**3. Parents' and children's characteristics as predictors of child-rearing practices**

Seeking to investigate the attitudes and behaviors of parents regarding the socialization of their children, studies have highlighted some factors associated with parental child-rearing practices, which can be classified into three broad categories (Belsky, 1984): social context, personal characteristics of the parents, and characteristics of the child. In this sense, studies conducted in the NUDIF have concentrated on investigating some of these factors, such as, differences in mothers' and fathers' child-rearing practices according to age, health conditions of the child, birth order, and evidence of intergenerational transmission of parental childrearing practices.

A second hypothesis was that there would be no differences in the maternal and paternal childrearing practices at 24 months, considering the findings of the study by Piccinini et al. (2007), which included a sample of families from the same study. However, the mothers mentioned a significantly higher frequency of practices involving explanation and organization of the environment than the fathers. In addition, they also reported more coercive practices than the fathers. These findings strengthen the case that mothers are more involved in child care, even

Child-Rearing Practices of Brazilian Mothers and Fathers: Predictors and Impact on Child Development

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/57242

21

The study by Marin et al. (2011a) followed the same families when the child was 24, 36 and 72 months. When the children reached 24 and 72 months, the mothers and fathers responded to the same interview used in the study above; however, when they were aged 36 months, the families were also observed during their lunch and parental practices were investigated. Statistical analysis revealed differences between the maternal inductive practices at 24 and 36 months, and between the practices of non-interference at 24 and 36 months, and at 36 and 72 months. In relation to the fathers, differences were found between the inductive practices at 24 and 72 months and between the practices of non-interference at 24 and 36 months, and at 36 and 72 months. These results suggest that the use of inductive practices may be related to the allocation of greater competence and responsibility to the children, associated with the age or maturity attributed to them. The practices of non-interference, in turn, also became more frequent as the child grew and are possibly related to the emergence of assertiveness (Crocken‐ berg, & Littman, 1990). In contrast to the inductive and non-interference practices, coercive practices tended to maintain some stability throughout the development of the child. Peisner (1989) emphasized that, in the childhood socialization process, some practices tend to remain stable while others do not. Perhaps this is the case for the coercive practices, which appeared to be used more in situations of greater conflict with the child or as a last resort to achieve the desired disciplinary goal, especially after using inductive practices and even non-interference practices. The results suggestthat both stability and change are presentin the parental practices throughout the development of the child. It is noteworthy that some practices tend to change due to the development of the child, although the way parents deal with their children often tends to remain more stable (McNally, Eisenberg, & Harris, 1991). What appears to occur, according to McNally et al. (1991), is that the parental values remain relatively stable, while some specific practices that favor these tend to change with the age of the child, due to the

Similarly, Marin et al. (2011b) used the same sample, considering only the data from the interview about parental child-rearing practices applied at 24 and 72 months; and revealed that the mothers were significantly more inductive than the fathers at 24 months, however, at 72 months there were no significant differences. The mothers also presented higher mean scores in the reported practices, which can be explained by the predominant role they still play in the socialization of the children (Wagner, 2003), although the fathers started participating more in the education of their children. Compared with the fathers, the mothers tended to talk more with their children, to express feelings, opinions, set limits, and praise appropriate

behaviors (Braz, Dessen, & Silva, 2005; Silveira, Pacheco, Cross, & Schneider, 2005).

Still related to specific contexts which may have an impact child-rearing, we carried out other two studies, with the first investigating the role of the health condition of the child in the child-

when verbalizations and actions aimed at restricting certain behaviors are necessary.

acquisition of new skills and greater autonomy.

A series of four studies (Alvarenga, Piccinini, Frizzo, Lopes, & Tudge, 2009; Marin, Piccinini, & Tudge, 2011a, 2011b; Piccinini, Frizzo, Alvarenga, Lopes, & Tudge, 2007) investigated mothers' and fathers' child-rearing practices in the child's early years, examining the stability and change in child-rearing practices during the child's preschool years. In the study by Piccinini et al. (2007) we investigated differences in child-rearing practices of mothers and fathers of children aged 18 months. Thirty-four families took part in the study, with both parents interviewed in relation to six day-to-day situations that commonly involve inappro‐ priate behavior or disobedience by the child, namely: a) mealtimes; b) being cared for by someone else; c) dressing; d) bedtime; e) bath time; and f) when the parents said 'no'. Content analysis and statistical analysis revealed the predominance of inductive practices reported by both the mothers and fathers. The absence of differences in child-rearing practices between the parents indicates a low relevance of parental gender in determining the practices in the developmental phase that was investigated. Therefore, it is plausible that other characteristics of parents, the child and the context may be more influential in the child-rearing practices than parental gender itself. Actually, some of these factors have already been highlighted in the literature such as parent's beliefs and values, level of education, experience with their own caregivers, quality of the marital relationship and child characteristics. These may be more influential in the child-rearing practices than gender itself (Bentley, & Fox, 1991; Weber, Prado, Viezzer, & Brandenburg, 2004). Such aspects may be particularly relevant in the first two years of life because eventual disagreements between the mother and father in the way they conceive of the socialization of the baby may not yet be expressed in different attitudes and behaviors.

In a follow-up study (Alvarenga et al., 2009) we investigated the stability and changes in childrearing practices of mothers and fathers in the period between 18 and 24 months after the birth of their child, using a sample of 18 families, where the mothers and fathers responded separately to the same interview described in the study above. The initial hypothesis was that at 24 months fathers and mothers would report more inductive practices than at 18 months, due to the increasing dominance of language by the child (Mussen, Conger, Kagan, & Huston, 1990), the development of assertiveness (Crockenberg & Litman, 1990) and greater allocation of competence and responsibility to the child (Dix, Ruble, & Zambarano, 1989). This hypothesis was partially supported by the results, as only the mothers reported significantly more inductive practices at 24 months. This difference between fathers and mothers can be explained by the fact that, as the mothers deal with daily tasks that generate conflict, such as those that have been investigated, more often than the fathers (Booth, Spieker, Barnard, & Morisset, 1992) they eventually develop a broader repertoire of inductive strategies, such as the use of explanations, to deal with such situations (Schaffer, 1996).

A second hypothesis was that there would be no differences in the maternal and paternal childrearing practices at 24 months, considering the findings of the study by Piccinini et al. (2007), which included a sample of families from the same study. However, the mothers mentioned a significantly higher frequency of practices involving explanation and organization of the environment than the fathers. In addition, they also reported more coercive practices than the fathers. These findings strengthen the case that mothers are more involved in child care, even when verbalizations and actions aimed at restricting certain behaviors are necessary.

practices, which can be classified into three broad categories (Belsky, 1984): social context, personal characteristics of the parents, and characteristics of the child. In this sense, studies conducted in the NUDIF have concentrated on investigating some of these factors, such as, differences in mothers' and fathers' child-rearing practices according to age, health conditions of the child, birth order, and evidence of intergenerational transmission of parental child-

A series of four studies (Alvarenga, Piccinini, Frizzo, Lopes, & Tudge, 2009; Marin, Piccinini, & Tudge, 2011a, 2011b; Piccinini, Frizzo, Alvarenga, Lopes, & Tudge, 2007) investigated mothers' and fathers' child-rearing practices in the child's early years, examining the stability and change in child-rearing practices during the child's preschool years. In the study by Piccinini et al. (2007) we investigated differences in child-rearing practices of mothers and fathers of children aged 18 months. Thirty-four families took part in the study, with both parents interviewed in relation to six day-to-day situations that commonly involve inappro‐ priate behavior or disobedience by the child, namely: a) mealtimes; b) being cared for by someone else; c) dressing; d) bedtime; e) bath time; and f) when the parents said 'no'. Content analysis and statistical analysis revealed the predominance of inductive practices reported by both the mothers and fathers. The absence of differences in child-rearing practices between the parents indicates a low relevance of parental gender in determining the practices in the developmental phase that was investigated. Therefore, it is plausible that other characteristics of parents, the child and the context may be more influential in the child-rearing practices than parental gender itself. Actually, some of these factors have already been highlighted in the literature such as parent's beliefs and values, level of education, experience with their own caregivers, quality of the marital relationship and child characteristics. These may be more influential in the child-rearing practices than gender itself (Bentley, & Fox, 1991; Weber, Prado, Viezzer, & Brandenburg, 2004). Such aspects may be particularly relevant in the first two years of life because eventual disagreements between the mother and father in the way they conceive of the socialization of the baby may not yet be expressed in different attitudes and behaviors.

In a follow-up study (Alvarenga et al., 2009) we investigated the stability and changes in childrearing practices of mothers and fathers in the period between 18 and 24 months after the birth of their child, using a sample of 18 families, where the mothers and fathers responded separately to the same interview described in the study above. The initial hypothesis was that at 24 months fathers and mothers would report more inductive practices than at 18 months, due to the increasing dominance of language by the child (Mussen, Conger, Kagan, & Huston, 1990), the development of assertiveness (Crockenberg & Litman, 1990) and greater allocation of competence and responsibility to the child (Dix, Ruble, & Zambarano, 1989). This hypothesis was partially supported by the results, as only the mothers reported significantly more inductive practices at 24 months. This difference between fathers and mothers can be explained by the fact that, as the mothers deal with daily tasks that generate conflict, such as those that have been investigated, more often than the fathers (Booth, Spieker, Barnard, & Morisset, 1992) they eventually develop a broader repertoire of inductive strategies, such as the use of

explanations, to deal with such situations (Schaffer, 1996).

rearing practices.

20 Parenting in South American and African Contexts

The study by Marin et al. (2011a) followed the same families when the child was 24, 36 and 72 months. When the children reached 24 and 72 months, the mothers and fathers responded to the same interview used in the study above; however, when they were aged 36 months, the families were also observed during their lunch and parental practices were investigated. Statistical analysis revealed differences between the maternal inductive practices at 24 and 36 months, and between the practices of non-interference at 24 and 36 months, and at 36 and 72 months. In relation to the fathers, differences were found between the inductive practices at 24 and 72 months and between the practices of non-interference at 24 and 36 months, and at 36 and 72 months. These results suggest that the use of inductive practices may be related to the allocation of greater competence and responsibility to the children, associated with the age or maturity attributed to them. The practices of non-interference, in turn, also became more frequent as the child grew and are possibly related to the emergence of assertiveness (Crocken‐ berg, & Littman, 1990). In contrast to the inductive and non-interference practices, coercive practices tended to maintain some stability throughout the development of the child. Peisner (1989) emphasized that, in the childhood socialization process, some practices tend to remain stable while others do not. Perhaps this is the case for the coercive practices, which appeared to be used more in situations of greater conflict with the child or as a last resort to achieve the desired disciplinary goal, especially after using inductive practices and even non-interference practices. The results suggestthat both stability and change are presentin the parental practices throughout the development of the child. It is noteworthy that some practices tend to change due to the development of the child, although the way parents deal with their children often tends to remain more stable (McNally, Eisenberg, & Harris, 1991). What appears to occur, according to McNally et al. (1991), is that the parental values remain relatively stable, while some specific practices that favor these tend to change with the age of the child, due to the acquisition of new skills and greater autonomy.

Similarly, Marin et al. (2011b) used the same sample, considering only the data from the interview about parental child-rearing practices applied at 24 and 72 months; and revealed that the mothers were significantly more inductive than the fathers at 24 months, however, at 72 months there were no significant differences. The mothers also presented higher mean scores in the reported practices, which can be explained by the predominant role they still play in the socialization of the children (Wagner, 2003), although the fathers started participating more in the education of their children. Compared with the fathers, the mothers tended to talk more with their children, to express feelings, opinions, set limits, and praise appropriate behaviors (Braz, Dessen, & Silva, 2005; Silveira, Pacheco, Cross, & Schneider, 2005).

Still related to specific contexts which may have an impact child-rearing, we carried out other two studies, with the first investigating the role of the health condition of the child in the childrearing practices of the mother, while in the other study we compared the child-rearing practices of parents with one only child with those of parents with a second child. In relation to the first study (Piccinini, Castro, Alvarenga, Vargas, & Oliveira, 2003) it was reported that the presence of a chronic disease in childhood may constitute an important predictor for the quality of mother-child interaction, especially regarding the child-rearing practices. We interviewed 40 mothers of five-year-old children, half having a child with a chronic illness and the other half having children without health problems. Statistical analysis revealed that the first group of mothers tended to use less physical punishment and punishment/chastisement, which indicates that the infrequent use of these practices may be related to physical fragility and the health condition of their children, who are constantly undergoing painful procedures and rigorous medical treatment. In this sense, the less frequent use of coercive practices could be linked to the need to protect the child from further suffering. It is also possible that, due to the disease characteristics of the child, the mothers are afraid that practices involving the use of force can cause harmful effects on the health of the child. Furthermore, the pain of seeing the sick child (Espíndula, & Valle, 2002) and the extreme concern and even overprotection associated with more serious health situations (Bradford, 1997), can impact on the maternal behavior of protecting the child from physical and psychological stress, which represents the use of coercive practices.

tive analysis was performed for the descriptions of the child-rearing practices and for other parental reports that referred to their relationship with their own parents and to the intergen‐ erational transmission of the practices, seeking to broaden the comprehension of other aspects that could be related to the transmission. Many parents reported the reproduction of coercive patterns, even though they mentioned attempts to avoid this as they were related to the idea of the experience of suffering. Taken together, the results indicate both the maintenance of the practices received, whether inductive, coercive or non-interference, as well as changes in the

Child-Rearing Practices of Brazilian Mothers and Fathers: Predictors and Impact on Child Development

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/57242

23

The results of this study support the literature that suggests that a continuity of aggressive behaviors and inconsistent child-rearing practices is associated with memories of inadequate parenting styles as children (Bailey, Hill, Oesterle, & Hawkins, 2009; Hennig, 2008). However, although the coercive practices were maintained as a socialization strategy, the fathers also used a combination of inductive and coercive practices with greater frequency, which may suggest a historical change between generations in the concepts of how to properly raise

These findings support the idea that child-rearing practices, as well as parent-child interaction, constitute a dynamic and reciprocal processes involving characteristics of the child and the parents (Belsky, 1984; Biasoli-Alves, 1997). In this sense, their intergenerational transmission does not only involve the reproduction for the children of the patterns received in childhood, but also leads to the construction of models of what should be followed or avoided in the subsequent relationships (Ângelo, 1995). Furthermore, how the mothers and fathers evaluate the way in which they were raised possibly has an influence on the continuity or discontinuity of the child-rearing practices (Shaffer, Burt, Obradovic, Herbers, & Masten, 2009), with their experience during the their own upbringing not being inevitably repeated (Belsky, Conger, & Capaldi, 2009), giving space to the pursuit of the replication or the correction of previous

In short, although the studies presented highlight the complexity and multiplicity of factors that have been shown to be relevant in the use and adequacy of parental child-rearing practices, they also indicate important features particularly in relation to the context in which they occur. The lack of more consistent and empirically validated knowledge regarding the practices of mothers and fathers with children of different ages means that sometimes parents may relate to their children with some uncertainty, taking into account the numerous options, all valid in certain contexts and, simultaneously, potentially questionable, regarding the use of one or

type of practice used due to the characteristics of the couple and of the child.

children (Biasoli-Alves, 1997; Weber, Selig, Bernardi, & Salvador, 2006).

experiences in the relationship with their children (Byng-Hall, 1990).

another child-rearing practice in the day-to-day engagement with their child.

**development of the child**

emotional development.

**4. The role of parental child-rearing practices in the socio-emotional**

In this part of the chapter we present and discuss some of the studies carried out by our group that revealed the role of the parents' child-rearing practices as a predictor for the child's socio-

With regard to birth order, Freitas and Piccinini (2010) interviewed 12 families with one child and 10 with two children, matched for socioeconomic level, age and gender of the children. Statistical analysis revealed differences in maternal and paternal practices only within the onechild group, revealing a tendency toward the predominant use of inductive practices by the mothers and coercive practices by the fathers, which could be associated with the idea that care is still more linked to the maternal figure, while authority is more related to the paternal figure (Tudge et al., 2000). It is also plausible to think that the fathers seek to compensate for the inductive practices of the mothers in order to impose stricter limits on the single child. In addition, the mothers and fathers with one child tended to primarily use inductive practices, going over to coercive practices when the disciplinary goal was not achieved. This finding corroborates the notion that the child is not a mere receiver of the child-rearing practices, these being substantially determined by the nature of the situation and by the child's needs (Grusec & Kuczynski, 1980). Therefore, the fact of having a sibling does not necessarily imply the predominant use of coercive practices, representing just one more of the factors that can determine different responses of the parents in relation to each child.

Finally, one of our studies (Marin et al., 2013) focused on the intergenerational transmission of parental practices in 30 mothers and 22 fathers, who had only one child of three years of age. We performed three sets of analysis. The first considered the group of mothers and fathers as a whole, comparing the proportions of practices received and used among the participating mothers andfathers andfoundthattherewas a tendencytomaintaincoercivepracticesbetween the generations. The second set, considered the intergenerational transmission case by case, aiming to examine whetherthe mothers and fathers who predominantly received a certain type of child-rearing practice in their childhood tended to repeat the same model with their own children. It was found that the results were not homogeneous, i.e., the transmission of the practices was only detected in some cases, but not in the majority of them. Finally, a qualita‐ tive analysis was performed for the descriptions of the child-rearing practices and for other parental reports that referred to their relationship with their own parents and to the intergen‐ erational transmission of the practices, seeking to broaden the comprehension of other aspects that could be related to the transmission. Many parents reported the reproduction of coercive patterns, even though they mentioned attempts to avoid this as they were related to the idea of the experience of suffering. Taken together, the results indicate both the maintenance of the practices received, whether inductive, coercive or non-interference, as well as changes in the type of practice used due to the characteristics of the couple and of the child.

rearing practices of the mother, while in the other study we compared the child-rearing practices of parents with one only child with those of parents with a second child. In relation to the first study (Piccinini, Castro, Alvarenga, Vargas, & Oliveira, 2003) it was reported that the presence of a chronic disease in childhood may constitute an important predictor for the quality of mother-child interaction, especially regarding the child-rearing practices. We interviewed 40 mothers of five-year-old children, half having a child with a chronic illness and the other half having children without health problems. Statistical analysis revealed that the first group of mothers tended to use less physical punishment and punishment/chastisement, which indicates that the infrequent use of these practices may be related to physical fragility and the health condition of their children, who are constantly undergoing painful procedures and rigorous medical treatment. In this sense, the less frequent use of coercive practices could be linked to the need to protect the child from further suffering. It is also possible that, due to the disease characteristics of the child, the mothers are afraid that practices involving the use of force can cause harmful effects on the health of the child. Furthermore, the pain of seeing the sick child (Espíndula, & Valle, 2002) and the extreme concern and even overprotection associated with more serious health situations (Bradford, 1997), can impact on the maternal behavior of protecting the child from physical and psychological stress, which represents the

With regard to birth order, Freitas and Piccinini (2010) interviewed 12 families with one child and 10 with two children, matched for socioeconomic level, age and gender of the children. Statistical analysis revealed differences in maternal and paternal practices only within the onechild group, revealing a tendency toward the predominant use of inductive practices by the mothers and coercive practices by the fathers, which could be associated with the idea that care is still more linked to the maternal figure, while authority is more related to the paternal figure (Tudge et al., 2000). It is also plausible to think that the fathers seek to compensate for the inductive practices of the mothers in order to impose stricter limits on the single child. In addition, the mothers and fathers with one child tended to primarily use inductive practices, going over to coercive practices when the disciplinary goal was not achieved. This finding corroborates the notion that the child is not a mere receiver of the child-rearing practices, these being substantially determined by the nature of the situation and by the child's needs (Grusec & Kuczynski, 1980). Therefore, the fact of having a sibling does not necessarily imply the predominant use of coercive practices, representing just one more of the factors that can

Finally, one of our studies (Marin et al., 2013) focused on the intergenerational transmission of parental practices in 30 mothers and 22 fathers, who had only one child of three years of age. We performed three sets of analysis. The first considered the group of mothers and fathers as a whole, comparing the proportions of practices received and used among the participating mothers andfathers andfoundthattherewas a tendencytomaintaincoercivepracticesbetween the generations. The second set, considered the intergenerational transmission case by case, aiming to examine whetherthe mothers and fathers who predominantly received a certain type of child-rearing practice in their childhood tended to repeat the same model with their own children. It was found that the results were not homogeneous, i.e., the transmission of the practices was only detected in some cases, but not in the majority of them. Finally, a qualita‐

determine different responses of the parents in relation to each child.

use of coercive practices.

22 Parenting in South American and African Contexts

The results of this study support the literature that suggests that a continuity of aggressive behaviors and inconsistent child-rearing practices is associated with memories of inadequate parenting styles as children (Bailey, Hill, Oesterle, & Hawkins, 2009; Hennig, 2008). However, although the coercive practices were maintained as a socialization strategy, the fathers also used a combination of inductive and coercive practices with greater frequency, which may suggest a historical change between generations in the concepts of how to properly raise children (Biasoli-Alves, 1997; Weber, Selig, Bernardi, & Salvador, 2006).

These findings support the idea that child-rearing practices, as well as parent-child interaction, constitute a dynamic and reciprocal processes involving characteristics of the child and the parents (Belsky, 1984; Biasoli-Alves, 1997). In this sense, their intergenerational transmission does not only involve the reproduction for the children of the patterns received in childhood, but also leads to the construction of models of what should be followed or avoided in the subsequent relationships (Ângelo, 1995). Furthermore, how the mothers and fathers evaluate the way in which they were raised possibly has an influence on the continuity or discontinuity of the child-rearing practices (Shaffer, Burt, Obradovic, Herbers, & Masten, 2009), with their experience during the their own upbringing not being inevitably repeated (Belsky, Conger, & Capaldi, 2009), giving space to the pursuit of the replication or the correction of previous experiences in the relationship with their children (Byng-Hall, 1990).

In short, although the studies presented highlight the complexity and multiplicity of factors that have been shown to be relevant in the use and adequacy of parental child-rearing practices, they also indicate important features particularly in relation to the context in which they occur. The lack of more consistent and empirically validated knowledge regarding the practices of mothers and fathers with children of different ages means that sometimes parents may relate to their children with some uncertainty, taking into account the numerous options, all valid in certain contexts and, simultaneously, potentially questionable, regarding the use of one or another child-rearing practice in the day-to-day engagement with their child.
