**5. Why is human trafficking associated with vulnerability?**

The position of disadvantaged young South African women and girls places them in locations that are easily accessible to human traffickers. They come across human traffickers, wondering, bewildered and struggling with challenges that define them as passive victims (Bernat & Zhilina, 2010). They are often deprived of basic necessities such as food, shelter and medical care (Bernat & Winkeler, 2010). Because of the lack of these resources they feel less valuable as human beings, to such an extent that any person who either pays any attention to them to reduce their plight or promises to provide for them financially is welcome, regardless of the negative intentions of this person (Bernat & Zhilina, 2010). Ordinarily, being female is often equated with victimhood: societies often perceive young women and girls to be in need of rescue, or protection in order to remain in a pure state of femininity (Hargreaves, Vetten, Scheineder, Malepe & Fullere, 2006). Accepting and seeking assistance from a human trafficker is not an unusual move for a young woman or girl. It is a way of seeking incentives that will make her feel less unworthy, economically deprived, depressed, anxious and stressed – psychological variables that hamper a young woman's or girl's personal development (Hargreaves, 2006). Her goal is to move away from positions of deprivation that make her feel inferior, persistently undermined and unworthy (Hargreaves, 2006). In South Africa, child prostitutes, children heading households, girls

who have been dislocated, are addicted to drugs and/or affiliated to gangs, as well as displaced and dislocated women and children consistently seek to meet people who might rescue them from such situations of victimhood and vulnerability to positions associated with conventional social acceptability.

Human Trafficking of Young Women and Girls for Sexual Exploitation in South Africa 99

(Palmary, 2005). Rather than to marry their rapists, a number of these women have turned

In addition, the xenophobic treatment experienced by legal and illegal immigrants in South Africa make foreign women and children more vulnerable to human trafficking, despite family and community rejection. Often accused of taking away jobs from the locals, intermittently, they have their houses destroyed and property stolen in retaliation for others' economic deprivation. In this context, it might seem like a better choice to accept an offer from a fellow national than from a South African citizen, regardless of the negative

Owing to these personal characteristics and situational circumstances of young South African women and girls, and of refugees and immigrants in South Africa, analysing their situations becomes a matter of the utmost importance. Although other types of human trafficking have been identified to occur within South African borders, 90% of the young women assisted between the ages of (12-24) have been trafficked for sexual exploitation (Le Roux, 2009a; Le Roux, 2009b). The employment commitments of South African parents are such that some spend considerable amounts of time travelling to and from work, thus leaving little time to supervise and monitor their daughters closely (Le Roux, 2009b). The increasing number of households headed by children with limited or no financial resources to provide for their younger siblings puts pressure on these children that could see the children who are heading such households accepting offers which turn out to be sexually

Socio-economic factors, a lack of parental supervision and monitoring, exposure to violence, households headed by children and a lack of a legal position on prostitution compound the problem of human trafficking of young South African women and girls for sexual exploitation. The experience of financial deprivation coupled with home and family circumstances, as well as limited knowledge pertaining to child-rearing drive some young women and girls into traffickers' nets. With no consistent legal position on prostitution,

Although unemployment decreased from 30% in 2007 to 19% in 2008 (Statistics South Africa, 2009), women and young girls are still the worst hit by unemployment in South Africa. The Children's Institute (2009) reports that 75% of black children, 43% of coloured children and 4.9% of white children live in households generating an income below R350.00 a month: 67% of these children are female and 69% are between the ages of 12 and 17 years. Furthermore, 38% of South African children live in households with an unemployed adult. However, the employment and unemployment of parents may not necessarily translate to the avoidance or non-avoidance of victimisation from human trafficking. A parent should

to prostitution to try to counter the trauma of rape and family rejection.

repercussions the offer might bring.

**6. Contextualising human trafficking** 

getting out of the victimisation process can be difficult.

**6.1. Socio-economic factors** 

exploitative.

It is estimated that about 30 000 South African children work as prostitutes and that 247 000 are in exploitative labour-related situations (Delport et al 2007). The number of child-headed households is growing, as South African parents die from illnesses related to their HIV/Aids status, and other terminal illnesses. There were 148 000 child-headed households in South Africa in 2007 – that translates to 0.8% of the 18 292 000 children between 0 and 17 years in this country (Children's Institute, 2009). Most of these children live in poor provinces (Children's Institute, 2009), which are commonly targeted by human traffickers for recruitment into sexual exploitation, such as the Eastern Cape, Mpumalanga, KwaZulu-Natal and the Limpopo Province (Bermudez, 2008 & UNICEF, 2003). About one in ten school learners use some form of intoxicating substance. A high number of these learners have been offered drugs in classrooms and playgrounds during schooling hours (Burton, 2008).

South African girls between 13 and 18 are involved in gangs independently of boys and some courier narcotics for male drug dealers (Govender, 2008 & Naidoo, 2008). Male gang members have been known to kidnap young girls, feed them with 'Tik' (methamphetamine), and, once they are addicted, force them to work as sex workers to pay back the drug money (Naidoo, 2008). If they are not couriering drugs for male drug dealers (Naidoo, 2007), some young women and girls are used to recruit other girls into child trafficking rings for work as prostitutes (Parker, 2008). In the absence of parental supervision and monitoring, this behaviour could lead to human trafficking for sexual exploitation.

Displaced and dislocated young women and girls are another group of females that are vulnerable to human trafficking for sexual exploitation. Street children, refugees, children used by adults to commit crimes, as well as children in gangs, can easily be recruited clandestinely into human trafficking for sexual exploitation. Because of their need for sympathy, shelter, food and a sense of belonging, displaced and dislocated children could accept offers presented by human traffickers without verifying the details of the alleged job (Bolowana, 2004; Parker, 2008 & Van der Watt, 2009). In South Africa, due to the growing demand for sex with children, dislocated and displaced children are easily accessible and visible (Bolowana, 2004). The Tshwane Alliance for Street Children (2009) reports that about 10 000 children live on the streets of South Africa. In Tshwane (Pretoria) alone, it is estimated that 3 500 children live on the streets.

Refugee women and girls experience gender-specific victimisation that could result in their accepting offers from human traffickers. Whilst they are trying to re-invent coping mechanisms in the countries of exile (Wambugu, 2003), they risk being forced into marital unions with older men, as well as discrimination from the citizens of their adopted countries (Palmary, 2005). In some instances, families have forced war-raped female relatives to marry their rapists to avoid the shame that they believe war rape would bring to the family (Palmary, 2005). Rather than to marry their rapists, a number of these women have turned to prostitution to try to counter the trauma of rape and family rejection.

In addition, the xenophobic treatment experienced by legal and illegal immigrants in South Africa make foreign women and children more vulnerable to human trafficking, despite family and community rejection. Often accused of taking away jobs from the locals, intermittently, they have their houses destroyed and property stolen in retaliation for others' economic deprivation. In this context, it might seem like a better choice to accept an offer from a fellow national than from a South African citizen, regardless of the negative repercussions the offer might bring.

Owing to these personal characteristics and situational circumstances of young South African women and girls, and of refugees and immigrants in South Africa, analysing their situations becomes a matter of the utmost importance. Although other types of human trafficking have been identified to occur within South African borders, 90% of the young women assisted between the ages of (12-24) have been trafficked for sexual exploitation (Le Roux, 2009a; Le Roux, 2009b). The employment commitments of South African parents are such that some spend considerable amounts of time travelling to and from work, thus leaving little time to supervise and monitor their daughters closely (Le Roux, 2009b). The increasing number of households headed by children with limited or no financial resources to provide for their younger siblings puts pressure on these children that could see the children who are heading such households accepting offers which turn out to be sexually exploitative.
