002), as a means leading to a precise end, comprehensive empowerment of poors (Sliwinski 2010), gender equity (Christoplos 2006), 'good governance' and democratic decentralization, accountability, (Ling, McGee et al. 2010) ensure the sustainability of the reconstruction, successful implementation (Mahfuzar and Chowdhury 2011), build a culture of safety, ascertaining sustainable development, enriched by social capital (Duxbury and Dickinson

The last period in participation referred to ''post-participation'' and learning from the mistakes and successes of this long history (Reed 2008). Critical view of point about participation rose simultaneously with participation growth (Cleaver 1999; Cooke and Kothari 2001; Edigheji

Participation trickled into the different discipline. It narrowed down and many classifications elaborated by different approaches and divers terminology (White. 1996; CHoguill 1996 ; Tosun 2006; Lizarralde and Massyn 2008; Reed 2008; Becker, Saunders et al. 2011; Tsouvalis and Waterton 2012). Arnstein's (1969) presented the first typology of participation as ''ladder of participation'' based on power redistribution in eight class (Arnstein 1969). Fiorino (1990) presents three category for participation: 'normative', 'instrumental', and 'substantive' (Tsouvalis and Waterton 2012). White (1996) classified it into four category as: nominal, instrumental, representative and transformative (White. 1996). In the reconstruction Da Silva (1980) suggested five levels of participation as: management, financing, design, construction

The meaning given to participation varies significantly from case to case (Barenstein 2011). Participation has been seen as an approach, as a method, a set of guidelines for involving

of components and assembly of components (Lizarralde and Massyn 2008).

The article tries to examine this framework and answer following questions:

What are the differences between these strategies and their outcomes?

96 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

feature has occurred in Iran?

Lorestan earthquake?

**2. Theoretical debate**

2007).

2004; Piffero 2009).

and empowerment arguments. (Cleaver 1999).

Some researchers criticize the empowerment concept. They believe empowerment is unclear and it does not obvious who will be empowered (Cleaver 1999). Empowerment and capacity building in reconstruction process does not perceive merely as tool for empower marginalize people or other special groups. Empowerment is not redistribution of power but also it is as democratic practice and making institutional foundation of socio-cultural wisdom for future development. Thus it looks at unwanted circumstance as opportunity to strengthen social capital as a base for not only reconstruction, but also for sustainable continuum development. Thus it tries to empower all people and group, social integration.

The ideal empower process is allowing community members to make their own decisions and having authorities to help implement what they decide (Becker, Saunders et al. 2011). But always it faced with obstacles in operation. There are some gaps between presumption and action (Davidson, Johnson et al. 2007). Obstacles driving forces divided in four main sub‐ groups: a) general barriers, b) obstacles related to developer agencies, c) barriers related to government and d) barriers related to local community.


adopted from Lizarralde and Massyn 2008), 6) political pressure (Jha, Barenstein et al. 2010), 7) bureaucratic and institutional problems (Ophiyandri, Amaratunga et al. 2008).

**3. Research methodology**

The systems approach and life cycle has been applied simultaneity in this study in order to present participation in post disaster reconstruction. The systems approach allows a compre‐ hensive and cross-disciplinary view of the many apparently separate facets of a complex process such as post-disaster reconstruction.(Johnson, Lizarralde et al. 2006). The life cycle development process seen as holistic view of point that pay attention to all aspects of the life cycle of a product. "life cycle development' is defined as the sequence of activities needed to

Participation in Natural Disaster Reconstruction, Lessons from Iran

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/55004

99

In the systems approach according to Johnson, Lizarralde et al. (2006) two main sub-systems identified in the systems approach and the reconstruction process: (i) organizational subsystem that includes elements regarding 'who is to do what' and (ii) technical sub-system that

In the life cycle process, disaster assumed as a product that effective disaster management required participation of all stockholders. The life cycle of a managed disaster divided into phases, start at the same time the disaster begins. The life cycle includes restoration and reconstruction of facilities, services, and human resources to a quality, reliability, security, and survivability level equivalent to at least the same risk level as that of the pre-disaster situation. The life cycle ends with a process and vulnerability improvement phase intended to prevent or reduce the impact of a similar disaster and improve the management process for use in future disasters. (Houck, Kim et al. 2004). Post-disaster reconstruction is a complex process involving a number of interrelated activities. The level of complexity will vary, depending on the scale and nature of the disaster and the corresponding response of the population and the institutions involved. Different project cycles are likely to be occurring simultaneously at different levels and for different purposes wherever people are organizing some element of

Due to nature of disaster and local condition different managed disaster life-cycle model is presented (Alexander 2002; Sharma 2004; Moe and Pathranarakul 2006; Huggins 2007; Shaluf 2008; Collins 2009; Diwan 2010; Coppola 2011; Paul 2011). For example Moe and Pathranarakul state: "Disaster management includes generic five phases, namely :( 1) prediction; (2) warning; (3) emergency relief; (4) rehabilitation; and (5) reconstruction. (Moe and Pathranarakul 2006). Coppola identified comprehensive four-phase approach disaster management. This approach contains four distinct components: mitigation, preparedness, response, and recovery (Coppola 2011). The necessary stages of reconstruction distinguished by Lizarralde, Johnson et al. (2010) as: project organization, project financing, project design and project construction/ implemen‐ tation (Lizarralde, Johnson et al. 2010b). But complete actions and activities commonly

completely define a product life cycle" (Umeda, Takata et al. 2012, p.682.)

includes elements regarding 'how' to consume the resources.

the response. (Jha, Barenstein et al. 2010).

performed in the recovery period of a disaster include:

**•** Provision of temporary housing or long-term shelter

**•** Ongoing communication with the public

**•** Assessment of damages and needs

**d.** Last group of barriers refer to local community. it include as: 1)conflicts and tensions between the residents (Sliwinski 2010; Yung and Chan 2011), 2) disbelief and distrust, 3) lack of confidence (Kruahongs 2008), Lack of cooperation between the stockholders, 4) Limited access to information (Kruahongs 2008), 5) Lack of skills, participation culture weakness (Holdar, Zakharchenko et al. 2002; Jha, Barenstein et al. 2010), 6) diversity of stockholders interests (Jha, Barenstein et al. 2010), 7) power inequalities within groups (Reed 2008).

Despite all difficulties in performing participatory in damaged area, participation encounter with some critics too. many would agree that participation has, become almost a dogma, a belief or an act of faith that has not delivered on its promises and bit is excessive standardiza‐ tion and missing its' objective while being instrumentalized (Sliwinski 2010). In another view of point participation has been change into over-simplistic evolutionism models. It is blind to historical and social context and the importance of path dependency. It means that participa‐ tion function is 'incorporating' rather than empower participants (Jupp 2008). Despite these critiques, main critic are presented by Christians and Speer Cooke and Kothari (2001) Christians and Speer (2007),Tsouvalis and Waterton (2012).

Cooke and Kothari (2001) belive that first, decision-making control held by agencies and funders. Second, the emphasis on participatory practices obscures many limitations and manipulations that suppress local power differentials. The third form of tyranny addresses the dominance of the participatory method, noting that the overwhelming acceptance of partici‐ pation, particularly the goals and values expressed, has limited dialogue and even consider‐ ation of other methods for cultivating development (Christians and Speer 2007). According to Christians and Speer the theoretical ideal of participation is not functioning as the tool for liberation and distribution of power but participation are described as largely maintaining existing power relationships, though masking this power behind the rhetoric and techniques of participation (Christians and Speer 2007).

Even though participation critiques and obstacles, gap between subjectivity and objectivity, it has too positive impacts that encourage practitioners to apply it in reconstruction. Impacts such as emphasis was placed on earthquake-safe knowledge at the grassroots level (Jigyasu 2010), a sense of ownership, reinforce their local capacities and resilience and empower their community (Sliwinski 2010), improve the community and the respective government agencies relationships, understand each other, trust to each other (Buchy and Hoverman 2000 ), mobilizing marginalized groups, ensuring that grassroots voices have access to higher levels of decision-making, strengthening existing processes and creating new ones, creating net‐ works of nested organizations and institutions, and nested deliberation processes (Robinson and Berkes 2011 ), emergence of a vibrant, heterogeneous, agonistic and lively group, create and critique relevant knowledge (Tsouvalis and Waterton 2012), to operational cost and time reduction, and reduce the negative psychological impact of earthquakes (Ophiyandri, Amaratunga et al. 2008).

#### **3. Research methodology**

adopted from Lizarralde and Massyn 2008), 6) political pressure (Jha, Barenstein et al. 2010), 7) bureaucratic and institutional problems (Ophiyandri, Amaratunga et al. 2008).

**d.** Last group of barriers refer to local community. it include as: 1)conflicts and tensions between the residents (Sliwinski 2010; Yung and Chan 2011), 2) disbelief and distrust, 3) lack of confidence (Kruahongs 2008), Lack of cooperation between the stockholders, 4) Limited access to information (Kruahongs 2008), 5) Lack of skills, participation culture weakness (Holdar, Zakharchenko et al. 2002; Jha, Barenstein et al. 2010), 6) diversity of stockholders interests (Jha, Barenstein et al. 2010), 7) power inequalities within groups

Despite all difficulties in performing participatory in damaged area, participation encounter with some critics too. many would agree that participation has, become almost a dogma, a belief or an act of faith that has not delivered on its promises and bit is excessive standardiza‐ tion and missing its' objective while being instrumentalized (Sliwinski 2010). In another view of point participation has been change into over-simplistic evolutionism models. It is blind to historical and social context and the importance of path dependency. It means that participa‐ tion function is 'incorporating' rather than empower participants (Jupp 2008). Despite these critiques, main critic are presented by Christians and Speer Cooke and Kothari (2001)

Cooke and Kothari (2001) belive that first, decision-making control held by agencies and funders. Second, the emphasis on participatory practices obscures many limitations and manipulations that suppress local power differentials. The third form of tyranny addresses the dominance of the participatory method, noting that the overwhelming acceptance of partici‐ pation, particularly the goals and values expressed, has limited dialogue and even consider‐ ation of other methods for cultivating development (Christians and Speer 2007). According to Christians and Speer the theoretical ideal of participation is not functioning as the tool for liberation and distribution of power but participation are described as largely maintaining existing power relationships, though masking this power behind the rhetoric and techniques

Even though participation critiques and obstacles, gap between subjectivity and objectivity, it has too positive impacts that encourage practitioners to apply it in reconstruction. Impacts such as emphasis was placed on earthquake-safe knowledge at the grassroots level (Jigyasu 2010), a sense of ownership, reinforce their local capacities and resilience and empower their community (Sliwinski 2010), improve the community and the respective government agencies relationships, understand each other, trust to each other (Buchy and Hoverman 2000 ), mobilizing marginalized groups, ensuring that grassroots voices have access to higher levels of decision-making, strengthening existing processes and creating new ones, creating net‐ works of nested organizations and institutions, and nested deliberation processes (Robinson and Berkes 2011 ), emergence of a vibrant, heterogeneous, agonistic and lively group, create and critique relevant knowledge (Tsouvalis and Waterton 2012), to operational cost and time reduction, and reduce the negative psychological impact of earthquakes (Ophiyandri,

Christians and Speer (2007),Tsouvalis and Waterton (2012).

98 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

of participation (Christians and Speer 2007).

Amaratunga et al. 2008).

(Reed 2008).

The systems approach and life cycle has been applied simultaneity in this study in order to present participation in post disaster reconstruction. The systems approach allows a compre‐ hensive and cross-disciplinary view of the many apparently separate facets of a complex process such as post-disaster reconstruction.(Johnson, Lizarralde et al. 2006). The life cycle development process seen as holistic view of point that pay attention to all aspects of the life cycle of a product. "life cycle development' is defined as the sequence of activities needed to completely define a product life cycle" (Umeda, Takata et al. 2012, p.682.)

In the systems approach according to Johnson, Lizarralde et al. (2006) two main sub-systems identified in the systems approach and the reconstruction process: (i) organizational subsystem that includes elements regarding 'who is to do what' and (ii) technical sub-system that includes elements regarding 'how' to consume the resources.

In the life cycle process, disaster assumed as a product that effective disaster management required participation of all stockholders. The life cycle of a managed disaster divided into phases, start at the same time the disaster begins. The life cycle includes restoration and reconstruction of facilities, services, and human resources to a quality, reliability, security, and survivability level equivalent to at least the same risk level as that of the pre-disaster situation. The life cycle ends with a process and vulnerability improvement phase intended to prevent or reduce the impact of a similar disaster and improve the management process for use in future disasters. (Houck, Kim et al. 2004). Post-disaster reconstruction is a complex process involving a number of interrelated activities. The level of complexity will vary, depending on the scale and nature of the disaster and the corresponding response of the population and the institutions involved. Different project cycles are likely to be occurring simultaneously at different levels and for different purposes wherever people are organizing some element of the response. (Jha, Barenstein et al. 2010).

Due to nature of disaster and local condition different managed disaster life-cycle model is presented (Alexander 2002; Sharma 2004; Moe and Pathranarakul 2006; Huggins 2007; Shaluf 2008; Collins 2009; Diwan 2010; Coppola 2011; Paul 2011). For example Moe and Pathranarakul state: "Disaster management includes generic five phases, namely :( 1) prediction; (2) warning; (3) emergency relief; (4) rehabilitation; and (5) reconstruction. (Moe and Pathranarakul 2006). Coppola identified comprehensive four-phase approach disaster management. This approach contains four distinct components: mitigation, preparedness, response, and recovery (Coppola 2011). The necessary stages of reconstruction distinguished by Lizarralde, Johnson et al. (2010) as: project organization, project financing, project design and project construction/ implemen‐ tation (Lizarralde, Johnson et al. 2010b). But complete actions and activities commonly performed in the recovery period of a disaster include:


Life cycle of disaster in Iran is a little different from. First of all reconstruction focus is on reconstruction of houses and secondly the life cycle of disaster differs from one disaster to another, but mainly process are:

**4. Case studies**

Participation in any area will discussed separately.

witnessed liquefaction and thus, sustained great damages.

**4.2. Bam earthquake (2003)**

the country's economy.

the other reconstruction programs.

**4.1. Gilan and Zanjan earthquake (June 1991)**

Iran has been experienced devastated earthquake in recent years. Gilan & Zanjan 1991, Bam and Baravat 2003 and Lorestan 2006 seismic activity were more wreckers among others (Fig. 1). Therefore the most important reconstruction project allocated to these areas in Iran.

Participation in Natural Disaster Reconstruction, Lessons from Iran

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/55004

101

On 20th June, 1991 at 00:30 AM (local time) a disastrous 7.3 Richter earthquake jolted an area of over 600000 square kilometers. The epicenter was near the city of Rasht -center of Gilan province- leaving more than half a million people homeless, over 3000 villages devastated and about 15 cities damaged. Three cities and 700 villages were ruined. Estimated 40,000 to 50,000 people killed more than 60,000 injured 400,000 or more homeless remained, the Rasht-Qazvin-Zanjan area damaged extensively. Nearly all buildings were destroyed in the Rudbar-Manjil area(USGS 2010). Damages were incurred in three provinces, and some whole villages were completely buried in the huge landslides which happened as a side effect. Some towns also

At dawn on Friday, December 26, 2003, at 5:26:57 local time, a devastating earthquake with a focal depth of 10 km from the earth's surface and a magnitude of 6.5, hit the 2,000-year-old historical city of Bam and the town of Baravat as well as their surrounding villages (Ghafory-Ashtiany and Hosseini 2008). According to the official reports, more than 30,000 were killed and about 25,000 injured. More than 80% of the town's buildings were also destroyed. A total of 39,361 urban residential and commercial buildings in Bam and Baravat, and 32,400 rural units in over 250 villages suffered damage (HFIR 2009). The earthquake left 70,000 people homeless (Eshghi and Asheri 2005). Although the Bam earthquake had a devastating effect on

After the disaster, Bam's reconstruction management process was faced a lot of challenges and fundamental questions. The number of casualty and related social issues, extensive destruction of the historical town, and also the lack of good experience in the reconstruction of a city made the reconstruction project of Bam more complicated. The reconstruction of Bam was the most important post-disaster reconstruction project among recent reconstructions in Iran. Many factors, such as concern over the government and international agencies, the new managerial approaches, and the application of appropriate reconstruction methods, made it different from

It provided useful experience and lessons about post-disaster reconstruction programs. The reconstruction of Bam was the first experience for Iran in the reconstruction of an extensively

damaged middle-sized city with a high rate of human loss and destruction.

	- **•** Shaping Steering Committee
	- **•** Establish organizational and administer branches in area
	- **•** Establish technical supervisor office
	- **•** Establish financial and construction material distribution network
	- **•** Communication with the local community
	- **•** Damage assessment
	- **•** Provision of temporary housing in some cases
	- **•** Demolition of damaged structures and disposal of debris
	- **•** Rehabilitation of infrastructure
	- **•** Design house plans in participatory manner
	- **•** Choose technical supervisor for any building
	- **•** Pay financial and construction material aids Construction

### **4. Case studies**

**•** Demolition of damaged structures

**•** Rehabilitation of infrastructure

**•** Repair of damaged structures

**•** Social rehabilitation programs

**•** Rehabilitation of the injured

another, but mainly process are:

**•** Damage assessment

**•** Rehabilitation of infrastructure

**•** Creation of employment opportunities

**•** Reassessment of hazard risk (Coppola 2011).

**a.** Organizational subsystem that include:

**•** Establish technical supervisor office

**b.** Operational and technical subsystem Includes:

**•** Communication with the local community

**•** Provision of temporary housing in some cases

**•** Design house plans in participatory manner

**•** Choose technical supervisor for any building

**•** Demolition of damaged structures and disposal of debris

**•** Pay financial and construction material aids Construction

**•** Establish organizational and administer branches in area

**•** Establish financial and construction material distribution network

**•** Shaping Steering Committee

Life cycle of disaster in Iran is a little different from. First of all reconstruction focus is on reconstruction of houses and secondly the life cycle of disaster differs from one disaster to

**•** Reimbursement for property losses

**•** New construction

**•** Inspection of damaged structures

**•** Clearance, removal, and disposal of debris

100 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

Iran has been experienced devastated earthquake in recent years. Gilan & Zanjan 1991, Bam and Baravat 2003 and Lorestan 2006 seismic activity were more wreckers among others (Fig. 1). Therefore the most important reconstruction project allocated to these areas in Iran. Participation in any area will discussed separately.

#### **4.1. Gilan and Zanjan earthquake (June 1991)**

On 20th June, 1991 at 00:30 AM (local time) a disastrous 7.3 Richter earthquake jolted an area of over 600000 square kilometers. The epicenter was near the city of Rasht -center of Gilan province- leaving more than half a million people homeless, over 3000 villages devastated and about 15 cities damaged. Three cities and 700 villages were ruined. Estimated 40,000 to 50,000 people killed more than 60,000 injured 400,000 or more homeless remained, the Rasht-Qazvin-Zanjan area damaged extensively. Nearly all buildings were destroyed in the Rudbar-Manjil area(USGS 2010). Damages were incurred in three provinces, and some whole villages were completely buried in the huge landslides which happened as a side effect. Some towns also witnessed liquefaction and thus, sustained great damages.

#### **4.2. Bam earthquake (2003)**

At dawn on Friday, December 26, 2003, at 5:26:57 local time, a devastating earthquake with a focal depth of 10 km from the earth's surface and a magnitude of 6.5, hit the 2,000-year-old historical city of Bam and the town of Baravat as well as their surrounding villages (Ghafory-Ashtiany and Hosseini 2008). According to the official reports, more than 30,000 were killed and about 25,000 injured. More than 80% of the town's buildings were also destroyed. A total of 39,361 urban residential and commercial buildings in Bam and Baravat, and 32,400 rural units in over 250 villages suffered damage (HFIR 2009). The earthquake left 70,000 people homeless (Eshghi and Asheri 2005). Although the Bam earthquake had a devastating effect on the country's economy.

After the disaster, Bam's reconstruction management process was faced a lot of challenges and fundamental questions. The number of casualty and related social issues, extensive destruction of the historical town, and also the lack of good experience in the reconstruction of a city made the reconstruction project of Bam more complicated. The reconstruction of Bam was the most important post-disaster reconstruction project among recent reconstructions in Iran. Many factors, such as concern over the government and international agencies, the new managerial approaches, and the application of appropriate reconstruction methods, made it different from the other reconstruction programs.

It provided useful experience and lessons about post-disaster reconstruction programs. The reconstruction of Bam was the first experience for Iran in the reconstruction of an extensively damaged middle-sized city with a high rate of human loss and destruction.

#### **4.3. Lorestan earthquake 2006**

On 30 and 31 March 2006, a series of earthquakes ranging from 2.8 to 6 on the Richter scale hit different parts of the southwestern province of Lorestan. The strongest ones hit Doroud and Borujerd districts which incurred some 2000 injuries and 72 casualties as well as serious damage to over 35 000 houses and physical infra-structures in the area. This earthquake led to relatively small number of casualties and deaths. Because the community's positively response to the alert system, utilizing loud speakers and pick-ups, which was triggered by local authorities following the early strikes of the quake in order to evacuate the residences prior to the major shock of 31 March. At least 60 villages were completely destroyed and nearly 320 villages experienced damages from 10% to100%. Although the loss of life was less than similar disasters like the earthquake in Bam 2003 and Gilan and Zanjan 1990, the building and infrastructure damages were assessed high.

especial corresponding that ware called Setad Moin (SM). They were HFI branches throughout the country. HFI has been chosen as main executive of reconstruction but other organizations, NGOs and individual participated in reconstruction. Main participation policy was adopted

Participation in Natural Disaster Reconstruction, Lessons from Iran

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/55004

103

House owners are construction manager and they are responsible for design and implemen‐ tation of their houses. The role of government is participation in affairs that house owner

**2.** Villages with relatively high destruction, they need to prepare rural physical guide plan.

**3.** Villages with relatively medium destruction, house reconstruction permission issued

**4.** Villages with partial destruction, some houses need to repair and limited rural houses

Reconstruction began after the establishment of Representatives Headquarters on Rural area. The first step was the removal of debris that people were involved. Simultaneity small unit as contemporary shelter were built. It changed to core unite of residential house for further development in some area. Small rooms that called "Fabian" distributed among damaged people. But most important once was the financial help to any family to build their building. Concurrent some basic material of construction distributed between households. It helps

People were dividing in to three groups including: farmers, ranchers and tenants based on their livelihood. The housing units were designed and built that it emphasized on the residential function. The socio and economical function of house were ignored in rural areas. Therefore majority of residential units that were designed and built by HFI with original plans were different. They looked at houses as one dimensional factor. Base on this approach they had a pre assumption that house is only as a dormitory. But the tra‐ ditional houses were a part of socio-economy life. This assumption led to abandon the proposal plans by people. The main point was that villager livelihood was too important,

In first category of villages' classification, some of villages were displaced. Some of villages were mixed to gather in this procedure. This was done without people participation or limited participation and enough studies. It led to some conflicts and problems over the time in result. The second step villages' plans have been designed on pressures of time limitation and cold season. Local people didn't play critical role in this phase too. Therefore village plans was too simplified and it did not adopt with socio-economic and spatio-locational needs. Unadjusted

Reconstruction should be started after approval rural physical guide plan.

as follow:

couldn't carry out their duties.

need to rebuilt.

but it was ignored by architects.

plans led to other problems again.

SMs divided damaged villages into four categories:

based on rural physical guide plan.

**1.** Villages that should be replaced due to geological instability.

people built their own house based on their wants and needs.

In the recovery process, the government didn't support from the intermediate phase of "temporary settlement". This was due to the favorable weather conditions and because most of the residents of Lorestan province participated well in reconstruction process. Consequent‐ ly, people moved directly from emergency shelters into the permanent ones.

**Figure 1.** location of study areas in Iran

#### **5. Gilan and Zanjan reconstruction**

The reconstruction had a pyramid structure in Gilan and Zanjan. A headquarter was estab‐ lished as central office and destructed area has been divided into 17 subarea. Any part had its especial corresponding that ware called Setad Moin (SM). They were HFI branches throughout the country. HFI has been chosen as main executive of reconstruction but other organizations, NGOs and individual participated in reconstruction. Main participation policy was adopted as follow:

House owners are construction manager and they are responsible for design and implemen‐ tation of their houses. The role of government is participation in affairs that house owner couldn't carry out their duties.

SMs divided damaged villages into four categories:

**4.3. Lorestan earthquake 2006**

102 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

infrastructure damages were assessed high.

**Figure 1.** location of study areas in Iran

**5. Gilan and Zanjan reconstruction**

On 30 and 31 March 2006, a series of earthquakes ranging from 2.8 to 6 on the Richter scale hit different parts of the southwestern province of Lorestan. The strongest ones hit Doroud and Borujerd districts which incurred some 2000 injuries and 72 casualties as well as serious damage to over 35 000 houses and physical infra-structures in the area. This earthquake led to relatively small number of casualties and deaths. Because the community's positively response to the alert system, utilizing loud speakers and pick-ups, which was triggered by local authorities following the early strikes of the quake in order to evacuate the residences prior to the major shock of 31 March. At least 60 villages were completely destroyed and nearly 320 villages experienced damages from 10% to100%. Although the loss of life was less than similar disasters like the earthquake in Bam 2003 and Gilan and Zanjan 1990, the building and

In the recovery process, the government didn't support from the intermediate phase of "temporary settlement". This was due to the favorable weather conditions and because most of the residents of Lorestan province participated well in reconstruction process. Consequent‐

The reconstruction had a pyramid structure in Gilan and Zanjan. A headquarter was estab‐ lished as central office and destructed area has been divided into 17 subarea. Any part had its

ly, people moved directly from emergency shelters into the permanent ones.


Reconstruction began after the establishment of Representatives Headquarters on Rural area. The first step was the removal of debris that people were involved. Simultaneity small unit as contemporary shelter were built. It changed to core unite of residential house for further development in some area. Small rooms that called "Fabian" distributed among damaged people. But most important once was the financial help to any family to build their building. Concurrent some basic material of construction distributed between households. It helps people built their own house based on their wants and needs.

People were dividing in to three groups including: farmers, ranchers and tenants based on their livelihood. The housing units were designed and built that it emphasized on the residential function. The socio and economical function of house were ignored in rural areas. Therefore majority of residential units that were designed and built by HFI with original plans were different. They looked at houses as one dimensional factor. Base on this approach they had a pre assumption that house is only as a dormitory. But the tra‐ ditional houses were a part of socio-economy life. This assumption led to abandon the proposal plans by people. The main point was that villager livelihood was too important, but it was ignored by architects.

In first category of villages' classification, some of villages were displaced. Some of villages were mixed to gather in this procedure. This was done without people participation or limited participation and enough studies. It led to some conflicts and problems over the time in result. The second step villages' plans have been designed on pressures of time limitation and cold season. Local people didn't play critical role in this phase too. Therefore village plans was too simplified and it did not adopt with socio-economic and spatio-locational needs. Unadjusted plans led to other problems again.

The traditional houses were made of mud brick and wooden roof in north stricken areas of Zajnan province. HFI proposed a kind of construction using concrete frames and brick walls. This model had serious differences with the traditional model. Thus it needed a capacity building movement. The following methods were used for training villager:

action in order to start reconstruction process for first time in Iran. Bam's reconstruction Steering Committee established as the singular leading and policymaking association. Bam's reconstruction Steering Committee and policy making was responsible for the planning, provision of financial resources, policymaking, executive operations, and supervision. The Steering Committee determined the responsibilities of each administration and commanded the organizations duties clearly, thereby preventing the likelihood of a duplication of effort relating to the Bam reconstruction. On the other hands, each organization and ministry continued to fulfill the responsibility that it had before the occurrence of the earthquake, and

Participation in Natural Disaster Reconstruction, Lessons from Iran

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/55004

105

The committee was headed by the Minister of Housing and Urban Development and the head of the Housing Foundation of Iran (HFI) was also in charge of executive affairs (Omidvar, Zafari et al. 2009). Bam and Baravat were divided into 11 zones and rural area into 9 zones based on previous experience, and to use the maximum available potential in reconstruction.

Up to 97% debris of the destroyed units in Bam and Baravat were removed by March 18, 2006. The operation of removing debris was started after the confirmation of the unit's ownership. In this phase participation was manifested. People were participated in debris removal by separation and restore usable materials like bricks iron profiles and etc. They received about 80 us \$ per family for their participation. This amount was paied in order to attract and encourage people participation. This policy had useful advantages that could be counted as: Due to psychological condition of people (due to the loss of their family members), any physical

Recycling of materials and reuse of materials and reduce need to new construction material; Owners Presence in demolish structures helped them to get out their goods and equipment especially valuable commodities like gold. It helps to reduce legal conflicts between residents; Finally financial helps, empowered family economically, especially in post disaster condition. Field survey shows that only 10.6 percent of people were satisfied from this kind of helps. 35 percent relatively were satisfied and 54.4 percent thought that the amount of financial helps

In this project, choose a proper design has been seen as a people right. House owner were able to choose appropriate style of architecture, structural system, construction materials. They choose their primary layout and they refer to an architecture council. Council was provided a complete detail of plans based on residents' opinion. During the reconstruction process up to 136 comprehensive plans covering 29,964 rural units were prepared. They were able to choose

The Bam Reconstruction Steering Committee and Policymaking formed a council called ''Bam's architectural and urbanization council'' to preserve the identity and character of Bam and monitor construction process. The council regulated the architectural regulations. For this reason, some of the country's best consultants were selected for controlling the architectural

a supervisory association was responsible for the inter-organizational cooperation.

In each zone, an executive quarter was organized and mobilized.

activities could be cause psychological rehabilitation;

were less than their needs (Fig. 2) (Zafari and Darabi 2012).

a technical executer contractor.

regulations in every phase.


In this project the HFI tried to organize some groups in some area as facilitators, calling "rural councils" in addition. In this region, the people transmitted their problems in each phase of the reconstruction to the rural council, who conveyed these problems to recon‐ struction authorities. This trend helped to accelerate the reconstruction process. The rural council was so useful in order to make effective relationships between authorities, de‐ signers and peoples.

The first method, due to: unknown result for volunteers; duration of courses in long time; voluntary refusal; lack of facilities for organizing their effort; was not effective. Second method was not successful too based on the lack of a common language among the educated elite and rural people. Final method HFI needed technical team that did not exist. The technical team was formed by HFI. These groups were sent to rural areas. HFI was responsible for the construction of housing units for households with orphans at same time. Therefore HFI constructed houses with new structure and form with technical assistance team. The houses were converted into sample units. This final method was more successful than previous two methods. Temporary housing units were made in sizes of 15 and 35 meters in Tarom Sofla area. These units as temporary accommodation units changed into the core unite for further development of residential units. This was an innovation in construction that presented by Esfahan branch of HFI. Over 190000 residential units were constructed, reconstructed, or repaired on area.

Various building materials were distributed with discounted, subsidized prices. Building materials were subsidized by the government in order to cope with rising prices due to increasing demand. Materials production was promoted too based on enabling approach. Long term, low interest loans were distributed through mobile or permanent banks. About 700 houses were built as a sample of safe construction and were donated to poor families. As a further contribution, over 50 schools and 17 health houses were built in various rural centers on behalf of national or international donating bodies.

#### **6. Bam earthquake (2003) reconstruction**

Bam reconstruction needs a new reconstruction strategy and efforts based on the previous experience and greatness of event in Bam earthquake. Shaping Steering Committee is the first action in order to start reconstruction process for first time in Iran. Bam's reconstruction Steering Committee established as the singular leading and policymaking association. Bam's reconstruction Steering Committee and policy making was responsible for the planning, provision of financial resources, policymaking, executive operations, and supervision. The Steering Committee determined the responsibilities of each administration and commanded the organizations duties clearly, thereby preventing the likelihood of a duplication of effort relating to the Bam reconstruction. On the other hands, each organization and ministry continued to fulfill the responsibility that it had before the occurrence of the earthquake, and a supervisory association was responsible for the inter-organizational cooperation.

The traditional houses were made of mud brick and wooden roof in north stricken areas of Zajnan province. HFI proposed a kind of construction using concrete frames and brick walls. This model had serious differences with the traditional model. Thus it needed a capacity

**•** Villager training by Show Maquette, Pictures and posters, slide shows and maps in rural

In this project the HFI tried to organize some groups in some area as facilitators, calling "rural councils" in addition. In this region, the people transmitted their problems in each phase of the reconstruction to the rural council, who conveyed these problems to recon‐ struction authorities. This trend helped to accelerate the reconstruction process. The rural council was so useful in order to make effective relationships between authorities, de‐

The first method, due to: unknown result for volunteers; duration of courses in long time; voluntary refusal; lack of facilities for organizing their effort; was not effective. Second method was not successful too based on the lack of a common language among the educated elite and rural people. Final method HFI needed technical team that did not exist. The technical team was formed by HFI. These groups were sent to rural areas. HFI was responsible for the construction of housing units for households with orphans at same time. Therefore HFI constructed houses with new structure and form with technical assistance team. The houses were converted into sample units. This final method was more successful than previous two methods. Temporary housing units were made in sizes of 15 and 35 meters in Tarom Sofla area. These units as temporary accommodation units changed into the core unite for further development of residential units. This was an innovation in construction that presented by Esfahan branch of HFI. Over 190000 residential units were constructed, reconstructed, or

Various building materials were distributed with discounted, subsidized prices. Building materials were subsidized by the government in order to cope with rising prices due to increasing demand. Materials production was promoted too based on enabling approach. Long term, low interest loans were distributed through mobile or permanent banks. About 700 houses were built as a sample of safe construction and were donated to poor families. As a further contribution, over 50 schools and 17 health houses were built in various rural centers

Bam reconstruction needs a new reconstruction strategy and efforts based on the previous experience and greatness of event in Bam earthquake. Shaping Steering Committee is the first

building movement. The following methods were used for training villager:

**•** Pattern building by construct a sample house in target villages.

**•** Classic training for related organization employee

104 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

on behalf of national or international donating bodies.

**6. Bam earthquake (2003) reconstruction**

areas.

signers and peoples.

repaired on area.

The committee was headed by the Minister of Housing and Urban Development and the head of the Housing Foundation of Iran (HFI) was also in charge of executive affairs (Omidvar, Zafari et al. 2009). Bam and Baravat were divided into 11 zones and rural area into 9 zones based on previous experience, and to use the maximum available potential in reconstruction. In each zone, an executive quarter was organized and mobilized.

Up to 97% debris of the destroyed units in Bam and Baravat were removed by March 18, 2006. The operation of removing debris was started after the confirmation of the unit's ownership. In this phase participation was manifested. People were participated in debris removal by separation and restore usable materials like bricks iron profiles and etc. They received about 80 us \$ per family for their participation. This amount was paied in order to attract and encourage people participation. This policy had useful advantages that could be counted as:

Due to psychological condition of people (due to the loss of their family members), any physical activities could be cause psychological rehabilitation;

Recycling of materials and reuse of materials and reduce need to new construction material;

Owners Presence in demolish structures helped them to get out their goods and equipment especially valuable commodities like gold. It helps to reduce legal conflicts between residents;

Finally financial helps, empowered family economically, especially in post disaster condition.

Field survey shows that only 10.6 percent of people were satisfied from this kind of helps. 35 percent relatively were satisfied and 54.4 percent thought that the amount of financial helps were less than their needs (Fig. 2) (Zafari and Darabi 2012).

In this project, choose a proper design has been seen as a people right. House owner were able to choose appropriate style of architecture, structural system, construction materials. They choose their primary layout and they refer to an architecture council. Council was provided a complete detail of plans based on residents' opinion. During the reconstruction process up to 136 comprehensive plans covering 29,964 rural units were prepared. They were able to choose a technical executer contractor.

The Bam Reconstruction Steering Committee and Policymaking formed a council called ''Bam's architectural and urbanization council'' to preserve the identity and character of Bam and monitor construction process. The council regulated the architectural regulations. For this reason, some of the country's best consultants were selected for controlling the architectural regulations in every phase.

numbers of expertise were invited from HFI branches to help the SM. The reconstruction was started in Brojerd city and in villages simultaneously. The procedures in two areas were

Participation in Natural Disaster Reconstruction, Lessons from Iran

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/55004

107

Urban reconstruction was assigned to the municipality of Broujerd. Municipality had enough information about ownership and it could help prevent a potential further conflicts. All reconstruction affairs were did by house owners from debris removal to build houses. In many cases, damaged houses were in old structure of city that organic access network. Organic networks limited car access. Another problem referred to neighborhood. According neighbors safty, debris removal must be performed more accurately and without creating problems like dust and noise for neighbors. Only house owners could do it with care. Thus their participation was vital in reconstruction procedures. In some cases people look at disaster as opportunity for development. Earthquake was a chance to renew old urban context. A residential unit that was resisting for the opening of narrow street, was destroyed by the people. An important

All other works have been done by people and their participation. Government and HFI provided the necessary funds for the reconstruction. The loans were paid to people after municipality approval and assistance of the banking system. In other aspect HFI was act‐ ed as council and assistant for solve peoples' problems. It was for first time that all

In rural area reconstruction followed traditional method. But in Lorestan earth quake role of reconstruction responsibility was limited to management in compare with previous ones. Therefore main role in this subsystem referred to local people. According to previous experi‐ ences, the most important factor to participate people is the right of people to choose their houses layout. In this case people could choose the plan that was prepared by consultants. In order to improve the quality of houses planning, diversity of plans was prepared based on local residential needs. On the other hand, it was possible to people to design a new layout. About 12 consultant groups have been added to existing expert teams in Lorestan to expedite the designing, retrofitting and reinforcement of damaged units. Rural Engineering System (RES) formed after Bam earthquake. Presence of RES was most important point in Loerstan reconstruction. RES main job was monitoring the construction process by technical assistants and offered technical consultation to house owners in building process. Naturally in design process people took main decisions but it came to truth by RES members and HFI experts that

The HFI was responsible for distribution low interest loan. It delivered building materials too. The local potentials for production of standard building material were identified and activated in the early days of the disaster. Several quality control systems have been created. This system tested samples of building material regularly. To increase accessibility, representative offices were set up in villages that also provided workstations to banks, which facilitates the admin‐

work that the municipality was unable to do for six years.

completely different.

works done by people.

were at villagers access.

istrative process (Zafari & Jodi, 2009).

Source:(Zafari and Darabi 2012)

**Figure 2.** people satisfaction of financial aids

In case of retrofitting and also structural controlling, the government signed a contract with construction engineering organization, as a Non Governmental Organisation. This increased the participation of local organizations. Furthermore, the participation of contractors and executive teams were increased by providing educational opportunities to prevent the use of improper construction materials in the buildings, and also some contracts were signed to build soil mechanics laboratories(Omidvar, Zafari et al. 2009).

The government provided construction materials for the owners. Owners were received low interest loans for reconstruction. They received this loan in three parts according to physical building progress. People were constructing manager and they decide for themselves in construction method. All these activities were carried out after the building permit was issued. Finally, based on a survey conducted in 2008 by Omidvar and et al., it was found that the maximum of public satisfaction was occurred in the architecture design plan preference and construction contractor selection process. (Table 1) (Omidvar, Zafari et al. 2009).


**Table 1.** People satisfaction from Participation in reconstruction process (Percent)

#### **7. Reconstruction of Lorestan**

The HFI was the responsible of residential sector reconstruction like other reconstructions. Damaged area was divided into 8 parts that one SM was responsible for any subarea. Also, numbers of expertise were invited from HFI branches to help the SM. The reconstruction was started in Brojerd city and in villages simultaneously. The procedures in two areas were completely different.

Urban reconstruction was assigned to the municipality of Broujerd. Municipality had enough information about ownership and it could help prevent a potential further conflicts. All reconstruction affairs were did by house owners from debris removal to build houses. In many cases, damaged houses were in old structure of city that organic access network. Organic networks limited car access. Another problem referred to neighborhood. According neighbors safty, debris removal must be performed more accurately and without creating problems like dust and noise for neighbors. Only house owners could do it with care. Thus their participation was vital in reconstruction procedures. In some cases people look at disaster as opportunity for development. Earthquake was a chance to renew old urban context. A residential unit that was resisting for the opening of narrow street, was destroyed by the people. An important work that the municipality was unable to do for six years.

In case of retrofitting and also structural controlling, the government signed a contract with construction engineering organization, as a Non Governmental Organisation. This increased the participation of local organizations. Furthermore, the participation of contractors and executive teams were increased by providing educational opportunities to prevent the use of improper construction materials in the buildings, and also some contracts were signed to build

The government provided construction materials for the owners. Owners were received low interest loans for reconstruction. They received this loan in three parts according to physical building progress. People were constructing manager and they decide for themselves in construction method. All these activities were carried out after the building permit was issued. Finally, based on a survey conducted in 2008 by Omidvar and et al., it was found that the maximum of public satisfaction was occurred in the architecture design plan preference and

**Subject high moderate low**

Debris Removal 10.6 35 54 Reconstruction Operation 37 45 19

Construction Contractor selection 45 34 22 Building Material selection 34 57 9 Architecture design plan preference 45 30 25

The HFI was the responsible of residential sector reconstruction like other reconstructions. Damaged area was divided into 8 parts that one SM was responsible for any subarea. Also,

construction contractor selection process. (Table 1) (Omidvar, Zafari et al. 2009).

**Table 1.** People satisfaction from Participation in reconstruction process (Percent)

soil mechanics laboratories(Omidvar, Zafari et al. 2009).

106 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

Source: (Omidvar, Zafari et al. 2009)

Source:(Zafari and Darabi 2012)

**Figure 2.** people satisfaction of financial aids

**7. Reconstruction of Lorestan**

All other works have been done by people and their participation. Government and HFI provided the necessary funds for the reconstruction. The loans were paid to people after municipality approval and assistance of the banking system. In other aspect HFI was act‐ ed as council and assistant for solve peoples' problems. It was for first time that all works done by people.

In rural area reconstruction followed traditional method. But in Lorestan earth quake role of reconstruction responsibility was limited to management in compare with previous ones. Therefore main role in this subsystem referred to local people. According to previous experi‐ ences, the most important factor to participate people is the right of people to choose their houses layout. In this case people could choose the plan that was prepared by consultants. In order to improve the quality of houses planning, diversity of plans was prepared based on local residential needs. On the other hand, it was possible to people to design a new layout. About 12 consultant groups have been added to existing expert teams in Lorestan to expedite the designing, retrofitting and reinforcement of damaged units. Rural Engineering System (RES) formed after Bam earthquake. Presence of RES was most important point in Loerstan reconstruction. RES main job was monitoring the construction process by technical assistants and offered technical consultation to house owners in building process. Naturally in design process people took main decisions but it came to truth by RES members and HFI experts that were at villagers access.

The HFI was responsible for distribution low interest loan. It delivered building materials too. The local potentials for production of standard building material were identified and activated in the early days of the disaster. Several quality control systems have been created. This system tested samples of building material regularly. To increase accessibility, representative offices were set up in villages that also provided workstations to banks, which facilitates the admin‐ istrative process (Zafari & Jodi, 2009).

It was clarified that the reconstruction scheme offered two options, the affected individuals could either take monetary compensation and acquire building material independently or HFI made it by providing low cost building material in lieu of the monetary Loans.

In Lorestan reconstruction participation cycle were completed. In this cycle in all related phases people found their roles. Participation change into accepted issue and RES worked properly. In this reconstruction temporary shelter and small financial aids were omitted and long term loans were replaced instead. Reconstruction of residential houses was a task of normal people. Distribution of loans have been helped to empower local society. Distribution of construction materials have been done by some of local dealers. In this construction role of any side of triangle divided professionally and participation found the proper shape in all reconstruction efforts. More important point was the time of reconstruction in Lorestan. Reconstruction has been finished in about 6 month. But all efforts were limited to the reconstruction cycle and with ending the reconstruction and exit the reconstruction authorities from area, participation stopped and all structures collapsed. Unfortunately all efforts were done for reconstruction and it did not become institutionalized in area as an opportunity for further development.

Participation in Natural Disaster Reconstruction, Lessons from Iran

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/55004

109

Even though participation faces with some critiques and obstacles, but advantages of partici‐ pation make it attractive for governments and reconstruction managers. A short review in three earthquake reconstruction policies in Iran shows that despite of compliance limited participation, the attitudes have been change over the time. Factors such as greatness of damaged area and budget limitation, local people actively involve in reconstruction, reduce responsibility of reconstruction authority, increase the reconstruction speed, Work division and less conflicts between organization, and less parallel or duplicated works are the result of

Although participation was not a main reconstruction policy today it has major affect on reconstruction policy. People participation led to new configuration in reconstruction man‐ agement in Iran. New reconstruction management changed role of government from self reliant to a local community protective. But it is too far from real community participation in post disaster reconstruction. Although people play relative good role in construction but it need to change a process of capacity building and empowerment that is durable over the time. Unfortunately participation imposed due to deficit that will create by disaster. Based on origin of life it does not change into an institutional structure and it its continuity completely related to political structure of governmental organization. Therefore it can evolve quickly by managers' decision in different level. The main challenge arises here is: How can we institu‐ tionalize participation which is not affected by individual decisions and political change?

**8. Conclusion**

people participation.

**Author details**

Darabi H., Zafari H. and Milani Nia S.

Environment Faculty, University of Tehran, Iran

Financials polices changed after bam earthquake. In suitable reconstruction condition, limit financial aids change to complete finical loans to reconstruct permanent buildings. The main task of reconstruction return to home owners and HFI presented housing materials and construction management. RES offered technical supports to the people and constructers.

Local people roles were changed to main responsive of reconstruction based on mentioned policies. New polices emphasized on employment of local people beside the reconstruction. Therefore 15,261 units were repaired that home owners were main participants in repairs. More than 37,000 residential units were constructed by contribute of home owners. About 17000 residential units in the urban areas were reconstructed based on this view of point.

People participation was divided into two steps in Lorestan reconstruction including: the first step was decision making, decision taking, and planning. HFI tried to use public participation in all phases, such as through policy making, operating assessment and revision. Then, they held meetings with the public before preparing files and tasks. In some conditions in which it was necessary to relocate some villages. The area's mangers held meetings with the people after doing initial studies. The second step was reconstruction management. People partici‐ pated in important tasks effectively like material distribution, removing debris, putting walls up, and roofing. The reconstructing management delivered directly to people and HFI and other authorities acted as a conductor and supervisor.

Quick review of reconstruction and participation role in three earthquake show: Participation has been a lot of volatility in reconstruction. General point is that participation in reconstruc‐ tion has become more and more acceptable issue. But a kind of especial view of point domi‐ nated on it.

In first earthquake participation was a minor issue. Participation is visible in deferent step of reconstruction. There are neutral or negative image of participation in reconstruction author‐ ities attitudes. In Gilan and Zanjan reconstruction people in many step of reconstruction acted as bystander in some cases they tried to modify reconstruction decisions. In some part they were as supervisor of reconstruction authorities. Participation is visible but partial and it completely depended on SM managers' attitude. In some cases participation has been occurred but it was an attempt to solve conflicts.

In bam participation is as main issue in reconstruction. People found a significant role in reconstruction. Foreign efforts like United Nation Development Program, other organization, people and NGOs intervention were effective to figure new form of participation. In Bam reconstruction for first time participation found new meaning in Iran. People found a good opportunity to reflect their wants in reconstruction practice. It shaped a triangle from govern‐ ment, people and technical assistants. It created the idea of RES for rural areas and made tasks of government lighter. People found their responsibility for this homes and building from debris removal up to construction.

In Lorestan reconstruction participation cycle were completed. In this cycle in all related phases people found their roles. Participation change into accepted issue and RES worked properly. In this reconstruction temporary shelter and small financial aids were omitted and long term loans were replaced instead. Reconstruction of residential houses was a task of normal people. Distribution of loans have been helped to empower local society. Distribution of construction materials have been done by some of local dealers. In this construction role of any side of triangle divided professionally and participation found the proper shape in all reconstruction efforts. More important point was the time of reconstruction in Lorestan. Reconstruction has been finished in about 6 month. But all efforts were limited to the reconstruction cycle and with ending the reconstruction and exit the reconstruction authorities from area, participation stopped and all structures collapsed. Unfortunately all efforts were done for reconstruction and it did not become institutionalized in area as an opportunity for further development.

#### **8. Conclusion**

It was clarified that the reconstruction scheme offered two options, the affected individuals could either take monetary compensation and acquire building material independently or HFI

Financials polices changed after bam earthquake. In suitable reconstruction condition, limit financial aids change to complete finical loans to reconstruct permanent buildings. The main task of reconstruction return to home owners and HFI presented housing materials and construction management. RES offered technical supports to the people and constructers.

Local people roles were changed to main responsive of reconstruction based on mentioned policies. New polices emphasized on employment of local people beside the reconstruction. Therefore 15,261 units were repaired that home owners were main participants in repairs. More than 37,000 residential units were constructed by contribute of home owners. About 17000 residential units in the urban areas were reconstructed based on this view of point.

People participation was divided into two steps in Lorestan reconstruction including: the first step was decision making, decision taking, and planning. HFI tried to use public participation in all phases, such as through policy making, operating assessment and revision. Then, they held meetings with the public before preparing files and tasks. In some conditions in which it was necessary to relocate some villages. The area's mangers held meetings with the people after doing initial studies. The second step was reconstruction management. People partici‐ pated in important tasks effectively like material distribution, removing debris, putting walls up, and roofing. The reconstructing management delivered directly to people and HFI and

Quick review of reconstruction and participation role in three earthquake show: Participation has been a lot of volatility in reconstruction. General point is that participation in reconstruc‐ tion has become more and more acceptable issue. But a kind of especial view of point domi‐

In first earthquake participation was a minor issue. Participation is visible in deferent step of reconstruction. There are neutral or negative image of participation in reconstruction author‐ ities attitudes. In Gilan and Zanjan reconstruction people in many step of reconstruction acted as bystander in some cases they tried to modify reconstruction decisions. In some part they were as supervisor of reconstruction authorities. Participation is visible but partial and it completely depended on SM managers' attitude. In some cases participation has been occurred

In bam participation is as main issue in reconstruction. People found a significant role in reconstruction. Foreign efforts like United Nation Development Program, other organization, people and NGOs intervention were effective to figure new form of participation. In Bam reconstruction for first time participation found new meaning in Iran. People found a good opportunity to reflect their wants in reconstruction practice. It shaped a triangle from govern‐ ment, people and technical assistants. It created the idea of RES for rural areas and made tasks of government lighter. People found their responsibility for this homes and building from

other authorities acted as a conductor and supervisor.

but it was an attempt to solve conflicts.

debris removal up to construction.

nated on it.

made it by providing low cost building material in lieu of the monetary Loans.

108 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

Even though participation faces with some critiques and obstacles, but advantages of partici‐ pation make it attractive for governments and reconstruction managers. A short review in three earthquake reconstruction policies in Iran shows that despite of compliance limited participation, the attitudes have been change over the time. Factors such as greatness of damaged area and budget limitation, local people actively involve in reconstruction, reduce responsibility of reconstruction authority, increase the reconstruction speed, Work division and less conflicts between organization, and less parallel or duplicated works are the result of people participation.

Although participation was not a main reconstruction policy today it has major affect on reconstruction policy. People participation led to new configuration in reconstruction man‐ agement in Iran. New reconstruction management changed role of government from self reliant to a local community protective. But it is too far from real community participation in post disaster reconstruction. Although people play relative good role in construction but it need to change a process of capacity building and empowerment that is durable over the time. Unfortunately participation imposed due to deficit that will create by disaster. Based on origin of life it does not change into an institutional structure and it its continuity completely related to political structure of governmental organization. Therefore it can evolve quickly by managers' decision in different level. The main challenge arises here is: How can we institu‐ tionalize participation which is not affected by individual decisions and political change?

#### **Author details**

Darabi H., Zafari H. and Milani Nia S.

Environment Faculty, University of Tehran, Iran

#### **References**

[1] Adomokai, R. and Sheate, W. R. (2004). "Community participation and environmen‐ tal decision-making in the Niger Delta." Environmental Impact Assessment Re‐ view(24): 495–518.

[16] Diwan, P. (2010). A Manual on Disaster Management, Pentagon Earth.

2003 Bam, Iran." Earthquake.Earthq Spectra 21,(S1).

reconstruction." Nat Hazards 44: 229-241.

ing Foundation of Islamic Revolution.

Kyiv, Ukraine, "iMedia" Ltd.

24(4): 367-378.

Geoforum 39 331–343.

Affairs, 7( 1&2): 1–20.

[17] Duxbury, J. and Dickinson, S. (2007). "Principles for sustainable governance of the coastal zone:In the context of coastal disasters." Ecological Economics 63: 319-330. [18] Edigheji, O. (2004). "Globalisation and the Paradox of Participatory Governance in Southern Africa: The Case of the New South Africa, " African Journal of International

Participation in Natural Disaster Reconstruction, Lessons from Iran

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/55004

111

[19] Eshghi, S. and Asheri, M. N., (2005). "Performance of transportation systems in the

[20] Ghafory-Ashtiany, M. and M. Hosseini (2008). "Post-Bam earthquake: recovery and

[21] HFIR (2009). The collection of Bam reconstruction progress reports(2004-2009), Hous‐

[22] Holdar, G. G., Zakharchenko, O., et al. (2002). Introduction. Citizen Partcipation Handbook, People's Voice Project. G. G. Holdar, O. Zakharchenko and A. Natkaniec.

[23] Houck, D. J., Kim, E. et al. (2004). "A Network Survivability Model for Critical Na‐

[24] Huggins, L. J. (2007). Comprehensive Disaster Management and Development: The Role of Geoinformatics and Geo-collaboration in Linking Mitigation and Disaster Re‐

[25] Jha, A. K., Barenstein, J. D. et al. (2010). Safer Homes, Stronger Communities, A Handbook for Reconstructing after Natural Disasters. Washington DC, The Interna‐

[26] Jigyasu, R. (2010). Appropriate technology for post-disaster reconstruction. Rebuild‐ ing after Disasters From emergency to sustainability. Gonzalo Lizarralde, Cassidy

[27] Johnson, C., Lizarralde, G., et al. (2006). "A systems view of temporary housing projects in post-disaster reconstruction." Construction Management and Economics

[28] Jupp, E. (2008). "The feeling of participation: Everyday spaces and urban change."

[29] Kruahongs, W. (2008). Community participation in tsunami disaster response and re‐

[30] Ling, A., McGee, R., et al. (2010). Literature Review on Active Participation and Hu‐ man Rights Research and Advocacy, Institute of Development Studies: 50.

[31] Lizarralde, G., Johnson, C., et al. (2010b). From complexity to strategic planning for sustainable reconstruction. Rebuilding after Disasters From emergency to sustaina‐

tional Infrastructures." Bell Labs Technical Journal 4(8 ): 153-172.

tional Bank for Reconstruction and Development / The World Bank.

covery in the Eastern Caribbean, University of Pittsburgh.

Johnson and C. Davidson. New York, Spon Press. 1: 294.

covery in thailand Master University of Manitoba


[16] Diwan, P. (2010). A Manual on Disaster Management, Pentagon Earth.

**References**

view(24): 495–518.

Oxford University Press.

Institute of Planners 35 216-224.

110 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

bach Publications. 1: 173-203.

tion.

Science & Technology.

[1] Adomokai, R. and Sheate, W. R. (2004). "Community participation and environmen‐ tal decision-making in the Niger Delta." Environmental Impact Assessment Re‐

[2] Alexander, D. (2002). Principles of emergency planning and management. New York,

[3] Arnstein, S. R. (1969). "A Ladder of Citizen Participation." Journal of the American

[4] Barenstein, J. D. (2011). housing reconstruction in tamil nadu: the disaster after the tsunami in India. Community Disaster Recovery and Resiliency, Exploring Global

[5] Becker, J., W. Saunders, et al. (2011). preplanning for recovery , In Community Disas‐ ter Recovery and Resiliency, Exploring Global Opportunities and Challenges, Auer‐

[6] Berberian, M. and Yeats, R. S. (2001). "Contribution of archaeological data to studies of earthquake history in the Iranian Plateau." Journal of Structural Geology 23.

[7] Buchy, M. and Hoverman, S. (2000 ). "Understanding public participation in forest

[8] CHoguill, M. B. G. (1996 ). "A Ladder of Community Participation for Underdevel‐

[9] Christians, B. and Speer, W. P. (2007). Tyranny Transformation: Power and Paradox In Participatory Development. Participatory Development: An Introduction. A. Hus‐

[10] Christoplos, I. (2006). Links Between Relief, Rehabilitation and Development in the Tsunami Response: A Synthesis of Initial Findings, ODI, Tsunami Evaluation Coali‐

[11] Cleaver, F. (1999). "Pardoxes of Participation: Questioning ParticipatoryApproaches

[14] Coppola, D. P. (2011). Introduction to International Disaster Management, Elsevier

[15] Davidson, C. H., Johnson, C., et al. (2007). "Truths and myths about community par‐ ticipation in post-disaster housing projects." Habitat International(31 ): 100–115.

sain and S. S. Mishra. Punjagutta, India, Icfai University Press. 7: 14-26.

to developemnt." Journal of International Development 11: 597-612.

[13] Cooke, B. and Kothari, U. (2001). Participation: the New Tyranny?, Zed Books.

[12] Collins, A. (2009). Disaster and Development, Taylor & Francis.

Opportunities and Challenges, Auerbach Publications. 1: 344-362.

planning: a review." Forest Policy and Economics(1): 15-25.

oped Countries " HABITAT INTL. 20( 3): 431-444.


bility. Gonzalo Lizarralde, Cassidy Johnson and C. Davidson. New York, Spon Press. 1: 294.

[45] Tosun, C. (2006). "Expected nature of community participation in tourism develop‐

Participation in Natural Disaster Reconstruction, Lessons from Iran

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/55004

113

[46] Tsouvalis, J. and Waterton, C., (2012). "Building 'participation' upon critique: The Loweswater Care Project, Cumbria, UK." Environmental Modelling & Software (36):

[47] Umeda, Y., Takata, S. et al. (2012). "Toward integrated product and process life cycle planning—An environmental perspective." CIRP Annals - Manufacturing Technolo‐

[48] USGS, (2010, July 30, 2010). "Earthquake Information for 1990." Retrieved October 20, 2012, from http://earthquake.usgs.gov/earthquakes/eqarchives/year/1990.

[49] Victoria, L. P. (2002). Community -Based Approaches to Disaster Mitigation Regional Workshop on Best Practices in Disaster Mitigation Lessons Learned from the Asian Urban Disaster Mitigation Program and other Initiatives. Bali, Indonesia, ?: 270-290.

[50] White., S. (1996). "Depoliticising development: the uses and abuses of participation."

[51] Yung, E. H. K. and Chan, E. H. W. (2011). "Problem issues of public participation in built-heritage conservation Two controversial cases in Hong Kong." Habitat Interna‐

[52] Zafari, H. and Darabi, H. (2012). "readout participation in Bam post disaster recon‐

struction " Journal of Housing and Rural Environment 139: under press.

ment." Tourism Management(27 ): 493-504.

Development in Practice 6(1): 6–15.

111-121.

gy(61): 681-702.

tional(35): 457-466.


[45] Tosun, C. (2006). "Expected nature of community participation in tourism develop‐ ment." Tourism Management(27 ): 493-504.

bility. Gonzalo Lizarralde, Cassidy Johnson and C. Davidson. New York, Spon Press.

[32] Lizarralde, G. and Massyn, M. (2008). "Unexpected negative outcomes of community participation in low-cost housing projects in South Africa." Habitat International(32 ):

[33] Mahfuzar, M. and R. Chowdhury (2011). Bridging the public–private partnership in disaster management in Bangladesh IN: Community Disaster Recovery and Resilien‐ cy, Exploring Global Opportunities and Challenges, Auerbach Publications. 1:

[34] Moe, T. L. and Pathranarakul, P. (2006). "An integrated approach to natural disaster management: Public project management and its critical success factors." Disaster

[35] Omidvar, B., Zafari, H., et al. (2009). "Reconstruction management policies in resi‐ dential and commercial sectors after the 2003 Bam earthquake in Iran." Nat Hazards

[36] Ophiyandri, T., Amaratunga, D., et al. (2008). Community Based Post Disaster Hous‐ ing Reconstruction: Indonesian Perspective. World Vision Indonesia Tsunami Re‐

[37] Paul, B. K. (2011). Environmental Hazards and Disasters: Contexts, Perspectives and

[38] Piffero, E. (2009). What Happened to Participation? Urban Development and Author‐

[39] Pomeroy, R. S., Ratner, B. D., et al. (2006). "Coping with disaster: Rehabilitating coast‐

[40] Reed, M. S. (2008). "Stakeholder participation for environmental managem, A litera‐

[41] Robinson, L. W. and Berkes, F. (2011 ). "Multi-level participation for building adap‐ tive capacity: Formal agency-community interactions in northern Kenya." Global En‐

[42] Shaluf, I. M. (2008). "Technological disaster stages and management." Disaster Pre‐

[43] Sharma, V. K. (2004). Sustainable Rural Development For Disaster Mitigation, Con‐

[44] Sliwinski, A. (2010). The politics of participation Involving communities in post-dis‐ aster reconstruction. Rebuilding after Disasters From emergency to sustainability. Gonzalo Lizarralde, Cassidy Johnson and C. Davidson. New York, Spon Press. 1: 294.

itarian Upgrading in Cairo's Informal Neighbourhoods, I Libri di Emil.

al livelihoods and communities." MarinePolicy(30): 786–793.

ture review." Bilogical Conversation 141: 2417 – 2431.

Prevention and Management 15 (3 ): 396 - 413.

112 Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

sponse, Final Report, World Vision.

Management, John Wiley & Sons.

vironmental Change(21): 1185-1194.

vention and Management 17 (1): 114 - 126.

1: 294.

1-14.

396-422.

54: 289-306.

cept Pub.


## *Edited by Olga Petrucci*

This book is an overview of the complex and multifaceted topic of natural disasters impact. Several possible approaches can be undertaken to assess economic, psychological, societal or environmental damage caused by natural disasters, aiming to reduce the effects of future events on the whole of these sectors. This book proposes a range of studies realized in different continents, showing various aspects from which natural disasters can be view, thus giving a measure of the complexity and multidisciplinary of the topic. It starts with a paper presenting a possible strategy to either avoid or reduce the vulnerability of concrete buildings during floods. Then, it continues with an insight into the communication during post-disaster emergency phase and with two chapters concerning the assessment of two different kinds of impact on people everyday life. The book ends with an analysis of the role of stakeholder participation in post-disaster reconstruction.

Natural Disasters - Multifaceted Aspects in Management and Impact Assessment

Natural Disasters

Multifaceted Aspects in Management

and Impact Assessment

*Edited by Olga Petrucci*

Photo by vchal / iStock