**4. Disseminating the political message of power and control**

Maps are part of a general discourse of power [5]. Throughout history, as much as other weapons, maps have been an intellectual weapon of imperialism and of territorial pretensions of empires and states. In this imperial context, maps regularly supported the direct execution of territorial power. The specific functions of maps in the exercise of power range from global empire building to the preservation of the nation state and to the assertion of local property rights. Maps with their hidden agendas and texts beyond the text, speak political language. As George Orwell said that the "political language is…. designed to make lies sound truthful…" (See [5]), scholars consider maps as politicized documents with the ethical concerns [17,23].

In his most influential work on deconstructing the map, Harley [9] wrote about the power/knowledge matrix and stated that especially where maps are ordered by government it can be seen how they extend and reinforce the legal statutes, territorial imperatives and values stemming from the exercise of political power. He also distinguished *external* power when maps are linked to the centers of political power and when power is exerted *on* cartography and *with* cartography from *internal* power that is expressed through the political effects of maps in society drawn from the cartographic process (selection, generalization, abstraction).

Following the selection of Venetian and Habsburg maps as well as map by Croatian cartographer Vitezović, representing the borderlands is a very good example of these relations. Venetian cartographic policy was primarily subordinated to the Republic's political and administrative purposes. They have, generally, more information about political or administrative divisions and contain much less of geographical inventory. This is an example of direct dissemination of the political message of power and control over the territory. Many of the conventional tools in map making were used in doing this; such as deliberate or "unconscious" (but ideological) distortions and omissions (the "silence", see [9]) on the maps.

#### **4.1. Opposing images as messages**

The examples of Coronelli's map of Dalmatia of 1700 [19] and Alberghetti's map of Dalmatia of 1732 [20] enable us to distinguish two different stages for approaching the Venetian borderlands. Coronelli's map was still based mainly on the compilations, while Albeghetti's is already based on field survey. However, apart from technical differences these maps express the political message in the corresponding way. Coronelli, as the official Venetian cartographer, was the most prominent figure in promoting Venetian politics regarding the territorial pretensions on his maps. They were an important instrument for emphasizing the Venetian conquest over the Ottomans. Coronelli's map of Dalmatia is a general regional map on a rather small scale. The map charts Venetian Dalmatia, the territory of the Republic of Dubrovnik, parts of Croatia, Bosnia, Serbia and surrounding lands (Figure 2).

300 Cartography – A Tool for Spatial Analysis

with the ethical concerns [17,23].

generalization, abstraction).

[9]) on the maps.

**4.1. Opposing images as messages** 

regional identity.

shifts and migration, introduction of new (other) social and cultural groups, as well as leading to mixed cultural, religious, ethnic groups and lifestyles in borderlands. Appreciation of these differences, sense of uniqueness and perception of otherness, through the territorialization, conditioned the creation of spatial images and eventually resulted in

Maps are part of a general discourse of power [5]. Throughout history, as much as other weapons, maps have been an intellectual weapon of imperialism and of territorial pretensions of empires and states. In this imperial context, maps regularly supported the direct execution of territorial power. The specific functions of maps in the exercise of power range from global empire building to the preservation of the nation state and to the assertion of local property rights. Maps with their hidden agendas and texts beyond the text, speak political language. As George Orwell said that the "political language is…. designed to make lies sound truthful…" (See [5]), scholars consider maps as politicized documents

In his most influential work on deconstructing the map, Harley [9] wrote about the power/knowledge matrix and stated that especially where maps are ordered by government it can be seen how they extend and reinforce the legal statutes, territorial imperatives and values stemming from the exercise of political power. He also distinguished *external* power when maps are linked to the centers of political power and when power is exerted *on* cartography and *with* cartography from *internal* power that is expressed through the political effects of maps in society drawn from the cartographic process (selection,

Following the selection of Venetian and Habsburg maps as well as map by Croatian cartographer Vitezović, representing the borderlands is a very good example of these relations. Venetian cartographic policy was primarily subordinated to the Republic's political and administrative purposes. They have, generally, more information about political or administrative divisions and contain much less of geographical inventory. This is an example of direct dissemination of the political message of power and control over the territory. Many of the conventional tools in map making were used in doing this; such as deliberate or "unconscious" (but ideological) distortions and omissions (the "silence", see

The examples of Coronelli's map of Dalmatia of 1700 [19] and Alberghetti's map of Dalmatia of 1732 [20] enable us to distinguish two different stages for approaching the Venetian borderlands. Coronelli's map was still based mainly on the compilations, while Albeghetti's is already based on field survey. However, apart from technical differences these maps express the political message in the corresponding way. Coronelli, as the official Venetian

**4. Disseminating the political message of power and control** 

**Figure 2.** Coronelli's Map of the Kingdom of Dalmatia, **La Morlaquie**, Bosnia and Serbia …, 1700, facsimile in [19]. Emphasized by the author.

The whole inland area between the river Sava and the Adriatic is compressed along its north-south axis. But, on the other hand, the territory of Venetian Dalmatia is unproportionally vast, especially the inland part. These "distortions" are a testimony to the expression of state power interests and an approach to the border area; emphasizing and over-exaggerating its possessions and importance, while ignoring the Ottoman side at the same time [11]. The rhetoric of the map is accompanied with the well known tool of expressing the Venetian possession of the Adriatic aquatorial space as "*Mer ou Golfe de Venise*" and in addition, introducing the "*Mer et Isles de la Dalmatie*", that as a hydronym does not really exist apart from the political context of exercising power and control over Venetian Dalmatia.

The beginning of the 18th century was a time of relatively numerous changes of the border in Dalmatia and a time of intensive cartographic work. Demarcation maps from that time represent the very first topographic presentation of the Dalmatian hinterland. Alberghetti's supplemented map of Dalmatia from 1732 presents three borderlines with the Ottoman Empire; the old one from 1671 (Linea Nani), the one from 1700 (Linea Grimani) and the newest one from 1720 and 1721 (Linea Mocenigo). The map contains the administrative division of the territory that most Venetian maps have. The topography is very detailed except orography and communication. Beyond the border, there is no presentation whatsoever, except for some very general textual notifications of what may be found: "*Parte della Licca*", "*Parte della Bossina*", "*Ercegouina*". Thus, the central element of the map is the development of the Venetian – Ottoman border in terms of territorial extension of Venetian republic, disseminating the message of the Republic's power and control over the territory. An obvious ignorance of Ottoman presence (and even existence) is shown through the omission of recording their territory across the border [11]. In such a context the omissions are as important as emphasizing (the "silence").

Imaging the Past: Cartography and Multicultural Realities of Croatian Borderlands 303

Habsburg cartography was guided completely by military and strategic interests and needs. Highly aware of the extreme importance of knowing the border area in the strategy of warfare, Habsburg cartographers had already surveyed and mapped the territory long before the 18th century. The occasion of the peace treaty of 1699 and the need to fix the new border between the Habsburg Monarchy and the Ottoman Empire was the direct cause of

The central interest in the new border is shown on Christoph Weigl's Map of the Imperial – Turkish border after the peace treaty, presumably around 1702 (Figure 3) [20,24]. The main theme of the map is the border, which is the most expressive element on the entire map as well as the territory of Habsburg Monarchy, which is the only colored element. The color has always been a very strong tool. Different colors send different messages to the audience. Strong, cardinal colors like red color for instance, as employed on Weigl's map, were always the imperial colors etc. On the other side, we are discovering silencing: there is not much content outside the borderline, but again a rich inventory of military fortifications on the margins of the map, communicating the undisputable power, security and the organization

There is an example of more specific approach to the territory and borders of Croatia, exercising the internal power of map aiming to formulate a political program. Pavao Ritter Vitezović, Croatian cartographer and representative in the demarcation commission in the occasion of Peace Treaty of Srijemski Karlovci (1699) between Habsburg Monarchy and Ottoman Empire, dissatisfied with the newly established borders, tried to present to the Austrian court his view of the "real historical" borders and territory of Croatia [25].The Map of the whole Kingdom of Croatia (Figure 4) represents the entire kingdom of Croatia in its ancient, historical limits as confirmed by the king Ludovic in the 16th century. Along with the 1699 demarcation, he drew in the former borders. The eastern border follows the line of the Vrbas river in contrast to the actual one on the river Una, lying more westerly and thus, compressing the Croatian territory. The map was followed by the document "Croatia Rediviva" (1700) [26] altogether aiming to produce and communicate the knowledge of considerably larger territory of "historical" Croatia. Vitezović's map is, among other contexts which will be discussed later, exercising the internal power of cartography in power/knowledge matrix

and communicating political ideas and program to the targeted audience.

All these examples clearly show the external and internal power of map that is not necessarily separated. One particular map can express both – the external power which is imposed from above, especially when cartography became nationalized, but also the internal power, exercised by cartographers themselves, that is related to the context of

the first topographical survey along the border.

**4.2. Communicating the political program** 

of the Monarchy.

cartographer.

These examples of decorative (Coronelli) and "scientific" cartography (Alberghetti), in spite of differences in a technical sense, have some unifying and constant elements that characterize the Venetian cartography of the borderlands. That is a strong rhetoric of power and control in promotion and giving legitimacy to the territorial occupation.

**Figure 3.** Weigl's Map of the Imperial – Turkish border, 1702; facsimile in [20]

Habsburg cartography was guided completely by military and strategic interests and needs. Highly aware of the extreme importance of knowing the border area in the strategy of warfare, Habsburg cartographers had already surveyed and mapped the territory long before the 18th century. The occasion of the peace treaty of 1699 and the need to fix the new border between the Habsburg Monarchy and the Ottoman Empire was the direct cause of the first topographical survey along the border.

The central interest in the new border is shown on Christoph Weigl's Map of the Imperial – Turkish border after the peace treaty, presumably around 1702 (Figure 3) [20,24]. The main theme of the map is the border, which is the most expressive element on the entire map as well as the territory of Habsburg Monarchy, which is the only colored element. The color has always been a very strong tool. Different colors send different messages to the audience. Strong, cardinal colors like red color for instance, as employed on Weigl's map, were always the imperial colors etc. On the other side, we are discovering silencing: there is not much content outside the borderline, but again a rich inventory of military fortifications on the margins of the map, communicating the undisputable power, security and the organization of the Monarchy.

#### **4.2. Communicating the political program**

302 Cartography – A Tool for Spatial Analysis

are as important as emphasizing (the "silence").

The beginning of the 18th century was a time of relatively numerous changes of the border in Dalmatia and a time of intensive cartographic work. Demarcation maps from that time represent the very first topographic presentation of the Dalmatian hinterland. Alberghetti's supplemented map of Dalmatia from 1732 presents three borderlines with the Ottoman Empire; the old one from 1671 (Linea Nani), the one from 1700 (Linea Grimani) and the newest one from 1720 and 1721 (Linea Mocenigo). The map contains the administrative division of the territory that most Venetian maps have. The topography is very detailed except orography and communication. Beyond the border, there is no presentation whatsoever, except for some very general textual notifications of what may be found: "*Parte della Licca*", "*Parte della Bossina*", "*Ercegouina*". Thus, the central element of the map is the development of the Venetian – Ottoman border in terms of territorial extension of Venetian republic, disseminating the message of the Republic's power and control over the territory. An obvious ignorance of Ottoman presence (and even existence) is shown through the omission of recording their territory across the border [11]. In such a context the omissions

These examples of decorative (Coronelli) and "scientific" cartography (Alberghetti), in spite of differences in a technical sense, have some unifying and constant elements that characterize the Venetian cartography of the borderlands. That is a strong rhetoric of power

and control in promotion and giving legitimacy to the territorial occupation.

**Figure 3.** Weigl's Map of the Imperial – Turkish border, 1702; facsimile in [20]

There is an example of more specific approach to the territory and borders of Croatia, exercising the internal power of map aiming to formulate a political program. Pavao Ritter Vitezović, Croatian cartographer and representative in the demarcation commission in the occasion of Peace Treaty of Srijemski Karlovci (1699) between Habsburg Monarchy and Ottoman Empire, dissatisfied with the newly established borders, tried to present to the Austrian court his view of the "real historical" borders and territory of Croatia [25].The Map of the whole Kingdom of Croatia (Figure 4) represents the entire kingdom of Croatia in its ancient, historical limits as confirmed by the king Ludovic in the 16th century. Along with the 1699 demarcation, he drew in the former borders. The eastern border follows the line of the Vrbas river in contrast to the actual one on the river Una, lying more westerly and thus, compressing the Croatian territory. The map was followed by the document "Croatia Rediviva" (1700) [26] altogether aiming to produce and communicate the knowledge of considerably larger territory of "historical" Croatia. Vitezović's map is, among other contexts which will be discussed later, exercising the internal power of cartography in power/knowledge matrix and communicating political ideas and program to the targeted audience.

All these examples clearly show the external and internal power of map that is not necessarily separated. One particular map can express both – the external power which is imposed from above, especially when cartography became nationalized, but also the internal power, exercised by cartographers themselves, that is related to the context of cartographer.

Imaging the Past: Cartography and Multicultural Realities of Croatian Borderlands 305

**5.1. Morlacchia: otherness, territorialization and regional concept** 

Habsburgs.

16th century (Figure 5).

spatial connotation [14,16].

differentiation [11,16].

Croatia.

dissolved.

The first image of the triple border area is related to the recognition of Morlacchi, a distinct social group as Other. Their presence in the borderlands is a consequence of the population shifts due to the warfare and border fluctuations. Autochthonous sedentary population abandoned land and migrated towards more secure areas, while a large portion of the Croatian borderlands became a destination of new semi-nomadic pastoral communities from the Dinaric mountain hinterland. These borderlands communities are generally called *Vlachs* or *Morlacchi* in the Venetian tradition. Morlacchi communities partly immigrated to the borderlands area spontaneously, combining the pastoral economy with military service, while they were partly colonized and settled by the official politics of Venice and

The toponyms *Morlaccha* or *Morlacchia* with a number of some other corresponding forms, such as *Morlacca, Morlacha, Murlacha and Morlakia* can be found on the maps as early as the

Originating from the Venetian term for social community, the derived toponymic forms became a common name for the border region for more than three hundred years in circumstances where three imperial forces met. Throughout the course of centuries, the term Morlacchi has been related to the territory they have settled. The term gradually has got the

Territorialization is seen as a reflection of perceived otherness of Morlacchi community; primarily through different social organization, lifestyle and customs in relation to the prevailing population. Perception of otherness and uniqueness is the basis of regionality and regional identity that is leading to the construction of the regional concept of Morlacchia. The image of otherness is very well expressed on Vitezović's map (Figure 4). What we can read "between the lines" of the notification along the border: "*Terra deserta olim nunc a Valachis habitata"* (deserted, depopulated and uninhabited land, yet inhabited by Vlachs!) is that Vlachs are considered as Others in terms of social and religious

It has been clearly proved [14] that the regional concept of Morlacchia is found to be common to all European cartographies, even if the term for the social group is Vlach (Habsburg tradition). Morlacchia was an important regional concept if looking at the significance given by the typography (see Figure 2, 5). On Coronelli's map for instance, *La Morlaquie* is listed in the title of the map along with Bosnia, Serbia, Hungary and

With the disappearance of triple border conditions by the end of the wars with Ottoman Empire and the fall of Venetian Republic in 19th century, the context of significance within which the Morlacchi community have been evaluated throughout the centuries, was

**Figure 4.** Vitezović's Map of the whole Kingdom of Croatia, 1699, facsimile in [19] *"Terra deserta olim nunc a Valachis habitata" and "Terrae desertae"* along the borderlands. Emphasized by the author.

Triple border and "meeting point" of different political systems on the territory of Croatia conditioned different imaging of the borderland through a medium of cartography. These images are politically informed and valued and often directly opposed, giving legitimacy, importance and power to one side and ignoring and silencing the other. Thus, these examples show that the rhetoric of map include also the concept of otherness.
