**7. Cultural factors contributing to human trafficking**

Some entrenched cultural norms and values that could be detrimental to the psychological and personal development of young women and girls survive in South Africa. Notably, child marriages due to HIV/Aids, child placement, as well as materialism and immediate gratification are some of the cultural practices drawing young women and girls to human traffickers in this country.

## **7.1. Child brides**

With the high levels of HIV/Aids infection afflicting one in nine South Africans (HSRC, 2009), older men are currently reviving age-old customs, bordering on human trafficking, by kidnapping and abducting young girls for sexual exploitation to cure themselves of the infection (Prince, 2009). These girls are turned into child brides at a tender age. At times, the parents of these girls know about these marriages, but prefer to overlook the situation and accept *lobola* from the groom. Some of the parents receive approximately R500.00 or a sheep, goat or calf in exchange for their daughters (Oliphant, 2009). The mere fact that the girls are abducted or kidnapped, and kept as sex slaves and against their will could imply human trafficking for sexual exploitation. However, this practice is defined as a traditional custom, legitimately acceptable in some Eastern Cape communities. Historically, traditional leaders had specified orders regulating the practice, which was called *ukuthwala intombi* [taking of a bride by force]. The regulation of the occurrence of this cultural practice has changed. Currently, South Africa has ratified numerous human rights instruments which make it a crime for a man to take an adolescent girl for marriage without consent. This would apply to a situation where the main purpose of abducting girls is purely for sex slavery to cure Aids, or to satisfy the preconceived notion of women as carriers of HIV/Aids and young girls as pure.

## **7.2. Child placement**

It appears that the everyday reality of some people has become a method to victimise young women and girls. It is customary for large South African families that are struggling socioeconomically to send some of their children to relatives, usually residing in economically advantaged areas, in order to access economic and educational opportunities (Dyantyi & Pritz, 2009). This practice is currently being used to draw children into human trafficking for sexual exploitation. For example, a wealthy uncle from an economically privileged suburb invited his two nieces from an informal settlement in Port Elizabeth (in the Eastern Cape) to reside with him. He initially promised to provide education and access to other essential resources to his nieces. Instead, he confined them in his house and forced them to work as prostitutes and took away their earnings (Bermudez, 2007).

Even when they are not misled by relatives, some young women and girls may pursue relationships with older men, who in turn provide material objects in return for sex (Leclerc-Madlala, 2003). In some instances, human traffickers use this kind of scenario – they first spoil young girls between the ages of 13 and 17 with an expensive night out (UNODC, 2007). Once the outing is over, they force them to work as prostitutes in order to return the money used for the night out.

Child placement and intergenerational sex are embedded in South African society, and are tolerated as strategies for unemployed young women and girls to earn an income (Dunkle et al.,2007; Dyantyi & Pritz, 2009; Leclerc-Madlala, 2003). This situation makes the identification of victims and communication of the prevention of the crime difficult to accomplish.

## **7.3. Materialism and immediate gratification**

102 Child Abuse and Neglect – A Multidimensional Approach

traffickers in this country.

**7.1. Child brides** 

**7.2. Child placement** 

reason for turning a blind eye on prostitution (Parker, 2008).

**7. Cultural factors contributing to human trafficking** 

advertisements for exotic dancers, masseuses and sex work in newspapers creates the impression that prostitution is an acceptable form of employment in this country. Young women and girls brought into prostitution by human traffickers are often caught up in the social perceptions and attitudes towards the industry that appear to be unable to separate voluntary and involuntary prostitution. The male 'need' for sex is often used by society as a

Some entrenched cultural norms and values that could be detrimental to the psychological and personal development of young women and girls survive in South Africa. Notably, child marriages due to HIV/Aids, child placement, as well as materialism and immediate gratification are some of the cultural practices drawing young women and girls to human

With the high levels of HIV/Aids infection afflicting one in nine South Africans (HSRC, 2009), older men are currently reviving age-old customs, bordering on human trafficking, by kidnapping and abducting young girls for sexual exploitation to cure themselves of the infection (Prince, 2009). These girls are turned into child brides at a tender age. At times, the parents of these girls know about these marriages, but prefer to overlook the situation and accept *lobola* from the groom. Some of the parents receive approximately R500.00 or a sheep, goat or calf in exchange for their daughters (Oliphant, 2009). The mere fact that the girls are abducted or kidnapped, and kept as sex slaves and against their will could imply human trafficking for sexual exploitation. However, this practice is defined as a traditional custom, legitimately acceptable in some Eastern Cape communities. Historically, traditional leaders had specified orders regulating the practice, which was called *ukuthwala intombi* [taking of a bride by force]. The regulation of the occurrence of this cultural practice has changed. Currently, South Africa has ratified numerous human rights instruments which make it a crime for a man to take an adolescent girl for marriage without consent. This would apply to a situation where the main purpose of abducting girls is purely for sex slavery to cure Aids, or to satisfy the preconceived notion of women as carriers of HIV/Aids and young girls as pure.

It appears that the everyday reality of some people has become a method to victimise young women and girls. It is customary for large South African families that are struggling socioeconomically to send some of their children to relatives, usually residing in economically advantaged areas, in order to access economic and educational opportunities (Dyantyi & Pritz, 2009). This practice is currently being used to draw children into human trafficking for sexual exploitation. For example, a wealthy uncle from an economically privileged suburb invited his two nieces from an informal settlement in Port Elizabeth (in the Eastern Cape) to reside with him. He initially promised to provide education and access to other essential There is a growing culture of materialism and immediate gratification among young women and girls in South Africa. The ownership of cell phones, brand-label clothes, as well as partying at entertainment areas such as nightclubs and parties is a lifestyle desired by most South African adolescents (Lutya, 2010a). During such parties and social events, adolescents consume high volumes of alcohol, with some taking drugs and others involved in risky sexual behaviours (Dunkle, 2007). Survival sex is one mechanism which poverty-stricken teenagers use to access the material goods they desire (Leclerc-Madlala, 2003). They become intimately involved with older men who can purchase the wares the teenagers want in return for sexual favours. The male companion may then persuade the young female to perform sex work in order to generate more money. Eventually, the female companion is moved, harboured and commercially exploited for the benefit of the male companion.

In summary, although not all HIV/Aids-infected South African men kidnap and abduct young women and girls for early marriage, the cultural practice of *ukuthwala intombi* has received major criticism from government, civil society and human rights activists. As a result of these points of view, public hearings on this practice have occurred in order to ascertain the opinions of the citizens. The purpose of the public hearings is not to conflate cultural practices with human trafficking or to refuse some citizens their right to practise their culture. It is to ensure that the practice of *ukuthwala intombi* does not violate the rights of young women and girls or contribute to increasing levels of sexual violence. Furthermore, the practice of child placement is vital for social network support and family linkages. Family support is important for the survival of young women and girls from povertystricken backgrounds in the absence of government services and sufficient incomegenerating resources. Support from relatives prevents young women and girls from entering into relationships with older men for the purposes of generating an income. However, it should be done with the intention to provide for a struggling family, instead of human trafficking for sexual exploitation.

## **8. South African responses to human trafficking**

The government and civil society are currently mobilizing society and the legal system to intensify prevention, protection and prosecution services, as well as partnerships to respond to this crime (Eye on Human Trafficking, 2007). Several partnerships have been created to broaden and give more publicity and information on human trafficking patterns and forms.

Human Trafficking of Young Women and Girls for Sexual Exploitation in South Africa 105

jobs and housing. As stated elsewhere in this chapter, South Africa has its own internal economic challenges, which are difficult to eradicate. Some children reside in homes earning less than an average wage. Economic Mobilization, a new initiative facilitated by the IOM to prevent human trafficking in South Africa, seeks to mitigate the socio-economic challenges driving some young women and girls to turn to human traffickers. Economic Mobilization provides training and funds to small businesses in three impoverished provinces, namely Limpopo, Mpumalanga and the Eastern Cape. The aim is create sustainable projects that could provide employment opportunities to young women and girls in order to reduce their

Identification, reporting and referral are some of the protective measures applied by South Africa to respond to human trafficking. A designated official, such as a social worker, border official or community worker, can determine whether a child is a victim of human trafficking. Once a child has been identified as a victim of trafficking, the official is expected to report the child to the criminal justice authorities. The identified child can then be referred to a place of safety whilst waiting for her circumstances and experiences to be documented. Article 6 of the United Nations' Palermo Protocol states that on identification of a trafficked victim, each member state is required to provide privacy and confidentiality, housing, counselling, medical, psychological and material assistance to the victims. The IOM offers trafficked victims shelter, medical and psychological support, legal assistance, as well as to return them to and reintegrate them in their community. The organisation has to date assisted 300 victims of sexual exploitation and forced labour trafficking inside and outside South Africa (Eye on Human Trafficking, 2009). Molo Songololo has assisted 26 victims of child sexual exploitation and 44 rape cases, as well as provided victim empowerment services to 32 children (Tyakume, 2009). Recommendations have been made by the South African Law Reform Commission for victims of trafficking to be granted

Despite the absence of a legislation to prosecute human trafficking fully, South Africa has successfully prosecuted and is currently prosecuting suspects alleged to have committed the crime. Sections from existing legislation are used to prosecute human trafficking. The Prevention of Organised Crime Act (Act 112 of 1998), the Immigration Act (Act 13 of 2002) and the Sexual Offences Act (Act 23 of 1957) are some of the Acts used to prosecute human trafficking activities ([40, 74]). Furthermore, the Children's Act (Act 38 of 2005) and the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act (Act 32 of 2007) contain sections dedicated to combating the human trafficking of young women and girls for sexual exploitation. However, the Children's Act is not yet fully promulgated (Qaba, 2007). These efforts are not enough to prosecute and receive a conviction for the crime. Few trafficking offences have been prosecuted using parts of existing Acts in the absence of a

vulnerability to human traffickers (Eye on Human Trafficking, 2009).

**8.2. Protection** 

immunity from prosecution.

**8.3. Prosecution** 

## **8.1. Prevention**

Article 9 of the Palermo Protocol (United Nations, 2008) expects its signatories to develop comprehensive policies and programmes, to conduct research, to implement media campaigns and socio-economic strategies, as well as to provide information regarding human trafficking in order to deter human traffickers from committing the crime. The aim is to equip societies and countries with human trafficking knowledge. According to the Protocol, the programmes should seek to reduce factors that create vulnerability to human trafficking. Furthermore, the Protocol emphasises the establishment of regional, international and national coalitions in order to share and disseminate information. Since South Africa became a signatory to the Palermo Protocol and the publication of *'Seduction, sale and slavery'* (Mathews, 2004)) by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in 2003, prevention services have been intensified to educate and inform the public about human trafficking.

Awareness programmes, capacity building workshops and training of civil organisations, as well as government officials in human trafficking are some of the common prevention measures aimed at reducing human trafficking of young women and girls for sexual exploitation. The IOM and its partners, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), the Department of Social Development, women's organisations, religious groups as well as sporting clubs such as Kaiser Chiefs play an instrumental role in raising awareness about human trafficking in South Africa. During these workshops, participants are introduced to the concept in all its manifestations and are informed of the legal and social resources that they could use to respond to the crime. But however diligently South Africa is working to fulfil its obligations set out in the Palermo Protocol, the filtered information may not be put to good use due to personal and socio-economic challenges faced by some South African citizens. Informal conversations with South Africans have shown that an average citizen of this country will not turn down an opportunity if it were introduced by a stranger (Le Roux, 2009b; O'Connor, 2009). This attitude is motivated by the desire to experience the world, earn more and access employment opportunities.

Socio-economic challenges are cited in most South African reports on human trafficking as fundamental reasons fuelling the occurrence of human trafficking for all purposes. The IOM has reported that 84% of documented and undocumented immigrants vulnerable to human trafficking in South Africa cited family breakdown, religious and ethnic persecution as fundamental reasons that brought them into the country (IOM, 2009). However, on arrival in South Africa, they faced socio-economic hindrances that made it difficult for them to acclimatise to the country. They may encounter xenophobic treatment whilst looking for jobs and housing. As stated elsewhere in this chapter, South Africa has its own internal economic challenges, which are difficult to eradicate. Some children reside in homes earning less than an average wage. Economic Mobilization, a new initiative facilitated by the IOM to prevent human trafficking in South Africa, seeks to mitigate the socio-economic challenges driving some young women and girls to turn to human traffickers. Economic Mobilization provides training and funds to small businesses in three impoverished provinces, namely Limpopo, Mpumalanga and the Eastern Cape. The aim is create sustainable projects that could provide employment opportunities to young women and girls in order to reduce their vulnerability to human traffickers (Eye on Human Trafficking, 2009).

#### **8.2. Protection**

104 Child Abuse and Neglect – A Multidimensional Approach

**8.1. Prevention** 

human trafficking.

**8. South African responses to human trafficking** 

The government and civil society are currently mobilizing society and the legal system to intensify prevention, protection and prosecution services, as well as partnerships to respond to this crime (Eye on Human Trafficking, 2007). Several partnerships have been created to broaden and give more publicity and information on human trafficking patterns and forms.

Article 9 of the Palermo Protocol (United Nations, 2008) expects its signatories to develop comprehensive policies and programmes, to conduct research, to implement media campaigns and socio-economic strategies, as well as to provide information regarding human trafficking in order to deter human traffickers from committing the crime. The aim is to equip societies and countries with human trafficking knowledge. According to the Protocol, the programmes should seek to reduce factors that create vulnerability to human trafficking. Furthermore, the Protocol emphasises the establishment of regional, international and national coalitions in order to share and disseminate information. Since South Africa became a signatory to the Palermo Protocol and the publication of *'Seduction, sale and slavery'* (Mathews, 2004)) by the International Organization for Migration (IOM) in 2003, prevention services have been intensified to educate and inform the public about

Awareness programmes, capacity building workshops and training of civil organisations, as well as government officials in human trafficking are some of the common prevention measures aimed at reducing human trafficking of young women and girls for sexual exploitation. The IOM and its partners, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), the Department of Social Development, women's organisations, religious groups as well as sporting clubs such as Kaiser Chiefs play an instrumental role in raising awareness about human trafficking in South Africa. During these workshops, participants are introduced to the concept in all its manifestations and are informed of the legal and social resources that they could use to respond to the crime. But however diligently South Africa is working to fulfil its obligations set out in the Palermo Protocol, the filtered information may not be put to good use due to personal and socio-economic challenges faced by some South African citizens. Informal conversations with South Africans have shown that an average citizen of this country will not turn down an opportunity if it were introduced by a stranger (Le Roux, 2009b; O'Connor, 2009). This attitude is motivated by the

desire to experience the world, earn more and access employment opportunities.

Socio-economic challenges are cited in most South African reports on human trafficking as fundamental reasons fuelling the occurrence of human trafficking for all purposes. The IOM has reported that 84% of documented and undocumented immigrants vulnerable to human trafficking in South Africa cited family breakdown, religious and ethnic persecution as fundamental reasons that brought them into the country (IOM, 2009). However, on arrival in South Africa, they faced socio-economic hindrances that made it difficult for them to acclimatise to the country. They may encounter xenophobic treatment whilst looking for Identification, reporting and referral are some of the protective measures applied by South Africa to respond to human trafficking. A designated official, such as a social worker, border official or community worker, can determine whether a child is a victim of human trafficking. Once a child has been identified as a victim of trafficking, the official is expected to report the child to the criminal justice authorities. The identified child can then be referred to a place of safety whilst waiting for her circumstances and experiences to be documented. Article 6 of the United Nations' Palermo Protocol states that on identification of a trafficked victim, each member state is required to provide privacy and confidentiality, housing, counselling, medical, psychological and material assistance to the victims. The IOM offers trafficked victims shelter, medical and psychological support, legal assistance, as well as to return them to and reintegrate them in their community. The organisation has to date assisted 300 victims of sexual exploitation and forced labour trafficking inside and outside South Africa (Eye on Human Trafficking, 2009). Molo Songololo has assisted 26 victims of child sexual exploitation and 44 rape cases, as well as provided victim empowerment services to 32 children (Tyakume, 2009). Recommendations have been made by the South African Law Reform Commission for victims of trafficking to be granted immunity from prosecution.

#### **8.3. Prosecution**

Despite the absence of a legislation to prosecute human trafficking fully, South Africa has successfully prosecuted and is currently prosecuting suspects alleged to have committed the crime. Sections from existing legislation are used to prosecute human trafficking. The Prevention of Organised Crime Act (Act 112 of 1998), the Immigration Act (Act 13 of 2002) and the Sexual Offences Act (Act 23 of 1957) are some of the Acts used to prosecute human trafficking activities ([40, 74]). Furthermore, the Children's Act (Act 38 of 2005) and the Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act (Act 32 of 2007) contain sections dedicated to combating the human trafficking of young women and girls for sexual exploitation. However, the Children's Act is not yet fully promulgated (Qaba, 2007). These efforts are not enough to prosecute and receive a conviction for the crime. Few trafficking offences have been prosecuted using parts of existing Acts in the absence of a concrete and specific trafficking legislation. The Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act (32 of 2007) and the Sexual Offences Act (23 of 1957) can only be used to prosecute sexual exploitation. Although the offenders are not convicted for human trafficking, but for sexual exploitation associated with human trafficking, the South African legal system is at least demonstrating some progress in this regard.

Human Trafficking of Young Women and Girls for Sexual Exploitation in South Africa 107

and decriminalisation of prostitution, are of the opinion that some trafficked young women and girls exercise agency and accept offers from human traffickers knowing what will transpire at the place of destination (Harper, 2009). With this mind, they argue that such young women and girls would also be prosecuted alongside human traffickers. SWEAT is of the opinion that when some young women and girls are caught by criminal justice authorities without legal documentation – tied into debt bondage – they cry sexual exploitation (Harper, 2009). Organisations fighting to reduce violence against women such as Masimanyane Women's Support Centre, which are seeking to criminalise prostitution by arresting users of prostitutes and saving prostitutes from the business, point out that prostitutes are not free to choose this profession, but are forced by a variety of genderrelated discriminatory circumstances to work as prostitutes. The Bill should render prostitution a crime instead of distinguishing between voluntary and involuntary prostitution, as is the case now. Additional political pressures from the tourism sector, the trade sector and as a result of sporting events hosted by South Africa are putting pressure

In addition to this political pressure, religious organisations are defining prostitution, voluntary and involuntary, as an abomination to God. With all these opposing and contentious opinions on the table, the South African Law Reform Commission is responsible for ensuring that all parties are satisfied with the final outcome of this Bill. Notwithstanding the fact that South Africa is a diverse country consisting of citizens adhering to differing standpoints, it may appear that the only group of persons victimised by traffickers are young women and girls trafficked for involuntary prostitution. The moral connotations associated with prostitution may be the reason that most organisations are strongly opposed to or in agreement with some sections dealing with sexual exploitation in this legalisation. According to Section 4:3 (b) of the Bill, it is no defence not to charge a trafficker if an adult has consented to exploitation or exploitation did not occur, or if human traffickers have recruited, transported and manipulated young women or girls to think that the jobs offered are financially lucrative. SWEAT argues that consent should be disregarded where children are concerned (Harper, 2009). Adults should be seen as capable of giving consent to the work of prostitution, irrespective of the coercive methods traffickers use to lure women into

**8.5. What would be a more effective policy to deal with human trafficking?** 

The promulgation of the Prevention of Trafficking in Persons Bill may not necessarily address women's legal and social challenges, but it will ensure that legal mechanisms exist to address the legal needs of formerly trafficked young women and girls. However, it will not address the factors which have motivated the trafficked victims to accept 'assistance' from human traffickers. The same applies to other laws addressing women's issues: it could make a difference to young women and girls who have been abducted and kidnapped. This set of victims is often caught by surprise whilst either walking home from school or running

on South Africa to accept and regulate the prostitution industry.

the trade.

an errand for a parent.

Two successfully prosecuted cases of human trafficking for sexual exploitation have been reported (Qaba, 2007). In the first of these, Elizabeth Maswanganye recruited, transported and lured into prostitution through false promises young women and girls looking for employment in Pretoria. She was charged with running a brothel and with soliciting girls for carnal intercourse under section 2 and 14 of the Sexual Offences Act (Act 23 of 1957). She is currently serving a five-year term of imprisonment. In the second case, Amien Andrews lured young women and girls looking for a good time at shopping malls into brothels. He was charged with kidnapping, assault to do grievous bodily harm, indecent assault and rape. He is currently serving a 17-year sentence.

Eight suspects have appeared in a criminal court in KwaZulu-Natal Durban on human trafficking charges. A woman from Thailand and a South African man recruited female prostitutes in Thailand to work in up-market establishments in South Africa. The recruits were tied into debt bondage and intense sex work on arrival in this country. The Thai recruiter and the South African male are facing charges of racketeering under the Prevention of Organised Crime Act (Act 121 of 1998: Sections 20-21) of the contravention of immigration principles under the Immigration Act (Act 13 of 2002: Sections 16-19), of keeping a brothel and facilitating prostitution under the Sexual Offences Act (Act 23 of 1957: Sections 3-15), as well as of running a business without a license under the Business Act (Act 71 of 1991) (Lutya, 2009). Furthermore, 27 Chinese female prostitutes and their recruiter were arrested and charged with contravening the Immigration Act and Labour Acts for entering and working in South Africa illegally (Kreston, 2007). It is problematic that in these cases victims are prosecuted alongside traffickers and are offered no assistance. Once the trafficking legislation comes into effect, victims will be protected instead of being treated as accomplices to the crime (Kreston, 2007; Le Roux, 2009b; SALRC, 2004; Stuurman, 2009).

## **8.4. Politics of legal reform in South Africa**

On 26 August 2009, the South African Cabinet approved the Prevention and Combating of Human Trafficking Bill (Qaba, 2009). The next step is tabling the law in Parliament for final approval. It has taken five years for this Bill to obtain Cabinet approval, due to the number of constraints hindering the process. Divergent opinions regarding the sections contained in the Bill and the manner in which the law will be interpreted could be the reason behind the slow progress. It appears that religious, political, moral, gender and medical differences are delaying the finalisation of the Bill. The main issue of concern is the sexual exploitation of victims by human traffickers by means of forced prostitution. Organisations such as Sex Worker Education and Advocacy Taskforce (SWEAT), which are fighting for the legalisation and decriminalisation of prostitution, are of the opinion that some trafficked young women and girls exercise agency and accept offers from human traffickers knowing what will transpire at the place of destination (Harper, 2009). With this mind, they argue that such young women and girls would also be prosecuted alongside human traffickers. SWEAT is of the opinion that when some young women and girls are caught by criminal justice authorities without legal documentation – tied into debt bondage – they cry sexual exploitation (Harper, 2009). Organisations fighting to reduce violence against women such as Masimanyane Women's Support Centre, which are seeking to criminalise prostitution by arresting users of prostitutes and saving prostitutes from the business, point out that prostitutes are not free to choose this profession, but are forced by a variety of genderrelated discriminatory circumstances to work as prostitutes. The Bill should render prostitution a crime instead of distinguishing between voluntary and involuntary prostitution, as is the case now. Additional political pressures from the tourism sector, the trade sector and as a result of sporting events hosted by South Africa are putting pressure on South Africa to accept and regulate the prostitution industry.

106 Child Abuse and Neglect – A Multidimensional Approach

rape. He is currently serving a 17-year sentence.

**8.4. Politics of legal reform in South Africa** 

concrete and specific trafficking legislation. The Criminal Law (Sexual Offences and Related Matters) Amendment Act (32 of 2007) and the Sexual Offences Act (23 of 1957) can only be used to prosecute sexual exploitation. Although the offenders are not convicted for human trafficking, but for sexual exploitation associated with human trafficking, the South African

Two successfully prosecuted cases of human trafficking for sexual exploitation have been reported (Qaba, 2007). In the first of these, Elizabeth Maswanganye recruited, transported and lured into prostitution through false promises young women and girls looking for employment in Pretoria. She was charged with running a brothel and with soliciting girls for carnal intercourse under section 2 and 14 of the Sexual Offences Act (Act 23 of 1957). She is currently serving a five-year term of imprisonment. In the second case, Amien Andrews lured young women and girls looking for a good time at shopping malls into brothels. He was charged with kidnapping, assault to do grievous bodily harm, indecent assault and

Eight suspects have appeared in a criminal court in KwaZulu-Natal Durban on human trafficking charges. A woman from Thailand and a South African man recruited female prostitutes in Thailand to work in up-market establishments in South Africa. The recruits were tied into debt bondage and intense sex work on arrival in this country. The Thai recruiter and the South African male are facing charges of racketeering under the Prevention of Organised Crime Act (Act 121 of 1998: Sections 20-21) of the contravention of immigration principles under the Immigration Act (Act 13 of 2002: Sections 16-19), of keeping a brothel and facilitating prostitution under the Sexual Offences Act (Act 23 of 1957: Sections 3-15), as well as of running a business without a license under the Business Act (Act 71 of 1991) (Lutya, 2009). Furthermore, 27 Chinese female prostitutes and their recruiter were arrested and charged with contravening the Immigration Act and Labour Acts for entering and working in South Africa illegally (Kreston, 2007). It is problematic that in these cases victims are prosecuted alongside traffickers and are offered no assistance. Once the trafficking legislation comes into effect, victims will be protected instead of being treated as accomplices to the crime (Kreston, 2007; Le Roux, 2009b; SALRC, 2004; Stuurman, 2009).

On 26 August 2009, the South African Cabinet approved the Prevention and Combating of Human Trafficking Bill (Qaba, 2009). The next step is tabling the law in Parliament for final approval. It has taken five years for this Bill to obtain Cabinet approval, due to the number of constraints hindering the process. Divergent opinions regarding the sections contained in the Bill and the manner in which the law will be interpreted could be the reason behind the slow progress. It appears that religious, political, moral, gender and medical differences are delaying the finalisation of the Bill. The main issue of concern is the sexual exploitation of victims by human traffickers by means of forced prostitution. Organisations such as Sex Worker Education and Advocacy Taskforce (SWEAT), which are fighting for the legalisation

legal system is at least demonstrating some progress in this regard.

In addition to this political pressure, religious organisations are defining prostitution, voluntary and involuntary, as an abomination to God. With all these opposing and contentious opinions on the table, the South African Law Reform Commission is responsible for ensuring that all parties are satisfied with the final outcome of this Bill. Notwithstanding the fact that South Africa is a diverse country consisting of citizens adhering to differing standpoints, it may appear that the only group of persons victimised by traffickers are young women and girls trafficked for involuntary prostitution. The moral connotations associated with prostitution may be the reason that most organisations are strongly opposed to or in agreement with some sections dealing with sexual exploitation in this legalisation. According to Section 4:3 (b) of the Bill, it is no defence not to charge a trafficker if an adult has consented to exploitation or exploitation did not occur, or if human traffickers have recruited, transported and manipulated young women or girls to think that the jobs offered are financially lucrative. SWEAT argues that consent should be disregarded where children are concerned (Harper, 2009). Adults should be seen as capable of giving consent to the work of prostitution, irrespective of the coercive methods traffickers use to lure women into the trade.

#### **8.5. What would be a more effective policy to deal with human trafficking?**

The promulgation of the Prevention of Trafficking in Persons Bill may not necessarily address women's legal and social challenges, but it will ensure that legal mechanisms exist to address the legal needs of formerly trafficked young women and girls. However, it will not address the factors which have motivated the trafficked victims to accept 'assistance' from human traffickers. The same applies to other laws addressing women's issues: it could make a difference to young women and girls who have been abducted and kidnapped. This set of victims is often caught by surprise whilst either walking home from school or running an errand for a parent.

For a woman who needs better employment opportunities, it may lead to the kind of selfblame that is often observed in victims of acquaintance rape. A more effective strategy could be a combination of services provided to potential victims of human trafficking. This strategy will necessitate a change in the manner in which families, communities and the South African citizens entirely select their lifestyles.

Human Trafficking of Young Women and Girls for Sexual Exploitation in South Africa 109

legalisation and decriminalisation of (voluntary) prostitution, brothels will be inspected regularly, the human rights of prostitutes will be observed and prevention efforts will take cognisance of the socio-economic factors influencing young women and girls to perform the

It is a betrayal of women's aspirations when the criminal justice system does not fulfil its obligations to improve the quality of their lives (Drakopolou, 2008). Meanwhile, owing to the diversity of young women and girls, justice may not be accessed by formerly trafficked young women and girls (Drakopolou, 2008). There are young women and girls who accept offers knowing fairly well that they will work as prostitutes, but they are not alerted to the conditions under which they will work. Once they exit the clutches of human trafficking, they do not report the violations encountered at the hands of human traffickers, but often

Several partnerships have been established in South Africa to counter human trafficking for all purposes. They are situated in provinces, nationally and regionally coordinated by governmental and NGOs. The IOM, women's organisations and the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) coordinate most partnerships against human trafficking. The Southern African Counter Trafficking Assistance Programme (SACTAP), Migration Dialogue for Southern Africa (MIDSA), the National Task Team, Mpulimo, the Southern African Network against Trafficking and Abuse of Children (SANTAC), and Activists Networking against the Exploitation of Child Domestic Labour (Anex CDW), are some of the

The publication of *Seduction, Sale and Slavery: Trafficking in Women and Children in Southern Africa* (Mathews et al., 2004) in 2003 resulted in the formation of SACTAP (IOM, 2009). SACTAP, coordinated by the IOM, is a regional body consisting of representatives from the South African Development Community (SADC) region. Since 2003 it has assisted 300 victims of human trafficking and trained more than 1 200 police officers, as well approximately 500 practitioners from civil organisations in victim assistance and identification (Eye on Human Trafficking, 2007). Its areas of focus are research, information

The IOM also coordinates MIDSA, which gets government officials from SADC to meet in workshops to debate matters related to migration issues three times a year (IOM, 2009). Human trafficking and human smuggling are some of the migration-related matters discussed at these workshops. Furthermore, the National Task Team, a government initiative, was formed in 2005 to monitor activities aimed at preventing human trafficking in South Africa. It is made up of government departments such as the Organised Crime Unit, the SAPS, Justice and Constitutional Development, Home Affairs, Social Development and Labour, as well as NGOs, the IOM, Molo Songololo and the UNODC. Its most important roles are to monitor strategies against human trafficking and share information pertaining to

continue to work in the prostitution industry as they were recruited to do.

partnerships addressing human trafficking in South Africa.

dissemination, victim assistance, and capacity building (Le Roux, 2009a).

work (Khumalo, 2009; Qaba, 2009).

**8.6. Partnerships** 

A combined strategy includes full participation by the families of potential victims, communities, civic organisations, criminal justice authorities and former victims of human trafficking, brothel owners, clients or users of human trafficking victims, as well as the families and relatives of former victims of trafficking. This strategy should be a governmentdriven policy led by the Department of Social Development (DSD). It should be implemented at a primary level before victims are recruited, kidnapped or abducted. At that point, human trafficking has not yet occurred. However, owing to the increasing number of young women and girls who are falling victim to this crime, unaffected potential victims should be educated about the crime. The department is already driving many prevention and early intervention programmes aimed at addressing risk factors that could result in the victimisation of families in general.

However, human trafficking is a clandestine crime that should be addressed separately. Firstly, parenting programmes should be designed, planned and implemented. The facilitators of these parenting programmes should identify parenting deficits and behavioural factors expressed by young women and girls that could result in victimisation. The parenting programmes should be implemented at a community, school and family level. In this manner, teachers, neighbours as well as other family members are aware of the existence of the crime and can help alter young women and girls' behavioural expressions and parenting practices and styles that result in victimisation. Secondly, alongside parenting programmes civil organisations, criminal justice authorities' former victims of trafficking should be instrumental in raising awareness about the crime. Victims of human trafficking are likely to contact NGOs for assistance; formerly trafficked women are knowledgeable about the mechanisms used by traffickers to capture, confine and transfer them whilst increasing profits. Third, clients or users of prostitutes can engage with young women and girls in the business without making them feel interrogated. This information could be sent to the police who will contact brothel owners amicably and alert them to the finding before an arrest is made. Lastly, the families and relatives of trafficked young women and girls should form part of the strategy by supporting their trafficked victims in order to ensure that their reintegration is achieved with fewer challenges.

Most researchers in South Africa are advocating for the immediate promulgation of the Prevention and Combating of Trafficking in Persons legislation in order to reduce the occurrence of the crime. Gender equality can be achieved through the enactment of laws granting an opportunity for women to access justice (Ntlama, 2006). However, the introduction of this legislation is bound to be delayed, because of differing opinions pertaining to prostitution. It might be easier to separate voluntary and involuntary prostitution once the trafficking law has been promulgated (Qaba, 2009). Along with the legalisation and decriminalisation of (voluntary) prostitution, brothels will be inspected regularly, the human rights of prostitutes will be observed and prevention efforts will take cognisance of the socio-economic factors influencing young women and girls to perform the work (Khumalo, 2009; Qaba, 2009).

It is a betrayal of women's aspirations when the criminal justice system does not fulfil its obligations to improve the quality of their lives (Drakopolou, 2008). Meanwhile, owing to the diversity of young women and girls, justice may not be accessed by formerly trafficked young women and girls (Drakopolou, 2008). There are young women and girls who accept offers knowing fairly well that they will work as prostitutes, but they are not alerted to the conditions under which they will work. Once they exit the clutches of human trafficking, they do not report the violations encountered at the hands of human traffickers, but often continue to work in the prostitution industry as they were recruited to do.

## **8.6. Partnerships**

108 Child Abuse and Neglect – A Multidimensional Approach

victimisation of families in general.

South African citizens entirely select their lifestyles.

that their reintegration is achieved with fewer challenges.

For a woman who needs better employment opportunities, it may lead to the kind of selfblame that is often observed in victims of acquaintance rape. A more effective strategy could be a combination of services provided to potential victims of human trafficking. This strategy will necessitate a change in the manner in which families, communities and the

A combined strategy includes full participation by the families of potential victims, communities, civic organisations, criminal justice authorities and former victims of human trafficking, brothel owners, clients or users of human trafficking victims, as well as the families and relatives of former victims of trafficking. This strategy should be a governmentdriven policy led by the Department of Social Development (DSD). It should be implemented at a primary level before victims are recruited, kidnapped or abducted. At that point, human trafficking has not yet occurred. However, owing to the increasing number of young women and girls who are falling victim to this crime, unaffected potential victims should be educated about the crime. The department is already driving many prevention and early intervention programmes aimed at addressing risk factors that could result in the

However, human trafficking is a clandestine crime that should be addressed separately. Firstly, parenting programmes should be designed, planned and implemented. The facilitators of these parenting programmes should identify parenting deficits and behavioural factors expressed by young women and girls that could result in victimisation. The parenting programmes should be implemented at a community, school and family level. In this manner, teachers, neighbours as well as other family members are aware of the existence of the crime and can help alter young women and girls' behavioural expressions and parenting practices and styles that result in victimisation. Secondly, alongside parenting programmes civil organisations, criminal justice authorities' former victims of trafficking should be instrumental in raising awareness about the crime. Victims of human trafficking are likely to contact NGOs for assistance; formerly trafficked women are knowledgeable about the mechanisms used by traffickers to capture, confine and transfer them whilst increasing profits. Third, clients or users of prostitutes can engage with young women and girls in the business without making them feel interrogated. This information could be sent to the police who will contact brothel owners amicably and alert them to the finding before an arrest is made. Lastly, the families and relatives of trafficked young women and girls should form part of the strategy by supporting their trafficked victims in order to ensure

Most researchers in South Africa are advocating for the immediate promulgation of the Prevention and Combating of Trafficking in Persons legislation in order to reduce the occurrence of the crime. Gender equality can be achieved through the enactment of laws granting an opportunity for women to access justice (Ntlama, 2006). However, the introduction of this legislation is bound to be delayed, because of differing opinions pertaining to prostitution. It might be easier to separate voluntary and involuntary prostitution once the trafficking law has been promulgated (Qaba, 2009). Along with the Several partnerships have been established in South Africa to counter human trafficking for all purposes. They are situated in provinces, nationally and regionally coordinated by governmental and NGOs. The IOM, women's organisations and the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) coordinate most partnerships against human trafficking. The Southern African Counter Trafficking Assistance Programme (SACTAP), Migration Dialogue for Southern Africa (MIDSA), the National Task Team, Mpulimo, the Southern African Network against Trafficking and Abuse of Children (SANTAC), and Activists Networking against the Exploitation of Child Domestic Labour (Anex CDW), are some of the partnerships addressing human trafficking in South Africa.

The publication of *Seduction, Sale and Slavery: Trafficking in Women and Children in Southern Africa* (Mathews et al., 2004) in 2003 resulted in the formation of SACTAP (IOM, 2009). SACTAP, coordinated by the IOM, is a regional body consisting of representatives from the South African Development Community (SADC) region. Since 2003 it has assisted 300 victims of human trafficking and trained more than 1 200 police officers, as well approximately 500 practitioners from civil organisations in victim assistance and identification (Eye on Human Trafficking, 2007). Its areas of focus are research, information dissemination, victim assistance, and capacity building (Le Roux, 2009a).

The IOM also coordinates MIDSA, which gets government officials from SADC to meet in workshops to debate matters related to migration issues three times a year (IOM, 2009). Human trafficking and human smuggling are some of the migration-related matters discussed at these workshops. Furthermore, the National Task Team, a government initiative, was formed in 2005 to monitor activities aimed at preventing human trafficking in South Africa. It is made up of government departments such as the Organised Crime Unit, the SAPS, Justice and Constitutional Development, Home Affairs, Social Development and Labour, as well as NGOs, the IOM, Molo Songololo and the UNODC. Its most important roles are to monitor strategies against human trafficking and share information pertaining to

the developments in human trafficking matters (Qaba, 2009). They meet quarterly to share and disseminate information.

Human Trafficking of Young Women and Girls for Sexual Exploitation in South Africa 111

A provincial-based partnership, Activists Networking against the Exploitation of Child Domestic Labour (Anex CDW), aims to end the exploitation of children trapped in domestic labour with special consideration of girl-children moved from urban to rural areas. They perform advocacy work, conduct research, and lobby government to create policies that may improve the situation of children, run media campaigns, as well as create support for children in domestic labour (Eye on Human Trafficking, 2007). To date, Anex CDW has released a research publication describing the profile of children vulnerable to exploitation in domestic work and the occurrence of human trafficking from rural areas to urban areas in

Human trafficking for sexual exploitation occurs in South Africa. For the first time since South Africa ratified the United Nations Protocol in 2004, in 2008/2009 the SAPS recorded cases of human trafficking for sexual exploitation. It appears that this crime has historical roots going back to the colonial period and slavery. Traditional cultural practices are also driving the occurrence of the crime. In addition, socio-economic conditions, gender violence, violent cultural practices, as well as dislocated and displaced children, form part of the context within which the crime occurs. Although the legislation to prosecute the crime has not yet been fully promulgated, sections of existing legislation are used to prosecute trafficking for sexual exploitation only. That presents some challenges, in the sense that most efforts to address the crime are geared towards reducing sex trafficking, despite the occurrences of other forms of trafficking. Differing opinions about the legalisation, decriminalisation or criminalisation of prostitution are delaying the process, because human trafficking for sexual exploitation and prostitution intersects to some extent. Nevertheless, legislation alone cannot be the only mechanism with which to deal effectively with the crime: primary prevention programmes should play a central role. The family, the community and criminal justice agents should collaborate to prevent human trafficking. Moreover, once human traffickers are caught, effective legislation should be in place to

*Department of Social Work and Criminology, University of Pretoria, South Africa* 

(Available online: http://www.agch.org.za, accessed 24 March 2009).

*Africa.* Pretoria: International Organisation for Migration (IOM).

Amazing Grace. (2009). *Mpulimo Task Team against human trafficking launching in Limpopo*.

Bermudez L.G. (2008). *'No experience necessary': The internal trafficking of persons in South* 

Cape Town.

**9. Conclusion** 

prosecute the crime fully.

Thozama Mandisa Lutya

**Author details** 

**10. References** 

The Mpulimo Task Team against Human Trafficking includes government departments such as the SAPS, Health, Social Development, Home Affairs and the Vhembe District Municipality, as well as NGOs such as the SABC Polokwane branch, Terres Des Hommes Johannesburg, and Sithabile Youth and Child Care Centre (Amazing Grace, 2009). Most important among its tasks are to help the police investigate child trafficking cases and assist in the identification and assistance of victims. To date, Mpulimo has played a vital role in the prosecution of human traffickers operating around the Musina border between South Africa and Zimbabwe. They have rescued children transported to South Africa in trucks, taxis and private cars.

The Southern African Network against Trafficking and Abuse of Children (SANTAC) started in 2004 as a Norwegian-sponsored initiative aimed at creating awareness about the exploitation and abuse of children in the SADC region. The purpose of SANTAC is to collaborate and interlink with other African countries in order to fight the commercial sexual exploitation, labour, trafficking and abuse of children (Le Roux, 2009a; Le Roux, 2009b). The network lobbies African governments to formulate legal policies for the purpose of prosecuting human traffickers and providing assistance to the victims of human trafficking. Former South African first lady Graça Machel and Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu are patrons of SANTAC (Le Roux, 2009a; Le Roux, 2009b). SANTAC is working towards reducing human trafficking and child abuse. SANTAC launched an anti-trafficking campaign called Red Light 2010 in preparation for the 2010 Soccer World Cup, jointly with Women in Law in South Africa and the Child Welfare Society. The aim of Red Light 2010 was to raise awareness about human trafficking and address aspects creating vulnerability of women and children to the crime (Le Roux, 2009a; Le Roux, 2009b).

Tsireledzani, a TshiVenda word meaning *'Let's protect'* (Eye on Human Trafficking, 2009), is a coordinated group of organisations, governmental and non-governmental, applying the principles of the Palermo Protocol against human trafficking by conducting research, training practitioners in the field, raising awareness about the crime and supporting governments to formulate legal and social policies to counter human trafficking (Eye on Human Trafficking, 2009). Some of its affiliates include the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC), the University of South Africa (UNISA), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the IOM and the UNODC. It is driven by the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) and financially supported by the European Commission. Tsireledzani has to date held workshops with the media – journalists, editors, producers, web managers, television presenters, photographers, correspondents and press officers – as well as with police officers, investigators and other government officials, such as Home Affairs and Immigration officials, for the purpose of educating them about human trafficking (Eye on Human Trafficking, 2009).

A provincial-based partnership, Activists Networking against the Exploitation of Child Domestic Labour (Anex CDW), aims to end the exploitation of children trapped in domestic labour with special consideration of girl-children moved from urban to rural areas. They perform advocacy work, conduct research, and lobby government to create policies that may improve the situation of children, run media campaigns, as well as create support for children in domestic labour (Eye on Human Trafficking, 2007). To date, Anex CDW has released a research publication describing the profile of children vulnerable to exploitation in domestic work and the occurrence of human trafficking from rural areas to urban areas in Cape Town.

## **9. Conclusion**

110 Child Abuse and Neglect – A Multidimensional Approach

and disseminate information.

taxis and private cars.

2009a; Le Roux, 2009b).

Human Trafficking, 2009).

the developments in human trafficking matters (Qaba, 2009). They meet quarterly to share

The Mpulimo Task Team against Human Trafficking includes government departments such as the SAPS, Health, Social Development, Home Affairs and the Vhembe District Municipality, as well as NGOs such as the SABC Polokwane branch, Terres Des Hommes Johannesburg, and Sithabile Youth and Child Care Centre (Amazing Grace, 2009). Most important among its tasks are to help the police investigate child trafficking cases and assist in the identification and assistance of victims. To date, Mpulimo has played a vital role in the prosecution of human traffickers operating around the Musina border between South Africa and Zimbabwe. They have rescued children transported to South Africa in trucks,

The Southern African Network against Trafficking and Abuse of Children (SANTAC) started in 2004 as a Norwegian-sponsored initiative aimed at creating awareness about the exploitation and abuse of children in the SADC region. The purpose of SANTAC is to collaborate and interlink with other African countries in order to fight the commercial sexual exploitation, labour, trafficking and abuse of children (Le Roux, 2009a; Le Roux, 2009b). The network lobbies African governments to formulate legal policies for the purpose of prosecuting human traffickers and providing assistance to the victims of human trafficking. Former South African first lady Graça Machel and Archbishop Emeritus Desmond Tutu are patrons of SANTAC (Le Roux, 2009a; Le Roux, 2009b). SANTAC is working towards reducing human trafficking and child abuse. SANTAC launched an anti-trafficking campaign called Red Light 2010 in preparation for the 2010 Soccer World Cup, jointly with Women in Law in South Africa and the Child Welfare Society. The aim of Red Light 2010 was to raise awareness about human trafficking and address aspects creating vulnerability of women and children to the crime (Le Roux,

Tsireledzani, a TshiVenda word meaning *'Let's protect'* (Eye on Human Trafficking, 2009), is a coordinated group of organisations, governmental and non-governmental, applying the principles of the Palermo Protocol against human trafficking by conducting research, training practitioners in the field, raising awareness about the crime and supporting governments to formulate legal and social policies to counter human trafficking (Eye on Human Trafficking, 2009). Some of its affiliates include the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC), the University of South Africa (UNISA), the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF), the IOM and the UNODC. It is driven by the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) and financially supported by the European Commission. Tsireledzani has to date held workshops with the media – journalists, editors, producers, web managers, television presenters, photographers, correspondents and press officers – as well as with police officers, investigators and other government officials, such as Home Affairs and Immigration officials, for the purpose of educating them about human trafficking (Eye on Human trafficking for sexual exploitation occurs in South Africa. For the first time since South Africa ratified the United Nations Protocol in 2004, in 2008/2009 the SAPS recorded cases of human trafficking for sexual exploitation. It appears that this crime has historical roots going back to the colonial period and slavery. Traditional cultural practices are also driving the occurrence of the crime. In addition, socio-economic conditions, gender violence, violent cultural practices, as well as dislocated and displaced children, form part of the context within which the crime occurs. Although the legislation to prosecute the crime has not yet been fully promulgated, sections of existing legislation are used to prosecute trafficking for sexual exploitation only. That presents some challenges, in the sense that most efforts to address the crime are geared towards reducing sex trafficking, despite the occurrences of other forms of trafficking. Differing opinions about the legalisation, decriminalisation or criminalisation of prostitution are delaying the process, because human trafficking for sexual exploitation and prostitution intersects to some extent. Nevertheless, legislation alone cannot be the only mechanism with which to deal effectively with the crime: primary prevention programmes should play a central role. The family, the community and criminal justice agents should collaborate to prevent human trafficking. Moreover, once human traffickers are caught, effective legislation should be in place to prosecute the crime fully.

### **Author details**

Thozama Mandisa Lutya *Department of Social Work and Criminology, University of Pretoria, South Africa* 

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	- United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF). (2003). *Trafficking in human beings especially women and children in Africa*. Italy: UNICEF Innocenti Research Centre.

**Chapter 6** 

© 2012 Bannwart and Williams, licensee InTech. This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

© 2012 The Author(s). Licensee InTech. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution,

**Increasing Awareness of Brazilian Family Health** 

There are diverse and countless cases of child abuse reported by the media, giving the general public the impression that its number has drastically increased. We know that is not the case. Child abuse is, unfortunately, a very old habit in need of change, and it is, in fact being changed. Many cases come to health professionals in the very beginning, such as when a nurse witnesses a mother humiliating a child who refuses to eat. Unfortunately, many cases also appear only when it is too late, as when a physician signs a death certificate

This paper aims at pointing out the need for changes in health professional training regarding child abuse - a public health issue which directly affects individual and collective health. Preventing and coping with abuse demands the formulation of specific policies and organizational practices and services for the sector [1]. The World Report on Violence and the World Health Organization [2] mention that psychiatric disorders, depression, anxiety, substance abuse, and aggression, feelings of shame or cognitive disorders, posttraumatic stress, sleep disorders, thoughts and suicidal behavior, as potential consequences of child abuse. In addition, adult diseases, such as ischemic heart disease, cancer, chronic lung disease, irritable bowel syndrome and fibromyalgia may be intensified due to child abuse

A considerable amount of money is spent on treating cases related to child abuse. This includes: a) offender arrests and subsequent court issues, b) abuse investigation reports, c) mental health services for adults with a child abuse history; d) especial educational support; e) expenses associated with foster care and adoption; and f) costs in the employment sector due to absenteeism and low productivity [2]. In the health system, child abuse is responsible

and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

**Team Professionals on Reporting Child Abuse:** 

**A Case Study** 

http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/48219

**1. Introduction** 

in a child abuse fatality.

experiences.

Thais H. Bannwart and Lúcia C.A. Williams

Additional information is available at the end of the chapter

