**Social Exclusion and Inclusion of Young Immigrants in Different Arenas – Outline of an Analytical Framework**

Katrine Fangen *Department of Sociology and Human Geography, University of Oslo, Norway* 

#### **1. Introduction**

264 Social Sciences and Cultural Studies – Issues of Language, Public Opinion, Education and Welfare

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The more explicit focus on social exclusion in the social sciences began in the early 1990s in order to extend the focus beyond poverty by analyzing the relation between the individual and the society. One of the main initiators of this focus in social sciences at that time was Room (1995) known for his concept of multi-dimensional disadvantage, which included aspects such as material and physical surroundings. Much of the research on social exclusion since then has been policy oriented as it grew out of collaboration between the European Union and a research group that developed a set of primary and secondary indicators to measure the phenomenon. Despite these efforts, there are still controversies related to the definition of the concept. Some researchers also criticize the implicit moral metanarrative since it is built on the assumption that social inclusion or integration, as the opposite of social exclusion, is inherently good and desirable. As a result, efforts to tackle exclusion can often be led by normative assumptions about how social life should be organized, which ignores the ways in which the terms of inclusion can be problematic, disempowering or inequitable (Hickey and de Toit, 2007).

Of late, it has been common to speak of a *new* social exclusion perspective, which is better fit to analyze the more heterogeneous, multicultural and complex society (Body-Gendrot, 2002). As far as I can see, there have been few totally new focuses in the research on social exclusion during the last couple of decades, except for a much stronger focus on ethnicity and/or migration status compared to the mid 1990s. One example of this is the interactionalist perspective with its stress that instead of focusing on separate variables like education and income, it is more useful to focus on the intersection of variables such as ethnicity, gender and class background (for example, Modood, 2007). The relational and dynamical focus that Room proposed has been further developed within qualitative research. For example, Weil et al. (2005) underline the need to focus on relationships and interactions among and between excluded and included groups and communities, and state that it is important to include changes over time instead of static structural explanations. Another important contribution has been the transnational perspective of Wimmer and Schiller (2003), who criticize the national container focus of the social sciences (and social exclusion research definitely most often fall into this trap as well).

Social Exclusion and Inclusion of Young

ones who belong to a plurality of disadvantaged categories.

sided focus on their lack of skills (van Dijk, 1992).

accept social exclusion and also willingly contribute to it.

politicians, police or social workers?

**2. Educational exclusion** 

Immigrants in Different Arenas – Outline of an Analytical Framework 267

indicators of social exclusion tend to occur at the same time, such as persistently low income levels (directly linked to having a job or not) and the access to jobs, health, housing and other factors associated with power and status. According to Room (1995: 235), it is important, both for policy and for explanatory purposes, to disentangle different elements of hardship and to identify the interrelationship, for example, between financial poverty and poor housing, between educational failure and lack of skills on the job market, between deprived childhoods and subsequent patterns of health and sickness. Most excluded are the

Generally, gaining access to jobs and education is a critical stage in the lives of young people. In some sectors of the labour market, young immigrants face greater barriers than young people without an immigrant background, due to employers' prejudices or their inadequacies, for instance, lack of language fluency. On the other hand, research shows that young people with immigrant backgrounds often have an extra drive, because they expect that things will be more difficult (Lauglo, 2000). Descendants with certain country backgrounds also perform better than the majority population. An integrated qualitative and quantitative perspective makes it possible to see the ways in which young people act and react on their situation, thus avoiding a 'blame the victim' explanation based on a one-

In order to reveal the complexity of social exclusion, it is important to study the experiences of young people from a variety of backgrounds. It is also important to look for transitions between inclusion and exclusion in an individual's life and analyze what it is that contributes to such transitions. By viewing social exclusion as a process, we do not fix the explanation to an either/or situation. With a lifespan focus we can consider the efforts of young immigrants to combat social exclusion, or we can see how in some periods they

In addition, the relational focus makes it important to ask questions like: Who is doing the excluding? Are there some specific people who exclude others? If so, are these other young adults of the same age, as in street racism, or is the exclusion made by the individual's own family as when a Muslim girl who is breaking the codes of proper behaviour is expelled? Or is the exclusion caused by people in positions of power such as employers, teachers,

There are vast differences in grades, drop-out rates and length of education between immigrants with different countries of origin. Some perform better than the majority population, whereas others perform worse. The main reason for these differences seems to be the fact that immigrants of different origins have different pre-migration class backgrounds and educational profiles (Modood, 2007). In Norway, Pakistani and Turkish young people more often drop out of school, and more often do not take up higher education, than young people of Indian and Vietnamese origin (despite the same length of residence) (Fekjær 2007). The main reason is found to be class differences among the parents from these different groups, but also significant are the different attitudes towards education. In this way, class and ethnicity (here in the sense of country of origin, which in reality does not always equal ethnicity) *interact* in producing distinct patterns of inclusion

In this chapter, I will discuss relevant aspects for the understanding of social exclusion and inclusion of young immigrants in different arenas, thus underlining the multi-dimensional aspect of social exclusion (Room, 1995). I will distinguish between educational exclusion, labour market exclusion, spatial exclusion, relational exclusion and finally, socio-political exclusion. 1

Social exclusion is a complex phenomenon and consequently, it is difficult to reach a joint agreement of how it should be defined. Nevertheless, the common trend is that social exclusion is defined in relation to education and work. For example, Raaum et al. (2009) define a young person as socially excluded at some moment in time if he or she is currently outside the structured arenas of school and work but also has a high probability of remaining outside in the near future. Atkinson (1998: 14, cited in Raaum et al., 2009) points out that 'people are excluded not just because they are currently without a job or income, but because they have little prospects for the future'. Social exclusion is a twosided process in the sense that it denotes both the instances, when a person is expelled from a community or a place *and* denial of access to 'outsiders'.

In addition, the concept can be used to denote symbolic forms of exclusion, such as being marked as different (Vestel, 2004: 428). These cases of 'othering' can vary from overt racism, to institutionalized ways of treating someone as 'different', such as special classes or projects targeted to specific groups of people (even though such strategies are meant as a help). We can distinguish between the *feeling* of exclusion and the more observable exclusion when actually not being allowed access (this can be on a legitimate basis when the person does not fulfil requirements of access or illegitimate as in discrimination) (Fangen 2006a).

In order to grasp the complexity of social exclusion, it is important to look for experiences of social inclusion among young people who appear to be marginalized. It is also important to look for experiences of social exclusion among young people who according to conventional standards are integrated (who have a job, who take higher education and who are included in social networks with people from the majority population). For example, some young Muslim women (even when in well-paid, high-status jobs) feel excluded if they are not allowed to pray during the work day or if they are not allowed to wear a hijab.

Traditional assimilationist theories of social exclusion seem to be based on the assumption that young people prefer inclusion to exclusion. But many young persons temporarily choose to stay outside the more institutionalized settings of society (Raaum et al. 2009). This might be related to an opposition to or a feeling of not mastering the behaviour demanded in a regularized school or work setting. For others, it is related to alternative priorizations, such as the wish to explore the world by travelling to other countries or the fact that they become parents at a young age and therefore feel forced to temporarily stay outside the arenas of school and work.

Exclusion and inclusion are often presented as dichotomous variables, with marginalization as the unstable position in between (Raaum et al. 2009). According to this view, the marginalized person stands in the doorway: either he or she moves out towards exclusion or in towards inclusion. However, a more dynamic perspective that includes different arenas might open up the possibility that exclusion from one arena at the same time is followed by inclusion in another arena. In general, however, marginalization is more severe if a person loses his or her foothold in several different arenas at the same time (Room 1995). Some

In this chapter, I will discuss relevant aspects for the understanding of social exclusion and inclusion of young immigrants in different arenas, thus underlining the multi-dimensional aspect of social exclusion (Room, 1995). I will distinguish between educational exclusion, labour market exclusion, spatial exclusion, relational exclusion and finally, socio-political

Social exclusion is a complex phenomenon and consequently, it is difficult to reach a joint agreement of how it should be defined. Nevertheless, the common trend is that social exclusion is defined in relation to education and work. For example, Raaum et al. (2009) define a young person as socially excluded at some moment in time if he or she is currently outside the structured arenas of school and work but also has a high probability of remaining outside in the near future. Atkinson (1998: 14, cited in Raaum et al., 2009) points out that 'people are excluded not just because they are currently without a job or income, but because they have little prospects for the future'. Social exclusion is a twosided process in the sense that it denotes both the instances, when a person is expelled from a community

In addition, the concept can be used to denote symbolic forms of exclusion, such as being marked as different (Vestel, 2004: 428). These cases of 'othering' can vary from overt racism, to institutionalized ways of treating someone as 'different', such as special classes or projects targeted to specific groups of people (even though such strategies are meant as a help). We can distinguish between the *feeling* of exclusion and the more observable exclusion when actually not being allowed access (this can be on a legitimate basis when the person does not

In order to grasp the complexity of social exclusion, it is important to look for experiences of social inclusion among young people who appear to be marginalized. It is also important to look for experiences of social exclusion among young people who according to conventional standards are integrated (who have a job, who take higher education and who are included in social networks with people from the majority population). For example, some young Muslim women (even when in well-paid, high-status jobs) feel excluded if they are not

Traditional assimilationist theories of social exclusion seem to be based on the assumption that young people prefer inclusion to exclusion. But many young persons temporarily choose to stay outside the more institutionalized settings of society (Raaum et al. 2009). This might be related to an opposition to or a feeling of not mastering the behaviour demanded in a regularized school or work setting. For others, it is related to alternative priorizations, such as the wish to explore the world by travelling to other countries or the fact that they become parents at a young age and therefore feel forced to temporarily stay outside the

Exclusion and inclusion are often presented as dichotomous variables, with marginalization as the unstable position in between (Raaum et al. 2009). According to this view, the marginalized person stands in the doorway: either he or she moves out towards exclusion or in towards inclusion. However, a more dynamic perspective that includes different arenas might open up the possibility that exclusion from one arena at the same time is followed by inclusion in another arena. In general, however, marginalization is more severe if a person loses his or her foothold in several different arenas at the same time (Room 1995). Some

fulfil requirements of access or illegitimate as in discrimination) (Fangen 2006a).

allowed to pray during the work day or if they are not allowed to wear a hijab.

exclusion. 1

or a place *and* denial of access to 'outsiders'.

arenas of school and work.

indicators of social exclusion tend to occur at the same time, such as persistently low income levels (directly linked to having a job or not) and the access to jobs, health, housing and other factors associated with power and status. According to Room (1995: 235), it is important, both for policy and for explanatory purposes, to disentangle different elements of hardship and to identify the interrelationship, for example, between financial poverty and poor housing, between educational failure and lack of skills on the job market, between deprived childhoods and subsequent patterns of health and sickness. Most excluded are the ones who belong to a plurality of disadvantaged categories.

Generally, gaining access to jobs and education is a critical stage in the lives of young people. In some sectors of the labour market, young immigrants face greater barriers than young people without an immigrant background, due to employers' prejudices or their inadequacies, for instance, lack of language fluency. On the other hand, research shows that young people with immigrant backgrounds often have an extra drive, because they expect that things will be more difficult (Lauglo, 2000). Descendants with certain country backgrounds also perform better than the majority population. An integrated qualitative and quantitative perspective makes it possible to see the ways in which young people act and react on their situation, thus avoiding a 'blame the victim' explanation based on a onesided focus on their lack of skills (van Dijk, 1992).

In order to reveal the complexity of social exclusion, it is important to study the experiences of young people from a variety of backgrounds. It is also important to look for transitions between inclusion and exclusion in an individual's life and analyze what it is that contributes to such transitions. By viewing social exclusion as a process, we do not fix the explanation to an either/or situation. With a lifespan focus we can consider the efforts of young immigrants to combat social exclusion, or we can see how in some periods they accept social exclusion and also willingly contribute to it.

In addition, the relational focus makes it important to ask questions like: Who is doing the excluding? Are there some specific people who exclude others? If so, are these other young adults of the same age, as in street racism, or is the exclusion made by the individual's own family as when a Muslim girl who is breaking the codes of proper behaviour is expelled? Or is the exclusion caused by people in positions of power such as employers, teachers, politicians, police or social workers?
