**1. Introduction**

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males. Doctoral dissertation, Georgia state University 2005.

Parenthood is known for its importance in the development of children in different parts of the world. Parental relationships consist of routine actions of care that are necessary for the survival and well-being of the young, including beliefs, values, and expectations in a given culture [1- 6].

Through the journey of daily care, parents and caretakers gradually prepare children with education that is considered important to be inserted into various social contexts, in addition to taking care of the physical and emotional needs of children [4]. Therefore, parenthood involves social practices performed by those who take care of or are responsible for the education of children, serving as examples of values and beliefs. Culture and history also participate in this process [5,6].

What is considered adequate, as well as practices that promote what is considered appropriate in the development of children vary from culture to culture, even within the same country over time history [4]. According to the authors [6] this understanding reflects the contextualist paradigm that challenges the neo-positivist view of the data collected in a given society may be relevant in another, as well as data collected in a particular historical moment are necessarily significant in a period later [6]. In this sense, it is necessary to examine parenting in many social groups.

According to reference [7], the differences observed in beliefs and care practices in different cultures can be described by cultural models that express different methods of parenthood. Parents with high levels of education who live in a city have socialization techniques that are different from those of families with low levels of education who live in the country [7,6].

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In this perspective, the author [3] that made extensive transcultural research, tell us about the differences between the parental practices in terms of cultural prototypes, as being those which can valorize the autonomy within the caring practices, such as situation of the American families, and others that reforce the obedience and the sense of belonging to the group, such as the case of the rural communities. The same way, significant differences are found between the practices of the Minority World (typically represented by the white middle class from North America and Western Europe) and Majority (countries with low human development index) [8]. Such differences take in consideration aspects of the point of view economic and cultural and are evidenced from points such as: the attachment mother-baby, the shared responsibility, the probability of mortality, the size of the family, the roles played by the members of the family and the surrounding community [8, 3].

Noteworthy is the fact that studies that compared educational practices between the Minori‐ tary World and poor rural communities in the Majoritary World led to a consensus that parental practices in those countries are a shortcoming [8,3,4].Therefore, parental practices in countries of the Minoritary World are considered more adequate, and such a trend is empha‐ sized by the use of measurement scales and tools for psychological investigation that advocate universal practices [5].

An important topic to evidence is the fact that the studies interested in comparing the educa‐ tional practices observed between the Minority World and the impoverished rural commun‐ ities of the Majority World have conducted in a mistaken way to the consensus that the parental practices in those countries are presented as deficient [8, 3, 4]. In this sense, the parental practices present in the countries of the Minority World are taken as more adequate which trend is to reinforce by the use of measure scales and psychological investigation instruments that profess them as universal practices [5].

**Figure 1.** The Amazonian context: the florest and housing typically riverine Amazon (collection of Laboratory Ecology

Parenting in Amazonian Riverside Context http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/57056 99

The Amazon river region consists of a forest rich in biodiversity, possessing 20% of the freshwater on the planet. Additionally, it represents 50% of the Brazilian territory and has approximately 11 million people, in which 62.4% live in the cities and 37.6% live in the country [14].The riverine area still has energetic resources and wealth and is rich with lush flora and fauna, but it is still considered an economically poor region compared with its natural richness

The riverine communities arranged in the Amazon forest are considered traditional, with occupations associated with waterways, cultures with riverine roots, and small-scale agricul‐ ture [16]. Although sharing a way of life and traditional cultures, significant differences are found among these communities in terms of access to public policies and economic develop‐ ment. Thus, riverine communities that live in geographic isolation have more financial stringency and depend more on forest resources and less on commercial interchange. How‐ ever, in riverine communities near urban centers, people have more accessibility to foreign

With regard to the way of life on the Amazon river, [18] indicated that these populations have an intense relationship with the cycles and dynamics of nature. Residents build their day-today activities and identities based on the river and forest surroundings, with a depth of knowledge about natural dynamics that reflects elaborate strategies for the use and manage‐

Knowledge is orally transferred from generation to generation. From a practical perspective, this is characteristic of such populations, who use symbols and rituals linked to hunting, fishing, and extractive activities. In addition to the practical sense, living with cyclical and

because of its historical lack of infrastructure investment [15].

goods and knowledge, thus incorporating values found in urban areas [17].

of Human Development)

ment of natural resources.

According to the author [5], more important than the use of such tools is the observation of daily activities and interactions in a given cultural context, which are full of meaning and express the concepts of parental care and how families are connected with the surrounding community [3, 9, 10]. In this sense, the studies by [1,2,5,3,7] are notable. In the case of Brazil, [11, 12, 13] contribute to the understanding of parenthood in different social groups.

The main interest in studying different cultural communities would, however, focus on the involvement of people in their communities, examining the nature and dynamics of generating individual lives and social practices of the community [3]. In other words, recognize what cultural practices familiar to every social group that permits examining and recognizing the organization, values, visions and social practices that are common and persistent in a given place, at a given social class or social group [3,4]

Considering that the roles performed by families are distinct in different cultural communities and in daily care practices, the objective of the present study was to describe the routines of two families who lived in Amazon river regions in the state of Pará, Brazil. These communities are inserted in the Amazonia forest, in which living activities are linked to nature with different degrees of isolation from urban centers.The figure 1 demonstrates this rich and distinctive ecological context.

In this perspective, the author [3] that made extensive transcultural research, tell us about the differences between the parental practices in terms of cultural prototypes, as being those which can valorize the autonomy within the caring practices, such as situation of the American families, and others that reforce the obedience and the sense of belonging to the group, such as the case of the rural communities. The same way, significant differences are found between the practices of the Minority World (typically represented by the white middle class from North America and Western Europe) and Majority (countries with low human development index) [8]. Such differences take in consideration aspects of the point of view economic and cultural and are evidenced from points such as: the attachment mother-baby, the shared responsibility, the probability of mortality, the size of the family, the roles played by the

Noteworthy is the fact that studies that compared educational practices between the Minori‐ tary World and poor rural communities in the Majoritary World led to a consensus that parental practices in those countries are a shortcoming [8,3,4].Therefore, parental practices in countries of the Minoritary World are considered more adequate, and such a trend is empha‐ sized by the use of measurement scales and tools for psychological investigation that advocate

An important topic to evidence is the fact that the studies interested in comparing the educa‐ tional practices observed between the Minority World and the impoverished rural commun‐ ities of the Majority World have conducted in a mistaken way to the consensus that the parental practices in those countries are presented as deficient [8, 3, 4]. In this sense, the parental practices present in the countries of the Minority World are taken as more adequate which trend is to reinforce by the use of measure scales and psychological investigation instruments

According to the author [5], more important than the use of such tools is the observation of daily activities and interactions in a given cultural context, which are full of meaning and express the concepts of parental care and how families are connected with the surrounding community [3, 9, 10]. In this sense, the studies by [1,2,5,3,7] are notable. In the case of Brazil,

The main interest in studying different cultural communities would, however, focus on the involvement of people in their communities, examining the nature and dynamics of generating individual lives and social practices of the community [3]. In other words, recognize what cultural practices familiar to every social group that permits examining and recognizing the organization, values, visions and social practices that are common and persistent in a given

Considering that the roles performed by families are distinct in different cultural communities and in daily care practices, the objective of the present study was to describe the routines of two families who lived in Amazon river regions in the state of Pará, Brazil. These communities are inserted in the Amazonia forest, in which living activities are linked to nature with different degrees of isolation from urban centers.The figure 1 demonstrates this rich and distinctive

[11, 12, 13] contribute to the understanding of parenthood in different social groups.

members of the family and the surrounding community [8, 3].

universal practices [5].

98 Parenting in South American and African Contexts

ecological context.

that profess them as universal practices [5].

place, at a given social class or social group [3,4]

**Figure 1.** The Amazonian context: the florest and housing typically riverine Amazon (collection of Laboratory Ecology of Human Development)

The Amazon river region consists of a forest rich in biodiversity, possessing 20% of the freshwater on the planet. Additionally, it represents 50% of the Brazilian territory and has approximately 11 million people, in which 62.4% live in the cities and 37.6% live in the country [14].The riverine area still has energetic resources and wealth and is rich with lush flora and fauna, but it is still considered an economically poor region compared with its natural richness because of its historical lack of infrastructure investment [15].

The riverine communities arranged in the Amazon forest are considered traditional, with occupations associated with waterways, cultures with riverine roots, and small-scale agricul‐ ture [16]. Although sharing a way of life and traditional cultures, significant differences are found among these communities in terms of access to public policies and economic develop‐ ment. Thus, riverine communities that live in geographic isolation have more financial stringency and depend more on forest resources and less on commercial interchange. How‐ ever, in riverine communities near urban centers, people have more accessibility to foreign goods and knowledge, thus incorporating values found in urban areas [17].

With regard to the way of life on the Amazon river, [18] indicated that these populations have an intense relationship with the cycles and dynamics of nature. Residents build their day-today activities and identities based on the river and forest surroundings, with a depth of knowledge about natural dynamics that reflects elaborate strategies for the use and manage‐ ment of natural resources.

Knowledge is orally transferred from generation to generation. From a practical perspective, this is characteristic of such populations, who use symbols and rituals linked to hunting, fishing, and extractive activities. In addition to the practical sense, living with cyclical and repetitive periods and guided by the dynamics of nature, distinct senses and meanings are generated in these populations, in which their routine tasks and social relationships develop more slowly [18].

The principal occupation of the men was extraction activities, followed by fishing. Women were housewives or artisans. The river and forest provided food and products for local

Parenting in Amazonian Riverside Context http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/57056 101

With regard to the availability of health services, no assistance was provided by the state, in addition to the lack of treated water, trash and sewer services, and complex health problems of the population (e.g., stomach and intestinal problems and malnutrition). Similar to the lack of health services, no investments were made in education. The only school in the community was located in the house of a local resident who provided only first-year elementary school

This community belongs to Combu Island, Belém county, Pará state. It has an approximate territorial size of 15 km² and is approximately 1.5 km from the capital Belém via waterway. It is characterized by floodplain forest with diversified flower composition in addition to

Considered the fourth largest island of Belém county, Combu Island is located at the margins of Guamá River. In this area, approximately 375 families or 1,700 residents live in and are clustered in four communities: Igarapé of the Combu, Igarapé of the Piriquitaquara, "Furo da Paciência," and the margin of Guamá River. The houses are predominantly made of wood and distributed along the margins of the waterways. The social and production structure is organized as a function of local natural resources, such as açaí and cacau harvesting, palm heart extraction, shrimping, fishing, and raising chickens, ducks, and pigs, which constituted

Access to Combu Island is via waterway on boats that leave daily from different Belém harbors. Such waterways play a strategic role in the transportation of goods and people. Work is performed with activities in the riverine area. Other services, including the marketing of plant and gathering products, health services, schools, shops, and amenities, occur in the urban

The houses were made of wood and covered with clay tiles or asbestos. They were built on stilts and located approximately 30 m from each other. Electricity was not available during data collection, but it became available in July 2011. Treated water was not yet available. Drinking water was obtained from a public tap in Belém and carried in bulk or plastic bottles

With regard to infrastructure, the community had a health center that was having difficulty with functioning because it was closed for some months due to a lack of physicians, equipment, and medicine. Aside from this health center, a municipal school was located in the igarapé itself, characterized by a typical Amazonia riverine style and made of wood on stilts. The school had two classrooms, a courtyard, a pantry, restrooms, a coordination room, and an external area available for recreation when the river level was low. In this community, almost all of the residents received benefits from the federal program "Bolsa Família" (family grant), a program

extraction activities, such as fish, shrimp, game animals, and açaí.

education.

**3.2. Piriquitaquara community**

the principal local activities.

context.

to the community.

enormous tourist and commercial attractions.

Based on interest in recognizing parenthood within the context such different development, the objective of the present study was to understand parental practices based on the descrip‐ tions of the routines of two riverine families and provide evidence of the relationships between cultural activities and the Amazonian context. We highlight the social activities during weekdays and weekends, with parenthood considered based on the daily activities that reflect these families' beliefs.
