**4. The role of parental child-rearing practices in the socio-emotional development of the child**

In this part of the chapter we present and discuss some of the studies carried out by our group that revealed the role of the parents' child-rearing practices as a predictor for the child's socioemotional development.

The hypotheses found in the literature regarding the impact of the interaction between parents and children and the parental child-rearing practices on the socio-emotional development of children, especially in early childhood, have received support from numerous recently published studies. Research in this area primarily focuses on issues such as social competence (Fraley, Roisman, & Haltigan, 2013), emotional self-regulation (Braungart-Rieker, Hill-Soderlund, & Karrass, 2010), behavior problems, especially in relation to antisocial behavior and externalizing (Alvarenga & Palma, 2012), and internalizing problems (Bayer, Sanson, & Hemphill, 2009).

Inanattempttoexaminetheserelationshipsinanobservationalcontext,AlvarengaandPiccinini (2009) analyzed the child-rearing practices and their relationships with externalizing prob‐ lems during a family meal, which usually involves sporadic or even frequent conflicts be‐ tween the parents and children. This study involved 23 mother-child dyads, when the child was three years old. Both the child-rearing practices and indicators of externalizing problems of the children were analyzed in the observed interactive episode. In this study, two broad categories of child-rearing practices were used, practices that *facilitate childhood social develop‐ ment* (guidance, sensitivity, positive involvement and assertive control), and practices that *do notfacilitate childhood social development*(ambiguous control, coercive control, intrusiveness, and permissiveness). The indicators for externalizing problems were analyzed in three distinct categories: *inadequacy, passive disobedience,* and *negativism.* In addition to the numerous correlations between the specific categories of practices and externalizing problems that were analyzed,theresultsrevealedpositivecorrelationsbetweenthetotalofnon-facilitatingpractices and the indicators of externalizing problems. Finally, the multiple regression model includ‐ ing the non-facilitating practices explained 56% of the total variance of the children's external‐ izing problems. Alvarenga and Piccinini (2007) study should also be highlighted, which was performed with the same sample of dyads, and confirmed the predictive power of the mater‐ nal non-facilitating child-rearing practices in relation to the externalizing problems of chil‐ dren. This study was based on a model that assumed an interaction between the childhood temperament variables, maternal responsiveness, and maternal child-rearing practices for the explanation of the externalizing problems. Regression analysis showed that, although the temperament of the child and the maternalresponsiveness did not show predictive value, each further occurrence of non-facilitating practices, increased the total frequency of indicators of

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25

externalizing problems of the child by 0.73, explaining 44% of total variance.

the social competence of the children (36%).

total assertiveness scores of the children.

Three of the five studies described above also investigated the relationships between parental child-rearing practices and the child's social competence. Alvarenga and Piccinini (2009) found significant positive correlations between the total of facilitating practices and the total of indicators of social competence of the children, as well as several other positive correlations between specific indicators of social competence and maternal facilitating practices. Finally, the multiple regression model including the facilitating practices explained 36% of the total variance of the children's social competence. The study by Alvarenga and Piccinini (2007) confirmed the relevance of the maternal child-rearing practices as predictors of childhood social competence, as when childhood temperament and maternal responsiveness factors, evaluated in child's third month, were also considered in the explanatory model, only the maternal child-rearing practices that facilitate social development explained the variance in

The study by Marin et al. (2012) also revealed the impact of the paternal child-rearing practices on the child's social competence. In this study, the inductive practices used by the fathers were positively correlated with the children's total cooperation score, and the non-interference of the fathers in day-to-day conflict situations with the child was negatively correlated with the

The findings of the five studies by the NUDIF, with samples from southern Brazil, largely corroborate the results of the literature published in other countries. The relationships found

Although there are still controversies and gaps in this field, certain types of child-rearing behavior and practices that tend to contribute to the full emotional development of the child have been consistently identified, and the deleterious effects of some disciplinary strategies and family interaction patterns have been highlighted (Grusec & Davidov, 2010). Furthermore, the role of moderator variables, among them that of the culture, has become clearer (Grusec, 2011).

Some studies conducted by the NUDIF investigated the relationship between child-rearing practices and social-emotional development, in particular, externalizing problems and the social competence of children between the third and sixth years of age. Among these, four studies investigated, through interviews and observations, maternal child-rearing practices and externalizing problems.

The study by Alvarenga and Piccinini (2001) compared a group of mother-child dyads with children with clinical profiles of externalizing problems, with another group of dyads com‐ posed of children without behavior problems. All the children were between five and six years of age. The maternal child-rearing practices were evaluated through a structured interview consisting of six hypothetical situations, as described above (Piccinini et al., 2007), involving conflicts in the everyday life of the mothers and children, as well as situations spontaneously reported by the mothers as being difficult to manage. The children's behavior problems were evaluated using the Child Behavior Checklist - CBCL (Achenbach, 1991). The results revealed that the mothers of children who presented externalizing problems reported using coercive child-rearing practices more often than the mothers of the group of children without problems. Concerning the child-rearing practices reported by the mothers in the situations spontaneously highlighted by them as difficult to manage, there was a significant difference between the two groups in the physical punishment category, with reports of more frequent use among the mothers in the group of children with externalizing profiles. In another study Marin, Piccinini, Gonçalves and Tudge (2012) investigated the maternal and paternal child-rearing practices in 48 families with six-year-old children, and their relationships with childhood internalizing and externalizing problems. The parental child-rearing practices were evaluated using the same interview and category structure for the content analysis that was used by Alvarenga and Piccinini (2001), and the externalizing problems were examined using the Social Skills Rating System (Gresham & Elliott, 1990). A positive correlation was found between the maternal coercive practices and the total score for externalizing problems, although the same trend was not revealed for paternal child-rearing practices. Conversely, the paternal coercive practices were positively correlated with the internalizing problems of the children.

Inanattempttoexaminetheserelationshipsinanobservationalcontext,AlvarengaandPiccinini (2009) analyzed the child-rearing practices and their relationships with externalizing prob‐ lems during a family meal, which usually involves sporadic or even frequent conflicts be‐ tween the parents and children. This study involved 23 mother-child dyads, when the child was three years old. Both the child-rearing practices and indicators of externalizing problems of the children were analyzed in the observed interactive episode. In this study, two broad categories of child-rearing practices were used, practices that *facilitate childhood social develop‐ ment* (guidance, sensitivity, positive involvement and assertive control), and practices that *do notfacilitate childhood social development*(ambiguous control, coercive control, intrusiveness, and permissiveness). The indicators for externalizing problems were analyzed in three distinct categories: *inadequacy, passive disobedience,* and *negativism.* In addition to the numerous correlations between the specific categories of practices and externalizing problems that were analyzed,theresultsrevealedpositivecorrelationsbetweenthetotalofnon-facilitatingpractices and the indicators of externalizing problems. Finally, the multiple regression model includ‐ ing the non-facilitating practices explained 56% of the total variance of the children's external‐ izing problems. Alvarenga and Piccinini (2007) study should also be highlighted, which was performed with the same sample of dyads, and confirmed the predictive power of the mater‐ nal non-facilitating child-rearing practices in relation to the externalizing problems of chil‐ dren. This study was based on a model that assumed an interaction between the childhood temperament variables, maternal responsiveness, and maternal child-rearing practices for the explanation of the externalizing problems. Regression analysis showed that, although the temperament of the child and the maternalresponsiveness did not show predictive value, each further occurrence of non-facilitating practices, increased the total frequency of indicators of externalizing problems of the child by 0.73, explaining 44% of total variance.

The hypotheses found in the literature regarding the impact of the interaction between parents and children and the parental child-rearing practices on the socio-emotional development of children, especially in early childhood, have received support from numerous recently published studies. Research in this area primarily focuses on issues such as social competence (Fraley, Roisman, & Haltigan, 2013), emotional self-regulation (Braungart-Rieker, Hill-Soderlund, & Karrass, 2010), behavior problems, especially in relation to antisocial behavior and externalizing (Alvarenga & Palma, 2012), and internalizing problems (Bayer, Sanson, &

Although there are still controversies and gaps in this field, certain types of child-rearing behavior and practices that tend to contribute to the full emotional development of the child have been consistently identified, and the deleterious effects of some disciplinary strategies and family interaction patterns have been highlighted (Grusec & Davidov, 2010). Furthermore, the role of moderator variables, among them that of the culture, has become clearer (Grusec,

Some studies conducted by the NUDIF investigated the relationship between child-rearing practices and social-emotional development, in particular, externalizing problems and the social competence of children between the third and sixth years of age. Among these, four studies investigated, through interviews and observations, maternal child-rearing practices

The study by Alvarenga and Piccinini (2001) compared a group of mother-child dyads with children with clinical profiles of externalizing problems, with another group of dyads com‐ posed of children without behavior problems. All the children were between five and six years of age. The maternal child-rearing practices were evaluated through a structured interview consisting of six hypothetical situations, as described above (Piccinini et al., 2007), involving conflicts in the everyday life of the mothers and children, as well as situations spontaneously reported by the mothers as being difficult to manage. The children's behavior problems were evaluated using the Child Behavior Checklist - CBCL (Achenbach, 1991). The results revealed that the mothers of children who presented externalizing problems reported using coercive child-rearing practices more often than the mothers of the group of children without problems. Concerning the child-rearing practices reported by the mothers in the situations spontaneously highlighted by them as difficult to manage, there was a significant difference between the two groups in the physical punishment category, with reports of more frequent use among the mothers in the group of children with externalizing profiles. In another study Marin, Piccinini, Gonçalves and Tudge (2012) investigated the maternal and paternal child-rearing practices in 48 families with six-year-old children, and their relationships with childhood internalizing and externalizing problems. The parental child-rearing practices were evaluated using the same interview and category structure for the content analysis that was used by Alvarenga and Piccinini (2001), and the externalizing problems were examined using the Social Skills Rating System (Gresham & Elliott, 1990). A positive correlation was found between the maternal coercive practices and the total score for externalizing problems, although the same trend was not revealed for paternal child-rearing practices. Conversely, the paternal coercive practices

were positively correlated with the internalizing problems of the children.

Hemphill, 2009).

24 Parenting in South American and African Contexts

and externalizing problems.

2011).

Three of the five studies described above also investigated the relationships between parental child-rearing practices and the child's social competence. Alvarenga and Piccinini (2009) found significant positive correlations between the total of facilitating practices and the total of indicators of social competence of the children, as well as several other positive correlations between specific indicators of social competence and maternal facilitating practices. Finally, the multiple regression model including the facilitating practices explained 36% of the total variance of the children's social competence. The study by Alvarenga and Piccinini (2007) confirmed the relevance of the maternal child-rearing practices as predictors of childhood social competence, as when childhood temperament and maternal responsiveness factors, evaluated in child's third month, were also considered in the explanatory model, only the maternal child-rearing practices that facilitate social development explained the variance in the social competence of the children (36%).

The study by Marin et al. (2012) also revealed the impact of the paternal child-rearing practices on the child's social competence. In this study, the inductive practices used by the fathers were positively correlated with the children's total cooperation score, and the non-interference of the fathers in day-to-day conflict situations with the child was negatively correlated with the total assertiveness scores of the children.

The findings of the five studies by the NUDIF, with samples from southern Brazil, largely corroborate the results of the literature published in other countries. The relationships found between the use of coercion and the development of externalizing problems in children is initially highlighted. Several recent studies confirm this relationship (Alvarenga & Palma, 2012; Bayer et al., 2012; Grusec, 2011), and different theoretical hypotheses have been devel‐ oped to explain it. One of these assumes that a harsh and coercive disciplinary style generates deficits in the child's emotional self-regulation and behavioral capacity, which would explain, at least in part, externalizing symptoms, such as impulsivity and aggression (Burnette, Oshri, Lax, Richards, & Ragbeer, 2012). Paternal coercive practices were also positively correlated with internalizing problems in one of the studies examined (Marin et al., 2012). It is assumed that such practices contribute to the configuration of an unpredictable and threatening domestic environment, which constitutes a "fertile ground" for the development of symptoms of anxiety and depression (Laskey & Cartwright-Hatton, 2009).

children, some of which have been studied in the NUDIF. Results of this group's studies, which demonstrate the impact of parental child-rearing practices on the socio-emotional develop‐

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27

It was emphasized that the mother still plays a predominant role in the socialization of the child, although the father has participated more in this process. Compared to fathers, the mother more often deals with daily tasks that generate conflict, such as those investigated in our studies, and they develop a wider repertoire of both inductive and coercive strategies to

The results of our studies have corroborated the Brazilian and international literature, pointing out to the relevance of the child's age and development in understanding child-rearing practices employed by the parents. These two factors are associated with the allocation of greater competence and responsibility to the children. Furthermore, in the childhood sociali‐ zation process both stability and change are present in the parental practices throughout the development of the child. It is noteworthy that some practices tend to change due to the development of the child, whereas parents' style of dealing with their children tends to remain more stable. The results regarding the impact of the age of the child on the practices reinforce the reciprocal nature of the child's socialization process and the parent-child relationship, showing that the child-rearing practices are largely affected by the specific child's develop‐

Likewise, studies that investigated the child-rearing practices and their relationship with the child's health condition and birth order, also highlighted its bidirectional characteristic, the child affecting the disciplinary conduct of parents, and interfering with the choice and use of child-rearing practices. These findings are also supported by our study about the intergen‐ erational transmission of child-rearing practices, noting that it is not possible to understand this process as a mere reproduction of a model learned in childhood. It is necessary to consider that models undergo changes over time according to the relations established between parents

The studies carried out in our group also show the role of parental child-rearing practices as a predictor for the child's socio-emotional development. Relationships found between the use of coercion and the development of externalizing problems are particularly prominent. Thus, a high frequency of coercive child-rearing practices should be considered a risk factor for the socio-emotional development of the child, and deserves special attention from those involved with the child's development, in order to implement prevention and intervention programs. Also corroborating the literature, social competence was correlated with different types of practices that are considered facilitators of social development. In this sense, the studies of the NUDIF support the notion that the use of inductive practices and lower levels of coercion are usually related to the internalization of social and moral norms, and better results in the

Thus, regarding the relations between child-rearing practices and children´s socio-emotional development, the studies carried out by NUDIF confirm the trends pointed out in studies conducted internationally. Those studies provided empirical basis for the theoretical hypoth‐

ment of the children, were also presented.

cope with such situations.

mental needs and characteristics.

socialization process of the child.

and children.

Some authors argue that the relationship between coercive practices and externalizing problems are a characteristic of individualistic societies, because in collectivist societies, such as in some Eastern countries, coercive practices are not associated with anger and rejection from the parents, but with the care and common well-being of the social group (Grusec, 2011; Rothbaum & Trommsdorff, 2008), possibly producing a positive impact regarding childhood development. However, there are studies that have found relationships between coercive practices and aggressivity, even in Eastern cultures (Xu, Farver, & Zhang, 2009). The studies reviewed here suggest that the cultural values prevailing in southern Brazil, in relation to the childhood socialization process in the family context, align with those of more individ‐ ualistic societies. Thus, coercive child-rearing practices should be considered as risk factors for childhood socio-emotional development, and constitute an important target for prevention and intervention programs.

Also corroborating the literature, social competence was correlated with different types of practices considered to be facilitators of social development. Unlike coercive practices, inductive practices (e.g. reasoning with the child) and lower levels of coercion are generally associated with the internalization of social and moral norms, as well as better results in the childhood socialization process (Grusec & Davidov, 2010). In Marin et al.'s (2012) study, attention is drawn to the positive correlations found between the paternal inductive practices and the total cooperation score of the children, which indicates the relevance of the investiga‐ tion of paternal styles of socialization.

In summary, the findings of the studies conducted by the NUDIF reported here converge with the same trends identified in the general literature. This indicates that the theoretical models, mainly constructed based on studies carried out with European and North American samples, are useful for helping to understand the mechanisms implicated in the childhood socialization process, in the context in which these families live in southern Brazil.
