**1. Introduction**

Security is one of the basic needs; it can also be seen as a basic value in Western societies (Niemelä, 2000), where more and more systems are developed to guarantee security. Security is a highly valued goal, which may be difficult to reach because of different threats and risks in personal lives and in near and global environments. One indicator of the collective quest for security is evident in the literature and studies on different risks. Over a decade ago, Furedi (1997) wrote about the increase in the use of the word "risk" in literature and scientific research. This article participates in the discussion of insecurity and risks by focusing on the experiences of young people.

In order to understand young people's perspectives, we need to focus on their experiences; we need to ask how they relate to society and how distant and global issues influence their world. This article argues that young people are key persons in reflecting the world and the changes in societies. Instead of reacting to the extreme examples of social problems or crimes involving young people, we try to understand how young people experience their personal and social lives, and the more societal and global issues. There is a need to develop social sciences empirical research among young people. It is important to know the role of security in young people's lives and the sources and dimensions of their insecurity.

Empirical research on insecurity needs a theoretical and conceptual understanding of different approaches to security and insecurity. This article makes an explorative contribution to the concepts of insecurity and security from the perspectives of young people. Insecurity is a multidisciplinary concept; understanding of the concept demands different approaches. In addition, the article gives two empirical examples of research on insecurity among young people. By using both theory and empirical findings from quantitative and qualitative research, it is possible to explore the dimensions of the concept and its relevance in research.

### **2. The concepts of security and insecurity in social sciences**

Insecurity and the experiences of young people in a changing society are relevant in social science research but security and insecurity are not simple as scientific concepts. Different fields of science address the topics. Psychology, social psychology and psychiatry provide

The Conceptualising of Insecurity from the Perspective of Young People 283

young people are challenged to develop personal security, to trust their close relationships, and to orient their lives to an outer world. This outer world or global world does not necessarily become more complicated; the complexity of life and the challenges just

In Finland, Pauli Niemelä developed a research project on insecurity, its causes, and methods of coping; he analyzed the concept and clarified the different meanings for it. Niemelä (2000) developed a frame of reference for research on insecurity based on empirical findings in an extensive empirical study of the Finnish population. In his theoretical model, Niemelä differentiated six areas of security: 1) existence and health, 2) social relationships and community, 3) social security at the level of social security systems, 4) cultural and humanistic issues, 5) traditional security (inner security in a country and national security) and 6) modern, ecological security related to natural and manufactured environments.

It seems that these concepts of security and insecurity are important indicators to describe a person's relation to his or her community and to the world. They contain meanings regarding a person's orientation to society and to a changing world. Experiences of security or insecurity are not easy to explain but they can be connected to a variety of issues. According to McDonald (2002), security is not just ontological; it may change dramatically depending on the actor and the specific political and cultural contexts. This is in common

Many approaches recognize the personal level of security as well as its connections to community, societal, and global issues. Discovering how the distant issues influence

When we focus on discussions about insecurity among young people, we find social scientific research on risks and risk societies, which give an interpretative frame of reference

The theories of risk society explain the societal and global contexts of security. Ulrich Beck (1986; 1992) is one of the most well known academics who started discussions in Europe and launched the concept a risk society. He criticized beliefs in progress and warned about new technological risks that cannot be controlled by old concepts and directives. Another wellknown scientist, Anthony Giddens (1990), wrote about the new risks in modernity, which included threat of nuclear war, other military conflicts, and technological risks. He argued that these risk environments influenced all people; risks were globalized and people were aware of the risks as well as the deficiencies of experts in governing those risks (Giddens

The most interesting issues in these approaches to a risk society are notions about the process through which a person becomes aware of and vulnerable to modern institutions and global issues. The development of identity is a reflexive project, from which close communities and traditions do not shelter an individual. People are vulnerable in their close personal relationships, and at the same time, they are aware of the threat in global issues. Giddens referred to Ulrich Beck's statement: "*The most intimate – say, nursing a child – and the* 

for understanding the experiences of people in a changing and unpredictable world.

gradually unveil (Lahikainen et al. 1995, 42).

ground with Pauli Niemelä's theoretical model of security.

personal experiences of insecurity is a challenge.

**3. Young people, insecurity and risks** 

1990, 124-125).

the earliest debates and notions about the need to develop these concepts. For example, Erich Fromm (2000) was one of the scholars who wrote about feelings of inferiority. He emphasized security as a need to belong and avoid loneliness. Alfred Adler (1964; 1971) analysed security as a basic need. A human being tries to choose goals so that they guarantee a niche, prevent feelings of inferiority, support self-esteem, and bring security.

One of the first efforts to bring these concepts into the realm of the social sciences was the critical analysis of the concepts of security and insecurity by Cameron and Mc Cormick (1954) who concluded that there was a lack of consistent definitions, theory development, and prerequisite empirical testing of the hypotheses. Cameron and Mc Cormick found previous research on security and insecurity vague and tendentious. They suggested concept development and empirical research.

It was almost two decades before the next analysis for these concepts appeared. One of the most profound analyses came from Kaufmann (1970) who wrote a comprehensive book about security as a sociological and social-political problem. The interesting feature of his analysis was that it presented security not only as a system or societal-level concept, but also as a subjective experience or as the relationship between subjective experiences and objective conditions. According to Kaufmann, the core problem of security was in the broken connection between inner experiences and outer conditions. The need for security manifested in efforts to defend and protect oneself against dangers, in needs for order and continuity, and in aspirations for inner, mental balance (Kaufmann, 1970, 24-27). Kaufmann's concept of security included both personal security of the "self" and orientation to an outer world.

Theorizing about the concept of insecurity has produced a wide variety of insecurity dimensions. One interesting question concerns the dynamics of this phenomenon. How does insecurity influence people and their relations in society? Berki (1986) provided a careful and holistic analysis of security and its creation and maintenance in society. He claimed that, in its deepest meaning, the desire for security was an existential drive. Berki (1986, 39) wrote, "*By wanting security, therefore, in order ostensibly (and consciously) to protect and prolong our lives, we are really courting insecurity, nay actually engaging in the quest after insecurity*".

According to Berki (1986), personal security was closely connected to society and to personal, reciprocal relationships as well as to those people who we do not know. The social paradox of security means that people are vulnerable in their relationships, but in its extreme form, people may also see each other as threats and enemies. Security issues also present moral questions on how society is organized and how laws and rules govern security. Thus, security demands political decisions to alleviate insecurity in society and to guarantee security. The amount of legislation resulting from these demands can be huge in different spheres of life - in the areas of protection against crime and child protection, for example.

Berki's approach is fruitful for studying young people's insecurity because it focuses on the relationships and dynamics of security in communities and in societies. As previously mentioned, young people may be seen as threats or risks in a society, or as a protected group that is vulnerable to insecurity, but they can also be seen as active citizens who create and develop personal relationships and try to find their place in society. At the same time,

the earliest debates and notions about the need to develop these concepts. For example, Erich Fromm (2000) was one of the scholars who wrote about feelings of inferiority. He emphasized security as a need to belong and avoid loneliness. Alfred Adler (1964; 1971) analysed security as a basic need. A human being tries to choose goals so that they guarantee a niche, prevent feelings of inferiority, support self-esteem, and bring security.

One of the first efforts to bring these concepts into the realm of the social sciences was the critical analysis of the concepts of security and insecurity by Cameron and Mc Cormick (1954) who concluded that there was a lack of consistent definitions, theory development, and prerequisite empirical testing of the hypotheses. Cameron and Mc Cormick found previous research on security and insecurity vague and tendentious. They suggested

It was almost two decades before the next analysis for these concepts appeared. One of the most profound analyses came from Kaufmann (1970) who wrote a comprehensive book about security as a sociological and social-political problem. The interesting feature of his analysis was that it presented security not only as a system or societal-level concept, but also as a subjective experience or as the relationship between subjective experiences and objective conditions. According to Kaufmann, the core problem of security was in the broken connection between inner experiences and outer conditions. The need for security manifested in efforts to defend and protect oneself against dangers, in needs for order and continuity, and in aspirations for inner, mental balance (Kaufmann, 1970, 24-27). Kaufmann's concept of security included both personal security of the "self" and orientation

Theorizing about the concept of insecurity has produced a wide variety of insecurity dimensions. One interesting question concerns the dynamics of this phenomenon. How does insecurity influence people and their relations in society? Berki (1986) provided a careful and holistic analysis of security and its creation and maintenance in society. He claimed that, in its deepest meaning, the desire for security was an existential drive. Berki (1986, 39) wrote, "*By wanting security, therefore, in order ostensibly (and consciously) to protect and prolong our lives, we are really courting insecurity, nay actually engaging in the quest after* 

According to Berki (1986), personal security was closely connected to society and to personal, reciprocal relationships as well as to those people who we do not know. The social paradox of security means that people are vulnerable in their relationships, but in its extreme form, people may also see each other as threats and enemies. Security issues also present moral questions on how society is organized and how laws and rules govern security. Thus, security demands political decisions to alleviate insecurity in society and to guarantee security. The amount of legislation resulting from these demands can be huge in different spheres of life - in the areas of protection against crime and child protection, for

Berki's approach is fruitful for studying young people's insecurity because it focuses on the relationships and dynamics of security in communities and in societies. As previously mentioned, young people may be seen as threats or risks in a society, or as a protected group that is vulnerable to insecurity, but they can also be seen as active citizens who create and develop personal relationships and try to find their place in society. At the same time,

concept development and empirical research.

to an outer world.

*insecurity*".

example.

young people are challenged to develop personal security, to trust their close relationships, and to orient their lives to an outer world. This outer world or global world does not necessarily become more complicated; the complexity of life and the challenges just gradually unveil (Lahikainen et al. 1995, 42).

In Finland, Pauli Niemelä developed a research project on insecurity, its causes, and methods of coping; he analyzed the concept and clarified the different meanings for it. Niemelä (2000) developed a frame of reference for research on insecurity based on empirical findings in an extensive empirical study of the Finnish population. In his theoretical model, Niemelä differentiated six areas of security: 1) existence and health, 2) social relationships and community, 3) social security at the level of social security systems, 4) cultural and humanistic issues, 5) traditional security (inner security in a country and national security) and 6) modern, ecological security related to natural and manufactured environments.

It seems that these concepts of security and insecurity are important indicators to describe a person's relation to his or her community and to the world. They contain meanings regarding a person's orientation to society and to a changing world. Experiences of security or insecurity are not easy to explain but they can be connected to a variety of issues. According to McDonald (2002), security is not just ontological; it may change dramatically depending on the actor and the specific political and cultural contexts. This is in common ground with Pauli Niemelä's theoretical model of security.

Many approaches recognize the personal level of security as well as its connections to community, societal, and global issues. Discovering how the distant issues influence personal experiences of insecurity is a challenge.
