**5. Socio-cultural images**

Opposed to images discussed above that reflect different attitudes of different imperial forces and that can be easily recognized through corresponding official cartographic traditions, there is another level of meaning that reveal common socio-cultural images to all European cartographies, regardless of political affiliation. These images reflect social recognition and territorialization through the distinction of social otherness and, on the other hand, perceptions of territorial continuity in the circumstances of border fluctuation, through the distinction of territorial otherness. There is a number of related concepts that are embedded in maps and leading eventually to the creation of regional concept and identity. That is appreciation of differences, uniqueness and otherness that, through the territorialization, result in specific spatial images and regional identity [11,16].

#### **5.1. Morlacchia: otherness, territorialization and regional concept**

304 Cartography – A Tool for Spatial Analysis

**5. Socio-cultural images** 

[11,16].

**Figure 4.** Vitezović's Map of the whole Kingdom of Croatia, 1699, facsimile in [19] *"Terra deserta olim nunc a Valachis habitata" and "Terrae desertae"* along the borderlands. Emphasized by the author.

examples show that the rhetoric of map include also the concept of otherness.

Triple border and "meeting point" of different political systems on the territory of Croatia conditioned different imaging of the borderland through a medium of cartography. These images are politically informed and valued and often directly opposed, giving legitimacy, importance and power to one side and ignoring and silencing the other. Thus, these

Opposed to images discussed above that reflect different attitudes of different imperial forces and that can be easily recognized through corresponding official cartographic traditions, there is another level of meaning that reveal common socio-cultural images to all European cartographies, regardless of political affiliation. These images reflect social recognition and territorialization through the distinction of social otherness and, on the other hand, perceptions of territorial continuity in the circumstances of border fluctuation, through the distinction of territorial otherness. There is a number of related concepts that are embedded in maps and leading eventually to the creation of regional concept and identity. That is appreciation of differences, uniqueness and otherness that, through the territorialization, result in specific spatial images and regional identity The first image of the triple border area is related to the recognition of Morlacchi, a distinct social group as Other. Their presence in the borderlands is a consequence of the population shifts due to the warfare and border fluctuations. Autochthonous sedentary population abandoned land and migrated towards more secure areas, while a large portion of the Croatian borderlands became a destination of new semi-nomadic pastoral communities from the Dinaric mountain hinterland. These borderlands communities are generally called *Vlachs* or *Morlacchi* in the Venetian tradition. Morlacchi communities partly immigrated to the borderlands area spontaneously, combining the pastoral economy with military service, while they were partly colonized and settled by the official politics of Venice and Habsburgs.

The toponyms *Morlaccha* or *Morlacchia* with a number of some other corresponding forms, such as *Morlacca, Morlacha, Murlacha and Morlakia* can be found on the maps as early as the 16th century (Figure 5).

Originating from the Venetian term for social community, the derived toponymic forms became a common name for the border region for more than three hundred years in circumstances where three imperial forces met. Throughout the course of centuries, the term Morlacchi has been related to the territory they have settled. The term gradually has got the spatial connotation [14,16].

Territorialization is seen as a reflection of perceived otherness of Morlacchi community; primarily through different social organization, lifestyle and customs in relation to the prevailing population. Perception of otherness and uniqueness is the basis of regionality and regional identity that is leading to the construction of the regional concept of Morlacchia. The image of otherness is very well expressed on Vitezović's map (Figure 4). What we can read "between the lines" of the notification along the border: "*Terra deserta olim nunc a Valachis habitata"* (deserted, depopulated and uninhabited land, yet inhabited by Vlachs!) is that Vlachs are considered as Others in terms of social and religious differentiation [11,16].

It has been clearly proved [14] that the regional concept of Morlacchia is found to be common to all European cartographies, even if the term for the social group is Vlach (Habsburg tradition). Morlacchia was an important regional concept if looking at the significance given by the typography (see Figure 2, 5). On Coronelli's map for instance, *La Morlaquie* is listed in the title of the map along with Bosnia, Serbia, Hungary and Croatia.

With the disappearance of triple border conditions by the end of the wars with Ottoman Empire and the fall of Venetian Republic in 19th century, the context of significance within which the Morlacchi community have been evaluated throughout the centuries, was dissolved.

Imaging the Past: Cartography and Multicultural Realities of Croatian Borderlands 307

Although Croatia regained a large parts of its territories by the peace treaty of Srijemski Karlovci (1699), it failed to get back some of its historical lands. That was, primarily, the area between the Una and Vrbas rivers – the area between the new and the old border. A number of cartographers, along with the new border drew in the old one as well. Some of the examples are already discussed Vitezović's Map of the whole Kingdom of Croatia (1699) (see Figure 4) and Müller's Map of Hungary (1709) [19]. There are cases where the inscription, either a general one like "*Croatia"*, or a more specific one like "*Turkish Croatia"*  cover the interfluves territory that is beyond the new actual border, but integral part of the historical Croatian territory. On Weigl's Map (see Figure 3) for instance, the inscription "*Croatia",* regardless of the actual borderline, is written more easterly across the river Una, over the Ottoman territory. Coronelli (1732) [19], although of different imperial and cartographic affiliation, used the color, the line and the text to differ the interfluves from the rest of Bosnia (Ottoman territory) as well as from the rest of Croatia, lying under the inscription of *"Croacie*". The example of Schimek's map of 1788 (Figure 6), representing

Viennese cartography, also shows the clear distinction of "*Turkisch Croatien*".

out to the awareness of different religious identities of the twofold region.

examples: in Morlacchia as well as in Turkish Croatia [11,16].

**5.4. Reflections** 

(1848), Halavanja's map (1851) [19, 20].

There is quite a number of maps of different political backgrounds and cartographic traditions that are equally sharing the same image of Turkish Croatia, i.e. J. von Reilly's map (1790), map edited by Artaria and Comp. (1807), J. Szeman's map (1826), E. Zuchery's map

"Reading between the lines" and searching for metaphors will lead us to the perception of temporality of border fluctuation in these centuries of their frequent changes. Consequently, the territory of Turkish Croatia reveals an image of the interfluves as integral Croatian territory in spite of the newly established border. This is an image of the new borderline as a temporary condition in relation to the "real historical" border. The image include the awareness of a temporality of the borders and understanding and appreciation of the continuity of Croatian territoriality (Turkish **CROATIA;** emphasized by the author). At the other hand, the image reveal the distinction of territorial otherness (**TURKISH** Croatia, emphasized by the author) that is grounded in the distinction of "Turkish"/Muslim as Other and the distinction of Christian Croatia versus Muslim Croatia. Thus, the image is pointing

The example of Turkish Croatia opens two levels of reading: old and new border as real historical border versus temporary border; distinction of different religious and cultural identities, Christian versus Muslim Croatia. The consciousness of the otherness and uniqueness as related to the territoriality is leading to the creation of regional identity. These elements are formative elements of regional identity and the regional concept in both

Still, the development and reflection of these regional concepts are different. Turkish Croatia has undergone the process of conceptual translation. By the mid 19th century it has changed

**Figure 5.** Bonifačić's Map of the surroundings of Zadar and Šibenik with the region of Morlacha, 1573, facsimile in [19]

This change is clearly recognizable in the disappearance of toponyms associated with Morlacchi. Constructed in the multicultural border circumstances of the 16th – 19th centuries, they disappear from the maps with the change of circumstances that created them. Following the change in the rhetoric of the maps, we can read about the territorialization as well as about the de-territorialization of borderland communities.

#### **5.2. Environmental image of the borderlands**

Coming back to the aforesaid statement "*Terra deserta olim nunc a Valachis habitata"* by Vitezović we are about to open a new question of environmental image of the borderlands. Now, the other part of the statement shall be emphasized: *"Terra deserta".* Vitezović has repeatedly put the notification along the border, constructing the image of Croatian borderlands as deserted and devastated (see Figure 4). Apart from Vitezović's *terrae desertae,*  one can find other examples of environmental rhetoric imaging the devastated borderlands on Coronelli's map of Istria and northern Dalmatia (1688) [21] through the records of destroyed and abandoned cities and fortresses: *"Starigrad Citta distructa*" or *"Carlobago distructa*" etc. Environmental image of borderlands as deserted, devastated area appears as common to all regardless their imperial or cartographic background.

#### **5.3. Turkish Croatia: Territorial continuity, otherness and regional concept**

The issue of old and new border, already discussed earlier in the context of communicating the political message, will be considered again, but in other contexts of a socio-cultural image, distinction of territorial otherness and regional identity.

Although Croatia regained a large parts of its territories by the peace treaty of Srijemski Karlovci (1699), it failed to get back some of its historical lands. That was, primarily, the area between the Una and Vrbas rivers – the area between the new and the old border. A number of cartographers, along with the new border drew in the old one as well. Some of the examples are already discussed Vitezović's Map of the whole Kingdom of Croatia (1699) (see Figure 4) and Müller's Map of Hungary (1709) [19]. There are cases where the inscription, either a general one like "*Croatia"*, or a more specific one like "*Turkish Croatia"*  cover the interfluves territory that is beyond the new actual border, but integral part of the historical Croatian territory. On Weigl's Map (see Figure 3) for instance, the inscription "*Croatia",* regardless of the actual borderline, is written more easterly across the river Una, over the Ottoman territory. Coronelli (1732) [19], although of different imperial and cartographic affiliation, used the color, the line and the text to differ the interfluves from the rest of Bosnia (Ottoman territory) as well as from the rest of Croatia, lying under the inscription of *"Croacie*". The example of Schimek's map of 1788 (Figure 6), representing Viennese cartography, also shows the clear distinction of "*Turkisch Croatien*".

There is quite a number of maps of different political backgrounds and cartographic traditions that are equally sharing the same image of Turkish Croatia, i.e. J. von Reilly's map (1790), map edited by Artaria and Comp. (1807), J. Szeman's map (1826), E. Zuchery's map (1848), Halavanja's map (1851) [19, 20].

"Reading between the lines" and searching for metaphors will lead us to the perception of temporality of border fluctuation in these centuries of their frequent changes. Consequently, the territory of Turkish Croatia reveals an image of the interfluves as integral Croatian territory in spite of the newly established border. This is an image of the new borderline as a temporary condition in relation to the "real historical" border. The image include the awareness of a temporality of the borders and understanding and appreciation of the continuity of Croatian territoriality (Turkish **CROATIA;** emphasized by the author). At the other hand, the image reveal the distinction of territorial otherness (**TURKISH** Croatia, emphasized by the author) that is grounded in the distinction of "Turkish"/Muslim as Other and the distinction of Christian Croatia versus Muslim Croatia. Thus, the image is pointing out to the awareness of different religious identities of the twofold region.

The example of Turkish Croatia opens two levels of reading: old and new border as real historical border versus temporary border; distinction of different religious and cultural identities, Christian versus Muslim Croatia. The consciousness of the otherness and uniqueness as related to the territoriality is leading to the creation of regional identity. These elements are formative elements of regional identity and the regional concept in both examples: in Morlacchia as well as in Turkish Croatia [11,16].

#### **5.4. Reflections**

306 Cartography – A Tool for Spatial Analysis

facsimile in [19]

**Figure 5.** Bonifačić's Map of the surroundings of Zadar and Šibenik with the region of Morlacha, 1573,

This change is clearly recognizable in the disappearance of toponyms associated with Morlacchi. Constructed in the multicultural border circumstances of the 16th – 19th centuries, they disappear from the maps with the change of circumstances that created them. Following the change in the rhetoric of the maps, we can read about the territorialization as

Coming back to the aforesaid statement "*Terra deserta olim nunc a Valachis habitata"* by Vitezović we are about to open a new question of environmental image of the borderlands. Now, the other part of the statement shall be emphasized: *"Terra deserta".* Vitezović has repeatedly put the notification along the border, constructing the image of Croatian borderlands as deserted and devastated (see Figure 4). Apart from Vitezović's *terrae desertae,*  one can find other examples of environmental rhetoric imaging the devastated borderlands on Coronelli's map of Istria and northern Dalmatia (1688) [21] through the records of destroyed and abandoned cities and fortresses: *"Starigrad Citta distructa*" or *"Carlobago distructa*" etc. Environmental image of borderlands as deserted, devastated area appears as

well as about the de-territorialization of borderland communities.

common to all regardless their imperial or cartographic background.

image, distinction of territorial otherness and regional identity.

**5.3. Turkish Croatia: Territorial continuity, otherness and regional concept** 

The issue of old and new border, already discussed earlier in the context of communicating the political message, will be considered again, but in other contexts of a socio-cultural

**5.2. Environmental image of the borderlands** 

Still, the development and reflection of these regional concepts are different. Turkish Croatia has undergone the process of conceptual translation. By the mid 19th century it has changed

Imaging the Past: Cartography and Multicultural Realities of Croatian Borderlands 309

the name into *Bosanska Krajina*1*.* While the old name of Turkish Croatia emphasized the Croatian territoriality of different religious and cultural identity, the name of Bosanska Krajina is emphasizing the border character of the territory. Turkish Croatia / Bosanska Krajina retained its borderland character even later through the participation in the organization of Military Border that additionally sustained the image of otherness in terms of a particular military mentality, apart from multiculturalism. Still, Bosanska Krajina, as a regional concept, has preserved territorial coverage with an image of otherness and uniqueness in the multicultural and multiethnic sense. There has been a change in spatial image that conditioned the change, but also the preservation of regional identity and

Morlacchia, on the other hand, has gone throughout its dissolution. The change of the multiethnic and multicultural triple border circumstances by the 19th century as a consequence of the end of the wars with Ottoman Empire and the fall of Venetian Republic, has led to the dissolution of context of political significance in warfare conditions, within which the Morlacchi communities have been evaluated throughout the centuries. Additionally, administrative measures brought by Habsburg government (the destruction of goat herding with the aim of forestation, confiscation of weapons, which exposed Morlacchi districts to devastation by wolves) and disorientation in peaceful conditions led to impoverishment and transformation of Morlacchi community [27]. Morlacchi descendants in the hinterland of Dalmatian cities, either Orthodox or Catholic faith, have gradually been merged with Croats and the Serbs, mostly by religious affiliation. The change in the multicultural architecture of the space and community as well as disappearance of triple border have led to the change of the spatial image and in this particular case conditioned the

All these examples of socio-cultural images and spatial and regional concepts are common to all relevant European cartographies, regardless of different (and often opposed) political affiliations, interests and attitudes towards the borderlands. They are not imposed from above, from the centers of political power, but reflect an internal and local knowledge and

The paper discusses the role of cartography in imaging the past, particularly taking into consideration the multiculturalism of borderlands. The starting points are two concepts, image and map i. e. the understanding of map as a socially constructed image with a number of semantic layers which reflect power relationships, distinction of social groups and system of beliefs, worldviews and what may be called a spirit of time. Borderlands are typical spaces where a multiplicity of contacts reflect and produce a multiplicity of

disappearance of the regional identity and concept.

concept.

perceptions.

**6. Conclusion** 

perceptions and images.

<sup>1</sup> *Krajina* has a meaning of borderlands.

**Figure 6.** Schimek's map of Turkish Croatia, 1788, facsimile in [20]

the name into *Bosanska Krajina*1*.* While the old name of Turkish Croatia emphasized the Croatian territoriality of different religious and cultural identity, the name of Bosanska Krajina is emphasizing the border character of the territory. Turkish Croatia / Bosanska Krajina retained its borderland character even later through the participation in the organization of Military Border that additionally sustained the image of otherness in terms of a particular military mentality, apart from multiculturalism. Still, Bosanska Krajina, as a regional concept, has preserved territorial coverage with an image of otherness and uniqueness in the multicultural and multiethnic sense. There has been a change in spatial image that conditioned the change, but also the preservation of regional identity and concept.

Morlacchia, on the other hand, has gone throughout its dissolution. The change of the multiethnic and multicultural triple border circumstances by the 19th century as a consequence of the end of the wars with Ottoman Empire and the fall of Venetian Republic, has led to the dissolution of context of political significance in warfare conditions, within which the Morlacchi communities have been evaluated throughout the centuries. Additionally, administrative measures brought by Habsburg government (the destruction of goat herding with the aim of forestation, confiscation of weapons, which exposed Morlacchi districts to devastation by wolves) and disorientation in peaceful conditions led to impoverishment and transformation of Morlacchi community [27]. Morlacchi descendants in the hinterland of Dalmatian cities, either Orthodox or Catholic faith, have gradually been merged with Croats and the Serbs, mostly by religious affiliation. The change in the multicultural architecture of the space and community as well as disappearance of triple border have led to the change of the spatial image and in this particular case conditioned the disappearance of the regional identity and concept.

All these examples of socio-cultural images and spatial and regional concepts are common to all relevant European cartographies, regardless of different (and often opposed) political affiliations, interests and attitudes towards the borderlands. They are not imposed from above, from the centers of political power, but reflect an internal and local knowledge and perceptions.

#### **6. Conclusion**

308 Cartography – A Tool for Spatial Analysis

**Figure 6.** Schimek's map of Turkish Croatia, 1788, facsimile in [20]

The paper discusses the role of cartography in imaging the past, particularly taking into consideration the multiculturalism of borderlands. The starting points are two concepts, image and map i. e. the understanding of map as a socially constructed image with a number of semantic layers which reflect power relationships, distinction of social groups and system of beliefs, worldviews and what may be called a spirit of time. Borderlands are typical spaces where a multiplicity of contacts reflect and produce a multiplicity of perceptions and images.

<sup>1</sup> *Krajina* has a meaning of borderlands.

Map deconstruction was employed as a basic research strategy in Harleian terms, signifying a search for alternative meaning, metaphor and rhetoric in the textuality of the map. Key elements of analysis were place-names and smaller cartographic transcriptions and objections as they are as much related to an invisible social world and to ideology as they are to the material world that can be seen and measured.

Imaging the Past: Cartography and Multicultural Realities of Croatian Borderlands 311

[1] Mitchell W (1986) Iconology, image, text, ideology. Chicago: University of Chicago

[2] Phillips R (1993) The language of images in geography. Progress in Human Geography

[3] Cosgrove D. E (1998) Social Formation and Symbolic Landscape. Madison, London: The

[5] Crampton J.W (2001) Maps as social constructions: power, communication and

[6] Panofsky E (1983) Meaning in the Visual Arts. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.

[7] Wright J (1942) Map makers are human: comments on the subjective in maps. The

[8] Harley J. B (2001)The New Nature of the Maps, Essays in the History of Cartography.

[10] Black J (2000) Maps and History, Constructing Images of the Past. New Haven, London:

[11] Fuerst-Bjeliš B, Zupanc I (2007) Images of the Croatian Borderlands: Selected Examples

[12] Fuerst-Bjeliš B (2000) Cartographic Perceptions of the Triplex Confinium and State Power Interests at the beginning of the 18th Century. In Roksandić D, Štefanec N, editors. Constructing Border Societies on the Triplex Confinium. Budapest. pp.215-220. [13] Mlinarić D (2002) Različite percepcije ranonovovjekovnog prostora hrvatskih zemalja u domaćih i stranih kartografa. In Mežnarić S, editor. Etničnost i stabilnost Europe u 21. stoljeću. Zagreb: IMIN - Naklada Jesenski i Turk - Hrvatsko sociološko društvo. pp. 131-

[14] Fuerst-Bjeliš B (1999-2000) Toponimija i percepcija u prostoru Triplex Confiniuma:

[15] Faričić J (2007) Geographical Names on 16th and 17th Century Maps of Croatia.

[16] Fuerst-Bjeliš B (2011) Slike i mijene regionalnoga identiteta - geografska imena na kartama ranoga novoga vijeka; odabrani primjeri. In Skračić V, Faričić J, editors. Zbornik radova s Prvoga nacionalnog znanstvenog savjetovanja o geografskim

[17] Slukan-Altić M (2005) Kartografski izvori između povijesti i politike ili kako lagati kartama. In Lipovčan S, Dobrovšak L, editors. Hrvatska historiografija XX. stoljeća: između znanstvenih paradigmi i ideoloških zahtjeva. Zagreb: Institut društvenih

[18] Mlinarić D (2011) Kartografska vizualizacija i slika Drugog na primjeru višestruko

Laxton P editor. Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press. 333 p. [9] Harley J. B (1989) Deconstructing the Map. Cartographica 26, 2: 1-20.

of Early Modern Cartography. Hrvatski Geografski Glasnik 69, 1: 5-21.

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**7. References** 

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Yale University Press. 267 p.

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imenima. Zadar: 67-72.

znanosti Ivo Pilar. pp. 313-334.

The selection of early modern maps of different European cartographic traditions has revealed two levels of meaning within the symbolic layer. The first one reflects different and opposed images of different cartographic traditions. These images are politically informed and valued giving legitimacy, importance and power to one side and ignoring and silencing the other, i.e. disseminating the political message of power and control and communicating the political program.

Contrasted to images that reflect different attitudes of different imperial forces and that can be easily recognized through corresponding official cartographic traditions, there is another level of meaning that reveals common socio-cultural images to all European cartographies, regardless of political affiliation. These images reflect social recognition and territorialization through the distinction of social "otherness" and, on the other hand, perceptions of territorial continuity in circumstances of border fluctuation, through the distinction of territorial "otherness".

The consciousness of the otherness and uniqueness as related to territoriality is leading to the creation of regional identity. These elements are formative elements of regional identity and the regional concept in examples discussed: in Morlacchia as well as in Turkish Croatia. These regional concepts, however, have undergone throughout different developments and have different reflections in present time. Morlacchia, as a regional concept, has dissoluted with the change of the multiethnic and multicultural triple border circumstances and the change in spatial image by the 19th century. On the contrary, Turkish Croatia, as a regional concept, has preserved territorial coverage with an image of multiculturalism till present time, but with the stronger accentuation of its borderlands character under the new name of Bosanska Krajina. The preservation of regional concept of Turkish Croatia / Bosanska Krajina is considerably due to the longer persistence of borderlands development even later through the Military Border and linking military and multicultural components of regional identity.

All examples clearly show the external and internal power of map that is not necessarily separated. One particular map can express both – the external power which is imposed from above, especially when cartography became nationalized, but also the internal power, exercised by cartographers themselves, reflecting internal and local knowledge and perceptions.
