**1. Introduction**

Brazil is the largest South American country, with a population of 190,732,694 inhabitants living in 8,514,877 km2 , with very distinct regions. There had been a population growth of 12.3% in a decade. Most of the population lives in urban centers (84%) (Brazil, 2012); in the decade of 1960 Brazil had an urbanization index of 44.7% of its population. Two decades later, 67.6% of the population was living in cities (see table 1).


**Table 1.** Data about urbanization in the country

© 2013 Seidl-de-Moura et al.; licensee InTech. This is a paper distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

The country has high human development (longevity, knowledge and life quality), ranking 84th among all countries in the world. Brazilian HDI (.718) has been growing equally in the three dimensions: health, education and income (PNUD, 2013). Life expectancy at birth is 73.5 years, and average number of years at school is 7.2. Life satisfaction is generally good, with an index of 6.8 (in a scale from 0 to 10), considering the highest score observed is 7.4 (in Norway). However, although Federal social programs from the last 10 years have been responsible for recent diminishing inequality, the country still has to deal with this problem. When HDI is adjusted to inequality, the score lowers to .519 (PNUD, 2013).

Brazilian families' organization and values over the last decades of the 20th century. In the 1930's there was a predominance of a traditional family model, with emphasis on moral values and behavior control. In the following two decades there was greater influence of formal education and an educational model that attributed importance to stimulation and the meeting of children's needs. In the1970's and 1980's, mothers' discourse revealed worries about giving affection and understanding their children. Socialization goals of recent years – not much different for boys and girls – are guided towards the development of an independent, autonomous and competitive adult, who is able to succeed professionally. The preoccupation with children's subjective well-being is observed. Mothers allow their children to have initiative and maintain a flexible structure in family daily life. Child rearing rules become less rigid, although children have now less free time to play. Planned activities are valued and considered a sign of good child care. Families gradually changed and patriarchal models have been substituted for more equalitarian ones. Dessen and Torres (2002) argue that some macrosocial and historical factors, such as globalization and modernization, new patterns of consumption and flexibility at work, have probably modified Brazilian families' dynamics and ideas about child development. Aizpurúa, Jablonski and Féres-Carneiro (2007) studied Brazilian and Argentinean family transformations and identified new family organizations influenced by divorce acceptance and women's increasing insertion in the job market.

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We believe that it is important to study parenting in Brazil and that the country may be a good setting to investigate socialization trajectories. One of the important aspects to consider is how those trajectories value separation or autonomy and the relation to others. Psychology has dealt with those characteristics in diverse ways along the decades. Until the first half of last century, separation and individualization were considered by developmental theories as the natural and desired trajectory in human social-emotional development. It was proposed that (1) children are born without a sense of self and not able to distinguish themselves from their mothers' bodies and that (2) they develop from this initial state of no differentiation towards becoming separated and autonomous. The first idea has some of its origins in authors from the 19th century, such as William James (1890), who thought babies were born experiencing a state of confusion, unable to differentiate stimulation towards their own body from other kind of stimulation. The literature on infant development (i.e. Rochat, 2001; Seidl-de-Moura & Ribas, 2004) has brought evidence against this assumption. We now know that human babies are born with a capacity to perceive their own body and others', and, thus, have a basic sense of self. They present capacities for perception and actions that enable them to have a sense of their own bodies as separate from others' and from the environment, as well as to be responsive

The idea that healthy development should proceed towards separation and autonomy, reflects an ethnocentric tendency in Developmental Psychology. Studies have privileged a specific trajectory, namely the urban Western one. It is the trajectory of a minority of human beings. Why is this? According to Tomlinson and Swartz (2004) approximately 135 million babies were born each year worldwide, 90% of them not in European, North-American, Australian or New Zealand contexts. They are part of what Kağitçibaşi (1996, 2007) calls "the Majority World". However, in the period from 1996 to 2004, 95% of research on infancy is by authors from those

to social events since birth.

The country hosts diverse historical and cultural backgrounds. Despite having been colonized by Portugal, Brazil shares with the Latin American countries colonized by Spain (such as Costa Rica, Mexico and Argentina) the religious influence, mostly Catholicism, but not the language (Brazilian people speak Portuguese, not Spanish). Three main influences constituted Brazilian people: Portuguese colonizers, native people, from different ethnic groups, and Africans from different origins brought as slaves until the end of the 19th century (Ribeiro, 1997, Torres & Dessen, 2006). Later, Brazil received several groups of immigrants from all continents, who ended up interacting with each other forming a much diversified society. The influences from these groups are differentially expressed across the country. Brazil has five geographic regions (North, Northeast, Central-West, Southeast and South), which have diverse ecological characteristics and a variety of social, economic and cultural profiles. The North region, located mainly in the Amazon basin, is home of many native Brazilian tribes. Although diverse in many ways, they represent traditional life styles and collectivistic contexts. Urban centers in the North region, such as Belém, are influenced by these life styles. In contrast, in the South region the higher influence is from European immigrants, mainly Italians and Germans. The Southeast region, which includes the two largest cities of the country, the state capitals of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, has received many waves of diverse Brazilian and foreign immi‐ grants because of its historical and economic influence. Finally, in one of the states in the Northeast region, Bahia, where we studied two contexts, we still have strong African influence.

Social differences can be identified between regional realities (urban and rural populations), as well as among different social classes. Since the end of last century, due mainly to urbani‐ zation and other influences, some authors believe there is some homogeneity in life styles, with the predominance of an urban and 'modern' symbolic system, which tends to minimize the differences in living conditions.

Since most of the population lives in urban centers, the predominant form of family organi‐ zation is that of the nuclear family (Biasoli-Alves, 1997). Mothers are usually the main caretaker, gaining progressively more autonomy because of the increasing participation of women in the job market (51.4% in 2004). As a consequence, families have tended to search for alternatives to mothers' exclusive care for children, resorting to the support of grandmothers, nannies (in middle and high classes), and day-care centers.

For Georgas (2006), the family is a critical and specific group in what concerns its role played in psychological differentiation. Moreover, the family is the mediator between the individual and society, and a privileged setting in the social construction of reality. Reviewing the literature, Vieira, Lacerda, Vieira and Seidl-de-Moura (2011) have indicated changes in

Brazilian families' organization and values over the last decades of the 20th century. In the 1930's there was a predominance of a traditional family model, with emphasis on moral values and behavior control. In the following two decades there was greater influence of formal education and an educational model that attributed importance to stimulation and the meeting of children's needs. In the1970's and 1980's, mothers' discourse revealed worries about giving affection and understanding their children. Socialization goals of recent years – not much different for boys and girls – are guided towards the development of an independent, autonomous and competitive adult, who is able to succeed professionally. The preoccupation with children's subjective well-being is observed. Mothers allow their children to have initiative and maintain a flexible structure in family daily life. Child rearing rules become less rigid, although children have now less free time to play. Planned activities are valued and considered a sign of good child care. Families gradually changed and patriarchal models have been substituted for more equalitarian ones. Dessen and Torres (2002) argue that some macrosocial and historical factors, such as globalization and modernization, new patterns of consumption and flexibility at work, have probably modified Brazilian families' dynamics and ideas about child development. Aizpurúa, Jablonski and Féres-Carneiro (2007) studied Brazilian and Argentinean family transformations and identified new family organizations influenced by divorce acceptance and women's increasing insertion in the job market.

The country has high human development (longevity, knowledge and life quality), ranking 84th among all countries in the world. Brazilian HDI (.718) has been growing equally in the three dimensions: health, education and income (PNUD, 2013). Life expectancy at birth is 73.5 years, and average number of years at school is 7.2. Life satisfaction is generally good, with an index of 6.8 (in a scale from 0 to 10), considering the highest score observed is 7.4 (in Norway). However, although Federal social programs from the last 10 years have been responsible for recent diminishing inequality, the country still has to deal with this problem. When HDI is

The country hosts diverse historical and cultural backgrounds. Despite having been colonized by Portugal, Brazil shares with the Latin American countries colonized by Spain (such as Costa Rica, Mexico and Argentina) the religious influence, mostly Catholicism, but not the language (Brazilian people speak Portuguese, not Spanish). Three main influences constituted Brazilian people: Portuguese colonizers, native people, from different ethnic groups, and Africans from different origins brought as slaves until the end of the 19th century (Ribeiro, 1997, Torres & Dessen, 2006). Later, Brazil received several groups of immigrants from all continents, who ended up interacting with each other forming a much diversified society. The influences from these groups are differentially expressed across the country. Brazil has five geographic regions (North, Northeast, Central-West, Southeast and South), which have diverse ecological characteristics and a variety of social, economic and cultural profiles. The North region, located mainly in the Amazon basin, is home of many native Brazilian tribes. Although diverse in many ways, they represent traditional life styles and collectivistic contexts. Urban centers in the North region, such as Belém, are influenced by these life styles. In contrast, in the South region the higher influence is from European immigrants, mainly Italians and Germans. The Southeast region, which includes the two largest cities of the country, the state capitals of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, has received many waves of diverse Brazilian and foreign immi‐ grants because of its historical and economic influence. Finally, in one of the states in the Northeast region, Bahia, where we studied two contexts, we still have strong African influence. Social differences can be identified between regional realities (urban and rural populations), as well as among different social classes. Since the end of last century, due mainly to urbani‐ zation and other influences, some authors believe there is some homogeneity in life styles, with the predominance of an urban and 'modern' symbolic system, which tends to minimize the

Since most of the population lives in urban centers, the predominant form of family organi‐ zation is that of the nuclear family (Biasoli-Alves, 1997). Mothers are usually the main caretaker, gaining progressively more autonomy because of the increasing participation of women in the job market (51.4% in 2004). As a consequence, families have tended to search for alternatives to mothers' exclusive care for children, resorting to the support of grandmothers,

For Georgas (2006), the family is a critical and specific group in what concerns its role played in psychological differentiation. Moreover, the family is the mediator between the individual and society, and a privileged setting in the social construction of reality. Reviewing the literature, Vieira, Lacerda, Vieira and Seidl-de-Moura (2011) have indicated changes in

adjusted to inequality, the score lowers to .519 (PNUD, 2013).

2 Parenting in South American and African Contexts

differences in living conditions.

nannies (in middle and high classes), and day-care centers.

We believe that it is important to study parenting in Brazil and that the country may be a good setting to investigate socialization trajectories. One of the important aspects to consider is how those trajectories value separation or autonomy and the relation to others. Psychology has dealt with those characteristics in diverse ways along the decades. Until the first half of last century, separation and individualization were considered by developmental theories as the natural and desired trajectory in human social-emotional development. It was proposed that (1) children are born without a sense of self and not able to distinguish themselves from their mothers' bodies and that (2) they develop from this initial state of no differentiation towards becoming separated and autonomous. The first idea has some of its origins in authors from the 19th century, such as William James (1890), who thought babies were born experiencing a state of confusion, unable to differentiate stimulation towards their own body from other kind of stimulation. The literature on infant development (i.e. Rochat, 2001; Seidl-de-Moura & Ribas, 2004) has brought evidence against this assumption. We now know that human babies are born with a capacity to perceive their own body and others', and, thus, have a basic sense of self. They present capacities for perception and actions that enable them to have a sense of their own bodies as separate from others' and from the environment, as well as to be responsive to social events since birth.

The idea that healthy development should proceed towards separation and autonomy, reflects an ethnocentric tendency in Developmental Psychology. Studies have privileged a specific trajectory, namely the urban Western one. It is the trajectory of a minority of human beings. Why is this? According to Tomlinson and Swartz (2004) approximately 135 million babies were born each year worldwide, 90% of them not in European, North-American, Australian or New Zealand contexts. They are part of what Kağitçibaşi (1996, 2007) calls "the Majority World". However, in the period from 1996 to 2004, 95% of research on infancy is by authors from those countries and about people from their respective contexts. The same tendency is discussed by Henrich, Heine and Norenzayan (2010). They affirm that studies in behavioral science concentrate in a very specific group they name WEIRD (*Western, educated, industrialized, rich and democratic groups*), mostly psychology students. In a review of studies from 2003-2007, 96% of the samples of psychological studies were from countries with only 12% of the world's population. They have reviewed mostly studies with adults, but, one of the commentators of the central article (Lancy, 2010) criticizes specifically developmental studies, which discuss play, parent-child interactions, parental styles and attachment evidences, as well as generali‐ zations made by the authors of these studies.

just one of the actors in parenting, which involves mothers and fathers. Another chapter in

We will present evidence from studies conducted in several Brazilian contexts, using different methodologies. Their results indicate the dynamic trajectories of development of related

The studies conducted have focused on 16 different Brazilian contexts. Table 2 presents socialdemographic data about them. As can be seen, they are distributed in the country's five geographic regions, and include state capitals, as well as smaller cities of different population

ES Boa Esperança 14,199 74.60 25.40 ES Vitória 327,801 100 Zero BA W. Guimarães 22,189 33.85 64.15 BA Salvador 2,675,656 99.94 .06 MS Campo Grande 786,797 98.65 1.35 PA Santa Bárbara do Pará 17,141 33.05 66.95 PA Belém 1,393,399 98.82 1.18 PB João Pessoa 723,515 99.53 .47 RJ Distrito de Amparo 1,283 70.10 29.90 RJ Rio de Janeiro 6,320,446 100 Zero RS Porto Alegre 1,409,351 100 Zero SC Corupá 13,852 72,00 28,00 SC Itajaí 183,373 94.34 5.66 SC Florianópolis 421,240 96.26 3.74 SP Taiúva 5,447 82.83 17.17 SP São Paulo 11,253,503 99.10 .90

**Table 2.** Contexts studied, total population and urban and rural distribution (cities underlined are state capitals)

the prevalent socialization trajectory in that specific context.

The studies have focused on several developmental aspects, mainly related to mothers' beliefs and values. One study focused on toddlers' development, with the assumption that it reflects

We will describe data on what mothers desire for their children in the future; how they want their children to turn out in the future (socialization goals); what they think is important in caring for them (beliefs about practices); what they highlight in their description of them (ideas

Total Urban (%) Rural (%)

Brazilian Mothers' Cultural Models: Socialization for Autonomy and Relatedness

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5

this book will deal with fathering in Brazil (Vieira et al.) and complements this one.

**State City Population**

autonomy, and will be discussed in terms of Kağitçibaşi´s theory.

sizes.

Considering that human development is based on evolved characteristics of our species, occurring in social-cultural contexts, through epigenetic processes, we can assume that it can follow diverse pathways. Thus, we can ask whether the movement towards separation and autonomy is a universal natural developmental trajectory. We are members of a species with a complex social organization, and the relation to our co-specifics is essential to our survival, both physical and psychological (Kline, 2008). Thus, autonomy and relatedness are funda‐ mental aspects of human development, hardwired in our adapted mind (Kağitçibaşi, 2007, 2012, Kline, 2008).

This is the proposal made by Kağitçibaşi (1996, 2007, 2012) in her Theory of Family Change. This theory argues that autonomy and interdependency are not extreme poles in a *continu‐ um*. She hypothesizes two basic dimensions: agency (varying from autonomy to heteronomy poles) and personal distance (varying from separation to connection). The dynamics of the two dimensions lead to the possible development of four kinds of selves: autonomous separated; autonomous related; heteronomous separated, and heteronomous related. Using samples of mothers from prototypical contexts, such as those from Berlin, Germany, from a rural com‐ munity from Cameroon, and from San Jose, Costa Rica, among others, cross-cultural studies have been conducted aiming to compare development of self trajectories (e.g. Keller et al., 2006, Keller, 2007).

In this chapter, we review some studies conducted in Brazil by a national network of research‐ ers. We aim to contribute to the literature on the dynamics of autonomy and relatedness in developmental contexts. We believe that the investigation of intra-cultural variety in valuing the dimensions of autonomy and relatedness in a large country such as Brazil is relevant. Not only it can be a contribution to understanding characteristics of developmental contexts in the country, but also to the enrichment of the international literature, testing hypotheses derived from Kağitçibaşi's (2007) model.

Considering the importance of studying contexts from the Majority World under-represented in the literature, this chapter aims to offer a contribution to this book on culture and parenting, presenting data on Brazilian mothers' cultural models. Our assumption is that the country may function as a good laboratory for testing the Theory of Family Change. On one side, Brazil has a Latin Catholic influence that may favor a culture of relatedness. On the other side it has a high urbanization trajectory, which may promote changes towards sharing values of other Western urban societies, such as the importance of autonomy. We are aware that mothers are just one of the actors in parenting, which involves mothers and fathers. Another chapter in this book will deal with fathering in Brazil (Vieira et al.) and complements this one.

countries and about people from their respective contexts. The same tendency is discussed by Henrich, Heine and Norenzayan (2010). They affirm that studies in behavioral science concentrate in a very specific group they name WEIRD (*Western, educated, industrialized, rich and democratic groups*), mostly psychology students. In a review of studies from 2003-2007, 96% of the samples of psychological studies were from countries with only 12% of the world's population. They have reviewed mostly studies with adults, but, one of the commentators of the central article (Lancy, 2010) criticizes specifically developmental studies, which discuss play, parent-child interactions, parental styles and attachment evidences, as well as generali‐

Considering that human development is based on evolved characteristics of our species, occurring in social-cultural contexts, through epigenetic processes, we can assume that it can follow diverse pathways. Thus, we can ask whether the movement towards separation and autonomy is a universal natural developmental trajectory. We are members of a species with a complex social organization, and the relation to our co-specifics is essential to our survival, both physical and psychological (Kline, 2008). Thus, autonomy and relatedness are funda‐ mental aspects of human development, hardwired in our adapted mind (Kağitçibaşi, 2007,

This is the proposal made by Kağitçibaşi (1996, 2007, 2012) in her Theory of Family Change. This theory argues that autonomy and interdependency are not extreme poles in a *continu‐ um*. She hypothesizes two basic dimensions: agency (varying from autonomy to heteronomy poles) and personal distance (varying from separation to connection). The dynamics of the two dimensions lead to the possible development of four kinds of selves: autonomous separated; autonomous related; heteronomous separated, and heteronomous related. Using samples of mothers from prototypical contexts, such as those from Berlin, Germany, from a rural com‐ munity from Cameroon, and from San Jose, Costa Rica, among others, cross-cultural studies have been conducted aiming to compare development of self trajectories (e.g. Keller et al.,

In this chapter, we review some studies conducted in Brazil by a national network of research‐ ers. We aim to contribute to the literature on the dynamics of autonomy and relatedness in developmental contexts. We believe that the investigation of intra-cultural variety in valuing the dimensions of autonomy and relatedness in a large country such as Brazil is relevant. Not only it can be a contribution to understanding characteristics of developmental contexts in the country, but also to the enrichment of the international literature, testing hypotheses derived

Considering the importance of studying contexts from the Majority World under-represented in the literature, this chapter aims to offer a contribution to this book on culture and parenting, presenting data on Brazilian mothers' cultural models. Our assumption is that the country may function as a good laboratory for testing the Theory of Family Change. On one side, Brazil has a Latin Catholic influence that may favor a culture of relatedness. On the other side it has a high urbanization trajectory, which may promote changes towards sharing values of other Western urban societies, such as the importance of autonomy. We are aware that mothers are

zations made by the authors of these studies.

4 Parenting in South American and African Contexts

2012, Kline, 2008).

2006, Keller, 2007).

from Kağitçibaşi's (2007) model.

We will present evidence from studies conducted in several Brazilian contexts, using different methodologies. Their results indicate the dynamic trajectories of development of related autonomy, and will be discussed in terms of Kağitçibaşi´s theory.

The studies conducted have focused on 16 different Brazilian contexts. Table 2 presents socialdemographic data about them. As can be seen, they are distributed in the country's five geographic regions, and include state capitals, as well as smaller cities of different population sizes.


**Table 2.** Contexts studied, total population and urban and rural distribution (cities underlined are state capitals)

The studies have focused on several developmental aspects, mainly related to mothers' beliefs and values. One study focused on toddlers' development, with the assumption that it reflects the prevalent socialization trajectory in that specific context.

We will describe data on what mothers desire for their children in the future; how they want their children to turn out in the future (socialization goals); what they think is important in caring for them (beliefs about practices); what they highlight in their description of them (ideas about their children); and the way they talk to them (narrative envelope). Finally, some results on children's social-emotional development will be presented. Our assumption is that data on mothers reflect somewhat the trajectory they favor in the orientation of their children's development. Results on young children's self recognition and self-regulation tasks show congruency with the trajectory of related autonomy evidenced in mothers' answers to belief scales.

Two studies have indicated that mothers studied have goals for their children oriented to both the development of autonomy and towards relatedness. Seidl-de-Moura et al. (2008) observed that mothers from state capitals presented an autonomous-related profile. Considering their socialization goals, they want their children to be happy, healthy, self-confident, successful, self-sufficient, and adaptable, to make good decisions, to be assertive, have a good education, and to stand up for themselves (Self-maximization). They value equally qualities of appropri‐ ate behavior in the context of being part of or getting along with a larger group, both in terms of being respectful and well brought up and of fulfilling role obligations within the family (Proper demeanor). Mothers from this study showed different perspectives, either more oriented towards goals of interdependency or autonomy, depending if they live in medium, large or very large cities. Mothers' educational level was a significant factor in their socializa‐ tion goals. Mothers with higher levels of education tended to give more importance to goals

Brazilian Mothers' Cultural Models: Socialization for Autonomy and Relatedness

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7

The study of mothers from Rio de Janeiro (Seidl-de-Moura et al., 2009) confirmed some tendencies of the study mentioned above. Answers to the SGI were coded in five categories and their subcategories: Self-maximization (SM), Self-control (SC), Lovingness (L), Proper demeanor (PD) and Decency (D), and scores in each of them were calculated. Mothers in this study indicated the valuing of autonomy as an end-product of their socialization efforts. Scores on Self-maximization were indeed the highest. Autonomy, however, is not valued in this group without references to sociocentric preoccupations. The second highest mean score was Decency, which refers to personal standards of behavior, concerns that the child behaves respectfully, gets along well with others, and fulfills reciprocal obligations. The analyses did not indicate a significant difference between Self-maximization and Decency mean scores. However, the variation in scores may indicate that mothers from this city present diverse

After further investigation of the subcategories used, specific patterns of beliefs were identi‐ fied. The highest mean in the Self maximization category is in the subcategory related to the development of the child's talents and potential (including economic). In this sample, the three aspects of autonomy (emotional and physical well-being, psychological independence, and economic success) did not correlate, indicating the complexity of a parenting cultural model oriented towards autonomy. This complexity is complemented by the results in the subcate‐ gories of Decency. The highest mean observed was in Personal integrity and religious values, which relate to basic societal standards, such as being hardworking and honest. Mothers want their children to achieve success and fulfill their potential, but through hard work and with honesty. The study's results related to the importance of the "development of the child's personal and economic potential" show an interesting pattern that could be related to this increase of educational opportunities in the country's recent history. Mothers with the highest educational level gave fewer responses in this subcategory than mothers with less than high school education. Maybe mothers who have a higher level of education take for granted the fulfillment of their children's potential more than mothers who had fewer opportunities to study. This result is complemented by the observation that mothers who had higher level of

of autonomy than mothers with lower levels of education.

profiles regarding what they expect their children to become.
