**7. Conclusion**

In this article, I have discussed different aspects of social exclusion in different social settings (Fangen et al. 2010). Quantitative research has shown that there is an obvious relationship between length of education and access to the labour market, and the general trend is that education diminishes exclusion in the labour market for young people with immigrant background. Young immigrants with no education after secondary upper school are lead towards temporary low-paid jobs (but so are young people without immigrant background). But young immigrants with higher education in some professions also experience hard access to the labour market, and immigrants from Africa have a harder access to the labour market than immigrants from other regions. Part of the explanation of this difference is that different migration trajectories lead to different positions in the host society. More immigrants from Africa than from other continents come as refugees. But discrimination also plays a role and African immigrants seem to be more exposed to prejudices among the majority population.

For first-generation immigrants, lack of fluency in the dominant language and knowledge about the 'system' can contribute to drop out from school and incomplete school certificates which in turn restricts access to higher education. This in turn will direct young immigrants towards lower skilled jobs in a labour market and for some will also lead to a state of welfare dependency (Fangen et al. 2011). On the other hand, for child migrants and descendants, school performance, length of education, and so on, equals that of young people without immigrant background.

Although higher education to some extent prevents against social exclusion in face-to-face contact, many young migrants and descendants experience being marked as different, although they have high-status educations. Having a well-developed network including both non-immigrant and immigrant friends, and who take higher education or have a good job, are in the best position to not be too vulnerable to the many humiliations in daily life (Fangen, 2006b; Fangen, 2008).

As an individual lives his or her life in many different arenas, analysis must reach beyond the borders of the local community, and the different arenas in which processes of social exclusion occur must be seen together. By not restricting the focus to only education or the labour market, but rather seeing inclusion and exclusion in these arenas together with young people's belonging or non-belonging and participation or non-participation in local communities, in gangs and peer groups, in families, in leisure activities as well as in civic and political organization, we can better understand social exclusion in young people's lives.

### **8. References**

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In some sending countries, like Somalia, help to the sick, poor, unemployed, and so on, goes through the family or clan network, which means close and intimate contacts. By contrast, in the social democratic welfare state, public institutions have an important role in giving aid to the needy. These institutions can be characterized by inaccessibility and complexity, and it is not simple to feel recognition within the framework of these formal institutions (Fangen,

It is important to not only focus on immigrants' integration (or lack of it) in the host society, but also on their access or lack of access to political status, rights and opportunities for political participation (Bauböck et al., 2006: 92). In a previous article, I have analyzed how young Somalis with different class backgrounds take different participatory roles, and some activate themselves in clan-based networks, others in Norwegian politics and yet others in transnational political activity (Fangen, 2007a; Fangen, 2008). Immigrants' exclusion and inclusion do not only occur within the borders of the nationstate, and the immigration policy is one out of several macro features that are not a result of national

In this article, I have discussed different aspects of social exclusion in different social settings (Fangen et al. 2010). Quantitative research has shown that there is an obvious relationship between length of education and access to the labour market, and the general trend is that education diminishes exclusion in the labour market for young people with immigrant background. Young immigrants with no education after secondary upper school are lead towards temporary low-paid jobs (but so are young people without immigrant background). But young immigrants with higher education in some professions also experience hard access to the labour market, and immigrants from Africa have a harder access to the labour market than immigrants from other regions. Part of the explanation of this difference is that different migration trajectories lead to different positions in the host society. More immigrants from Africa than from other continents come as refugees. But discrimination also plays a role and African immigrants seem to be more exposed to

For first-generation immigrants, lack of fluency in the dominant language and knowledge about the 'system' can contribute to drop out from school and incomplete school certificates which in turn restricts access to higher education. This in turn will direct young immigrants towards lower skilled jobs in a labour market and for some will also lead to a state of welfare dependency (Fangen et al. 2011). On the other hand, for child migrants and descendants, school performance, length of education, and so on, equals that of young

Although higher education to some extent prevents against social exclusion in face-to-face contact, many young migrants and descendants experience being marked as different, although they have high-status educations. Having a well-developed network including both non-immigrant and immigrant friends, and who take higher education or have a good job, are in the best position to not be too vulnerable to the many humiliations in daily life

2006a).

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**7. Conclusion** 

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**Security and Justice** 
