**2. Traditional versus modern techniques in water management in Morocco**

Morocco is a semi-arid country where both traditionally and through modern techniques, management systems have had to be found to store, distribute, allocate fairly, treat ... clean and dirty water resources. Whilst Islam has equipped this North African country with ingenious traditional water management systems, growing populations and hence domestic needs, growing demands coming from economic development, as well as climate change extreme weather events (both droughts and floods) have altered the way in which people, technology and governance systems have been allocated to that scarce natural resource, *l'maâ*. This section concentrates on traditional and then modern management approaches, after having first presented the country's physical environment, its constraints and its potentials.

## **2.1 Water issues in a semi arid country**

Morocco is located in the North West tip of Africa, with a small Mediterranean coast and a very long Atlantic coast, important mountain ranges – the Anti, High and Middle Atlas as well as the Rif mountains –, agricultural plains West of the mountains 'crescent', and deserts, East of it. It is therefore subject to the influence of highly diverse climatic conditions. Rainfall is distributed unevenly: it can vary from more than 1,800 millimetres per year (mm/year) in the northern part of the country to less than 200 mm/yr in the southern parts. More than 50% of the rainfall is located in 15% of the country's surface. The average precipitation - 340 mm per year - therefore has to be apprehended in a context of great climatic diversity. On the whole, it is fair to say that the country is essentially semi-arid, if not arid, with 79% of the country located in an arid and Saharian zone, 14% in a semi-arid zone and 7% only in sub-humid and humid locations. Besides, it has been considered, since 2001, as being in condition of 'water stress' – that is, benefiting from less than 1000 cubic meters of water per inhabitant per year.

Various phenomena are aggravating the situation. First of all, due to **high population growth** (2% growth rate), water availability per inhabitant would have dropped from 1200 cubic metres per inhabitant per year (m3/inh/y) in 1990, to 950 m3/inh/y in 2000. In 2030,

potentially more traditional – approaches of resource management were discussed. In this context, could the expression " 'modern water management' *versus* 'traditional water management systems'" become "revisiting traditional water management systems in order to re-think and question the notion of modernity in the context of water management"? If so, it would mean that a new type of water ethics is progressively emerging in a context where both the notions of economic development and centralized environmental

The objective of this chapter is to demonstrate that this could be the case in a country like Morocco and to explore what this would imply for the years to come. The chapter starts by presenting traditional and modern water management techniques. The evolution of the political dimensions of water management is then explored, allowing the reader to appreciate the extent to which technical choices are of a political nature. The chapter then concludes on the emergence of a new water ethics, with a particular focus on new

**2. Traditional versus modern techniques in water management in Morocco**  Morocco is a semi-arid country where both traditionally and through modern techniques, management systems have had to be found to store, distribute, allocate fairly, treat ... clean and dirty water resources. Whilst Islam has equipped this North African country with ingenious traditional water management systems, growing populations and hence domestic needs, growing demands coming from economic development, as well as climate change extreme weather events (both droughts and floods) have altered the way in which people, technology and governance systems have been allocated to that scarce natural resource, *l'maâ*. This section concentrates on traditional and then modern management approaches, after having first presented the country's physical environment, its constraints and its

Morocco is located in the North West tip of Africa, with a small Mediterranean coast and a very long Atlantic coast, important mountain ranges – the Anti, High and Middle Atlas as well as the Rif mountains –, agricultural plains West of the mountains 'crescent', and deserts, East of it. It is therefore subject to the influence of highly diverse climatic conditions. Rainfall is distributed unevenly: it can vary from more than 1,800 millimetres per year (mm/year) in the northern part of the country to less than 200 mm/yr in the southern parts. More than 50% of the rainfall is located in 15% of the country's surface. The average precipitation - 340 mm per year - therefore has to be apprehended in a context of great climatic diversity. On the whole, it is fair to say that the country is essentially semi-arid, if not arid, with 79% of the country located in an arid and Saharian zone, 14% in a semi-arid zone and 7% only in sub-humid and humid locations. Besides, it has been considered, since 2001, as being in condition of 'water stress' – that is, benefiting from less than 1000 cubic

Various phenomena are aggravating the situation. First of all, due to **high population growth** (2% growth rate), water availability per inhabitant would have dropped from 1200 cubic metres per inhabitant per year (m3/inh/y) in 1990, to 950 m3/inh/y in 2000. In 2030,

understandings of development and environmental governance.

governance are being questioned.

**2.1 Water issues in a semi arid country** 

meters of water per inhabitant per year.

potentials.

that figure should drop to 500 m3 (Et Tobi, 2003, p.6). The increase in water demand is therefore daunting. Second, **climate change** has resulted in a series of droughts (1982-1983, 1994-1995, 1999-2000) and localised floods (1995, 1996, 2001, 2002, 2010, 2011) and will make the average surface and underground water flow decrease by 15% between 2000 and 2020, following studies carried out in 2001 (Agoumi, 2005, p.36,37). As this author stresses, climate models predict a warming up of the North African region of 2 to 4 degrees Celsius throughout the 21st century, accompanied by a reduction in rainfall of 4% between 2000 and 2020. In Morocco, research centers estimate that the increase in temperature between 2000 and 2020 will probably be in the range of 0.6 to 1.1 degrees C., considerably affecting the


Source: Water Resources. COUNTRY PROFILE – Morocco. World Resource Institute 2006. http://earthtrends.wri.org/text/water-resources/country-profile-126.html

Fig. 1. Provides general data on water in Morocco, the Middle East and North Africa

From Traditional to Modern Water Management Systems;

*qanats* (small scale dams).

old, modern and future Morocco.

**2.2.1 Water canals and water clocks in rural Morocco** 

Reflection on the Evolution of a 'Water Ethic' in Semi-Arid Morocco 233

coming from India and the Sassanide Empire (spread from the Khorassan to Mesopotamia, 226-651), such as rice, lemon trees, cotton, spinach – to quote only a few -, acclimatised and then largely spread by Arab dynasties during the VIIIth and XIIth centuries, lead to the introduction of new irrigation techniques themselves leading to the intensification of agricultural processes. It is in the VIIIth century that the Arabs introduce the *noria* (the water wheel activated by an animal, a donkey or a mule, generally), for instance, as well as the

A few characteristics of traditional water systems in the Muslim, North African, world must be highlighted and are particularly important in the light of this chapter's argument. First, these techniques were extremely well adapted to the natural environment and consequently varied in their types. They dealt with urban as well as rural environments, and used groundwater as well as surface water. Second, water management was paying attention not only to the diversity of the physical environment but also to the variety of users and water management conflicts were integrated in the management system of the rare resource. Finally, it is worth noting that ingenious traditional water management systems in North Africa, and Morocco in particular, were never born out of great, big-scale projects such as those observed in the times of Pharaonic Egypt. As Pérennès explains, "the rise of irrigation techniques in the Muslim world did not emerge from a strong, despotic and centralised State"(1993: page 77). Quoted in Pérennès, Paul Pascon also explained that "traditional water management systems had numerous functions other than solely that of managing water resources. In semi-arid areas where water can be disputed, they captured the complex way in which societies functioned" (in Pérennès, p. 19). In the context of this chapter, the point is the following: the move from traditional to modern water management techniques is controversial in that it is seen as one of the causes of current difficulties the country is encountering in the management of water rare resources – at least by certain authors. It is not only a physical, technical problem but, above all, a political societal problem in that "technical choices are first of all social choices: the choice of the 'great water management systems' based on the construction of large dams, for instance, is justified by its centralising objective and its capacity to create, for rural communities, dependency situations generated by the need to manage these large infrastructures and equipment" (Pérennès, p.19). The dismantlement of certain aspects of the traditional Moroccan society through the introduction of modern, foreign, natural resource management systems is one important example of how development can be counter-productive. If "Water tells the story of societies"- (Pérennès, 1993, p.21) then, what comes next is part of the stories to be told about

How do traditional water management systems adapt to arid environments? What are examples of the techniques that characterize the great Islamic hydraulic heritage? Here, we have chosen to describe a few techniques because they contributed particularly well to two aspects of traditional management. The first one relates to the adaptation to arid environments. The second one captures unusual water conflict management characteristics. One first example of traditional water management system that is worth presenting is the system of *khetarras*, or "subterranean aqueducts engineered to collect groundwater and channel it to surface canals which direct it to fields and community wells" (Lightfoot, 1996,

water cycle. The effects of climate change on groundwater recharge in Morocco are particularly well documented in Van Dijck et al (2006). Third, some **existing modes of water management** could be considered as worsening the situation. Slimani (2010, p. 60) stresses that Morocco is particularly behind with regards to water treatment management: whilst Morocco produces more than 750 million cubic water annually, only 100 million cubic meters are treated and 10 million are re-used. According to the Ministry of Trade and Industry, the cost of environmental damage is calculated to be around 8% of Morocco's annual GDP – 2.5 billion dollars (ref. http://www.fm6e.org/fr/notre-fondation.html). This includes serious problems of water pollution: organic pollution and pollution by heavy metals, salination of water and siltation, increased in case of climate change. Currently, 88% of water is used for agricultural irrigation in Morocco (compared to an already very high 80% water allocation to agriculture observed in the MENA region), and many consider that water is being managed in their country in an irrational manner, with over-exploitation of groundwater resources and use of clean, expensive tap water in inappropriate ways (ACME, May 2011). In order to deal with the current Moroccan water crisis, authors such as Agoumi (2005) have identified main areas in which efforts should be focused such as integrated energy-water policy, de-pollution and water savings, optimization of water demand, better monitoring of water supply and demands. Others have suggested to also jointly manage water and forest resources in an integrated way (Et Tobi, 2003). Responses to crises have adapted to needs and constraints and we will soon see that, whilst traditional techniques were valuing small scale coherent management systems that protect the social and political fabric of communities, more modern techniques have opted for intensive economic development based on the prioritization of agricultural exports and less concerned with the social and political impacts of technological choices opted for. I will come back to this very important point throughout the chapter, but I suggest to take it for now as a point of reflection – a point that is captured in the following quote by Allan (in Turton and Henwood, 2002, p.30): "The most important solution for water deficit economies is *socio*economic development. With socio-economic development comes the adaptive capacity to deal with the challenge of water scarcity. Water scarcity has two orders. First-order water scarcity is the scarcity of water. Second-order scarcity is that of the capacity to adjust to the scarcity".

### **2.2 Traditional water management approaches**

Islamic civilization has acquired a great reputation in terms of its ability to develop ingenious approaches to water management and to agricultural practices that are well adapted to particularly harsh climatic conditions. Some authors have explored in detail the reciprocal influences that North Africa and Andalousia (in the South of Spain) had on each other, in particular during the period from 700 to 1100 where a genuine Islamic agricultural revolution took place. Authors specialised in North Africa, such as Pérennès, highlight the fact that numerous and diverse water management systems can be found in that area of the world which developed, in its past, subtle water distribution systems that he describes as a 'social management system of scarce resources'. The prestigious water management heritage of North African countries goes back to pre-Islamic times when numerous irrigation techniques emerged from the creation of sedentary urban and rural civilisations of the desert, mostly Berbers. The Arab and hence Islamic expansion towards the West spread various water management and agricultural techniques. The introduction of new plants

water cycle. The effects of climate change on groundwater recharge in Morocco are particularly well documented in Van Dijck et al (2006). Third, some **existing modes of water management** could be considered as worsening the situation. Slimani (2010, p. 60) stresses that Morocco is particularly behind with regards to water treatment management: whilst Morocco produces more than 750 million cubic water annually, only 100 million cubic meters are treated and 10 million are re-used. According to the Ministry of Trade and Industry, the cost of environmental damage is calculated to be around 8% of Morocco's annual GDP – 2.5 billion dollars (ref. http://www.fm6e.org/fr/notre-fondation.html). This includes serious problems of water pollution: organic pollution and pollution by heavy metals, salination of water and siltation, increased in case of climate change. Currently, 88% of water is used for agricultural irrigation in Morocco (compared to an already very high 80% water allocation to agriculture observed in the MENA region), and many consider that water is being managed in their country in an irrational manner, with over-exploitation of groundwater resources and use of clean, expensive tap water in inappropriate ways (ACME, May 2011). In order to deal with the current Moroccan water crisis, authors such as Agoumi (2005) have identified main areas in which efforts should be focused such as integrated energy-water policy, de-pollution and water savings, optimization of water demand, better monitoring of water supply and demands. Others have suggested to also jointly manage water and forest resources in an integrated way (Et Tobi, 2003). Responses to crises have adapted to needs and constraints and we will soon see that, whilst traditional techniques were valuing small scale coherent management systems that protect the social and political fabric of communities, more modern techniques have opted for intensive economic development based on the prioritization of agricultural exports and less concerned with the social and political impacts of technological choices opted for. I will come back to this very important point throughout the chapter, but I suggest to take it for now as a point of reflection – a point that is captured in the following quote by Allan (in Turton and Henwood, 2002, p.30): "The most important solution for water deficit economies is *socio*economic development. With socio-economic development comes the adaptive capacity to deal with the challenge of water scarcity. Water scarcity has two orders. First-order water scarcity is the scarcity of water. Second-order scarcity is that of the capacity to adjust to the

Islamic civilization has acquired a great reputation in terms of its ability to develop ingenious approaches to water management and to agricultural practices that are well adapted to particularly harsh climatic conditions. Some authors have explored in detail the reciprocal influences that North Africa and Andalousia (in the South of Spain) had on each other, in particular during the period from 700 to 1100 where a genuine Islamic agricultural revolution took place. Authors specialised in North Africa, such as Pérennès, highlight the fact that numerous and diverse water management systems can be found in that area of the world which developed, in its past, subtle water distribution systems that he describes as a 'social management system of scarce resources'. The prestigious water management heritage of North African countries goes back to pre-Islamic times when numerous irrigation techniques emerged from the creation of sedentary urban and rural civilisations of the desert, mostly Berbers. The Arab and hence Islamic expansion towards the West spread various water management and agricultural techniques. The introduction of new plants

scarcity".

**2.2 Traditional water management approaches** 

coming from India and the Sassanide Empire (spread from the Khorassan to Mesopotamia, 226-651), such as rice, lemon trees, cotton, spinach – to quote only a few -, acclimatised and then largely spread by Arab dynasties during the VIIIth and XIIth centuries, lead to the introduction of new irrigation techniques themselves leading to the intensification of agricultural processes. It is in the VIIIth century that the Arabs introduce the *noria* (the water wheel activated by an animal, a donkey or a mule, generally), for instance, as well as the *qanats* (small scale dams).

A few characteristics of traditional water systems in the Muslim, North African, world must be highlighted and are particularly important in the light of this chapter's argument. First, these techniques were extremely well adapted to the natural environment and consequently varied in their types. They dealt with urban as well as rural environments, and used groundwater as well as surface water. Second, water management was paying attention not only to the diversity of the physical environment but also to the variety of users and water management conflicts were integrated in the management system of the rare resource. Finally, it is worth noting that ingenious traditional water management systems in North Africa, and Morocco in particular, were never born out of great, big-scale projects such as those observed in the times of Pharaonic Egypt. As Pérennès explains, "the rise of irrigation techniques in the Muslim world did not emerge from a strong, despotic and centralised State"(1993: page 77). Quoted in Pérennès, Paul Pascon also explained that "traditional water management systems had numerous functions other than solely that of managing water resources. In semi-arid areas where water can be disputed, they captured the complex way in which societies functioned" (in Pérennès, p. 19). In the context of this chapter, the point is the following: the move from traditional to modern water management techniques is controversial in that it is seen as one of the causes of current difficulties the country is encountering in the management of water rare resources – at least by certain authors. It is not only a physical, technical problem but, above all, a political societal problem in that "technical choices are first of all social choices: the choice of the 'great water management systems' based on the construction of large dams, for instance, is justified by its centralising objective and its capacity to create, for rural communities, dependency situations generated by the need to manage these large infrastructures and equipment" (Pérennès, p.19). The dismantlement of certain aspects of the traditional Moroccan society through the introduction of modern, foreign, natural resource management systems is one important example of how development can be counter-productive. If "Water tells the story of societies"- (Pérennès, 1993, p.21) then, what comes next is part of the stories to be told about old, modern and future Morocco.

### **2.2.1 Water canals and water clocks in rural Morocco**

How do traditional water management systems adapt to arid environments? What are examples of the techniques that characterize the great Islamic hydraulic heritage? Here, we have chosen to describe a few techniques because they contributed particularly well to two aspects of traditional management. The first one relates to the adaptation to arid environments. The second one captures unusual water conflict management characteristics.

One first example of traditional water management system that is worth presenting is the system of *khetarras*, or "subterranean aqueducts engineered to collect groundwater and channel it to surface canals which direct it to fields and community wells" (Lightfoot, 1996,

From Traditional to Modern Water Management Systems;

physical geography and also respects a human network.

land through modern means (pumps, etc.)

were based on:

clock below);

users.

another.

Reflection on the Evolution of a 'Water Ethic' in Semi-Arid Morocco 235

and allocation of water requires a set of agreements between tribes living along a river. These agreements led to the creation of two types of *seguias,* observed, in particular, in the valley of the Draa in the south of Morocco. The '*melk seguias'* (56 out of 89) allow people to privately own part of the water. Depending on the water pressure in the *seguia*, and the number of farmers allowed to benefit from it, people take it in turn to benefit from a certain 'time of irrigation': the *noubas* (water days) are subdivided in these specific amounts of time. Other *seguias* have a collective status – they are the '*allam seguias'* (27 out of 89 in the Draa valley). Any transaction concerning the land then also includes the water with which it is intimately linked. The order in which land is being irrigated is entirely of topographical nature. The *allam* system exists in communities that are particularly coherent and united. Despite this, in both systems, an *amazzal* ensures that there is fair distribution of water and manages conflicts in case these rise, as the next section describes in more detail. The objective of this section was to show that the *seguia* system is well adapted to both the

A second dimension of traditional water management systems in Morocco is the way in which these manage *conflicts over water*. This dimension has been the subject of a thorough study by Wolf (2000) and has been explored by various other authors (Pérennès, etc.). What caught their attention was the fact that Berbers' methods of conflict resolution on water





p.261). Authors agree to say that the most spectacular networks of *khetarras* that still exist can be seen in Morocco: a network of 600 *khetarras* could still be seen in the 1980s in the Haouz plain of Marrakesh, whilst around 400 others exist in the area of the Tafilalet and the Souss. *Khetarras* provided the only reliable irrigation water for North Tafilalt until the early 1970s, when new water management systems were introduced by the government. In the Haouz, the network – when in full use - was 900km long and contributed to the brilliant growth of the city of Marrakesh. The network was originally introduced through the Iranian technique of the *qanat* by the engineer Abdallah ben Yunus at the end of the 11th century, improved in order to adapt to the physical specificities of the plain and transformed into a very specific technique of the *khetarras*, built and managed by the *khatatiriya*. The *khetarras* that are still active nowadays are maintained by all community inhabitants and sometimes friends from neighbouring villages against some money or favors. In the 1990s, in order to encourage the exploitation of every possible water source, the local government of certain areas (e.g. Errachidia in the South East of Morocco) was providing small grants for the maintenance of *khetarras*. Within a *khetarra*, the water flow is equivalent to 10 litres per second, on average – water never stops flowing. *Khetarra* irrigation is a sustainable water recovery method. Because it relies entirely on passive tapping of the water table it does not upset the natural water balance, whereas the withdrawal of water by pumping can lead to aquifer depletion (Lightfoot, 1996, p.262).

Traditionally, another system of, this time, surface water distribution, is well known in Morocco and still in use: it is the system of *seguias,* main system of collect, distribution and transfer of water. In the Haouz plain, 150000 hectares of land are irrigated by a system of 140 km of *seguias* and 1000km of smaller canals derived from the seguias (the *mesref*). The *seguias* are organized in the shape of fish bones, with the *seguia* itself, deviating water from the river, to the *mesrefs*, distributing water much further from the oued (river) to the fields to be irrigated. The loss of water through infiltration can be very high (up to 50%), but it ensures that there is still water to be captured downstream – since little dams upstream capture the majority of available water. In order to avoid conflicts over irrigation, an alternative system of *seguias* irrigation to the left and to the right of the river is put in place. This distribution

Fig. 2. a) Cement *seguia*; b) Natural *seguia* in Tata, Southern Morocco

p.261). Authors agree to say that the most spectacular networks of *khetarras* that still exist can be seen in Morocco: a network of 600 *khetarras* could still be seen in the 1980s in the Haouz plain of Marrakesh, whilst around 400 others exist in the area of the Tafilalet and the Souss. *Khetarras* provided the only reliable irrigation water for North Tafilalt until the early 1970s, when new water management systems were introduced by the government. In the Haouz, the network – when in full use - was 900km long and contributed to the brilliant growth of the city of Marrakesh. The network was originally introduced through the Iranian technique of the *qanat* by the engineer Abdallah ben Yunus at the end of the 11th century, improved in order to adapt to the physical specificities of the plain and transformed into a very specific technique of the *khetarras*, built and managed by the *khatatiriya*. The *khetarras* that are still active nowadays are maintained by all community inhabitants and sometimes friends from neighbouring villages against some money or favors. In the 1990s, in order to encourage the exploitation of every possible water source, the local government of certain areas (e.g. Errachidia in the South East of Morocco) was providing small grants for the maintenance of *khetarras*. Within a *khetarra*, the water flow is equivalent to 10 litres per second, on average – water never stops flowing. *Khetarra* irrigation is a sustainable water recovery method. Because it relies entirely on passive tapping of the water table it does not upset the natural water balance, whereas the withdrawal of water by pumping can lead to

Traditionally, another system of, this time, surface water distribution, is well known in Morocco and still in use: it is the system of *seguias,* main system of collect, distribution and transfer of water. In the Haouz plain, 150000 hectares of land are irrigated by a system of 140 km of *seguias* and 1000km of smaller canals derived from the seguias (the *mesref*). The *seguias* are organized in the shape of fish bones, with the *seguia* itself, deviating water from the river, to the *mesrefs*, distributing water much further from the oued (river) to the fields to be irrigated. The loss of water through infiltration can be very high (up to 50%), but it ensures that there is still water to be captured downstream – since little dams upstream capture the majority of available water. In order to avoid conflicts over irrigation, an alternative system of *seguias* irrigation to the left and to the right of the river is put in place. This distribution

 (a) (b) Fig. 2. a) Cement *seguia*; b) Natural *seguia* in Tata, Southern Morocco

aquifer depletion (Lightfoot, 1996, p.262).

and allocation of water requires a set of agreements between tribes living along a river. These agreements led to the creation of two types of *seguias,* observed, in particular, in the valley of the Draa in the south of Morocco. The '*melk seguias'* (56 out of 89) allow people to privately own part of the water. Depending on the water pressure in the *seguia*, and the number of farmers allowed to benefit from it, people take it in turn to benefit from a certain 'time of irrigation': the *noubas* (water days) are subdivided in these specific amounts of time. Other *seguias* have a collective status – they are the '*allam seguias'* (27 out of 89 in the Draa valley). Any transaction concerning the land then also includes the water with which it is intimately linked. The order in which land is being irrigated is entirely of topographical nature. The *allam* system exists in communities that are particularly coherent and united. Despite this, in both systems, an *amazzal* ensures that there is fair distribution of water and manages conflicts in case these rise, as the next section describes in more detail. The objective of this section was to show that the *seguia* system is well adapted to both the physical geography and also respects a human network.

A second dimension of traditional water management systems in Morocco is the way in which these manage *conflicts over water*. This dimension has been the subject of a thorough study by Wolf (2000) and has been explored by various other authors (Pérennès, etc.). What caught their attention was the fact that Berbers' methods of conflict resolution on water were based on:


From Traditional to Modern Water Management Systems;

topography, agriculture, as the main means for survival.

(a) (b)

complementary water infrastructures were developed and became exemplary.

clock; b) Nejarrine fountain

Fig. 4. Water in architecture in UNESCO urban World Heritage, Fes a) 14th century water

Fes provides an interesting urban example of how ancient Islamic civilizations have developed urban strategies to distribute and manage water resources strategically. Serrhini, Director of the ADER Fes, explains (Serrhini, 2006) how, following Moulay Idriss' selection of a water rich site to create it, the city expanded in the hands of a water conscious and ingenious Berber dynasty, the Almoravids. From then until the XIXth century, three types of

The first one was the network of clean river waters, used for house cleaning, filling of basins, irrigation of gardens (with the help of *norias* – see Figure 5b), artisanal usages and to fuel mills…. – but not drinking. The water came mainly from the Oued Fes, divided into three smaller rivers directly North of the old town, where the water was distributed through a *répartiteur urbain* (Figure 5a), depending on the priority and volume of the water usage to be made (use for public baths, the *hammams*, or domestic usages, or uses for the tanneries).

Reflection on the Evolution of a 'Water Ethic' in Semi-Arid Morocco 237

is no surprise if the spiritual and cultural capital of Morocco, Fes, was created in an area that is rich in springs and where various sites have been, and are still used, for health purposes (the *stations thermales* of Moulay Yacoub and Sidi Harazem, for instance, extensively described by Doctor Edmond Secret in his 'Sept Printemps de Fes' for their health benefits). Architecture is indeed more than a history of form and style. It illustrates cultural and environmental factors, as well as the way of life of the people from whom it is built. Elements of traditional architecture are actually being re-used through 'green architecture' nowadays - architecture that seeks to "construct a human habitat in harmony with nature" (Wines, 2000, p.8). It does so under the popular appellation of 'Sustainable architecture'. In ancient cities, such type of architecture usually meant relying on construction technology development based on regionally accessible materials which satisfy the demands of climate,

Water conflict management techniques were also developed in towns, such as Fes, where water circulated through a 70km long network of canals and was regulated by a corporation of specialists called the *qanawiyyum*.

Fig. 3. a) Water clock in Southern Morocco – it takes 45 minutes to fill the pot, time used as an irrigation unit; b) List of benefiting water users

The ability of the Berber communities to traditionally deal with water conflicts in this way is based on their very strong **social capital**, a term extensively explored originally by Robert Putnam and revisited in the context of Morocco by sociologist Fatima Mernissi who defines it as a wealth that improves efficiency when people respect each other and prioritise common public interest before individual wants. She explains that a people who, like the Berbers, have *tiqa* (trust), *ta'awun* (the capacity to co-operate), *tadamum* (solidarity), and *hanan* (unconditional kindness), have a very strong social capital. Thus, she defends the principles of tribal democracy (in which collective and specific rights are being defended) against 'occidental democratic principles' that protect individual and universal rights. "Only nations who protect traditions of co-operation and of solidarity, encouraging people to invest in common projects", she concludes, "will triumph in centuries to come" (1997, p.19)

### **2.2.2 Urban traditional management: The example of Fes**

The Islamic prestigious water management heritage also refers to urban water management and the integration of water within Islamic architectural concepts. Muslim communities such as Moroccan ones, have traditionally dealt with water issues and shortages also through their selection of sites for settlements, urban integrated design and through the constant reminder of the spiritual value of water in their mosks. As Michell explains, "In both the hot and dry and the hot and humid areas of the Islamic world, architecture has been a means of controlling the environment by the creation of domestic micro-climates, of which the courtyard house is the most common example. In Islamic popular architecture, the insulation properties of many natural materials have been exploited and a range of ventilation systems developed (…) Water is an essential component to, and an illustration of, the nature of Islamic architectural decoration. Its use for decoration, as well as for coolness, is best seen in house and palace architecture rather than in religious buildings, where the paramount function of water is for ritual purposes" (Michell, 1995, p.201, 173). It

Water conflict management techniques were also developed in towns, such as Fes, where water circulated through a 70km long network of canals and was regulated by a corporation

(a) (b)

an irrigation unit; b) List of benefiting water users

**2.2.2 Urban traditional management: The example of Fes** 

Fig. 3. a) Water clock in Southern Morocco – it takes 45 minutes to fill the pot, time used as

The ability of the Berber communities to traditionally deal with water conflicts in this way is based on their very strong **social capital**, a term extensively explored originally by Robert Putnam and revisited in the context of Morocco by sociologist Fatima Mernissi who defines it as a wealth that improves efficiency when people respect each other and prioritise common public interest before individual wants. She explains that a people who, like the Berbers, have *tiqa* (trust), *ta'awun* (the capacity to co-operate), *tadamum* (solidarity), and *hanan* (unconditional kindness), have a very strong social capital. Thus, she defends the principles of tribal democracy (in which collective and specific rights are being defended) against 'occidental democratic principles' that protect individual and universal rights. "Only nations who protect traditions of co-operation and of solidarity, encouraging people to invest in common projects", she concludes, "will triumph in centuries to come" (1997, p.19)

The Islamic prestigious water management heritage also refers to urban water management and the integration of water within Islamic architectural concepts. Muslim communities such as Moroccan ones, have traditionally dealt with water issues and shortages also through their selection of sites for settlements, urban integrated design and through the constant reminder of the spiritual value of water in their mosks. As Michell explains, "In both the hot and dry and the hot and humid areas of the Islamic world, architecture has been a means of controlling the environment by the creation of domestic micro-climates, of which the courtyard house is the most common example. In Islamic popular architecture, the insulation properties of many natural materials have been exploited and a range of ventilation systems developed (…) Water is an essential component to, and an illustration of, the nature of Islamic architectural decoration. Its use for decoration, as well as for coolness, is best seen in house and palace architecture rather than in religious buildings, where the paramount function of water is for ritual purposes" (Michell, 1995, p.201, 173). It

of specialists called the *qanawiyyum*.

is no surprise if the spiritual and cultural capital of Morocco, Fes, was created in an area that is rich in springs and where various sites have been, and are still used, for health purposes (the *stations thermales* of Moulay Yacoub and Sidi Harazem, for instance, extensively described by Doctor Edmond Secret in his 'Sept Printemps de Fes' for their health benefits).

Architecture is indeed more than a history of form and style. It illustrates cultural and environmental factors, as well as the way of life of the people from whom it is built. Elements of traditional architecture are actually being re-used through 'green architecture' nowadays - architecture that seeks to "construct a human habitat in harmony with nature" (Wines, 2000, p.8). It does so under the popular appellation of 'Sustainable architecture'. In ancient cities, such type of architecture usually meant relying on construction technology development based on regionally accessible materials which satisfy the demands of climate, topography, agriculture, as the main means for survival.

(a) (b)

Fig. 4. Water in architecture in UNESCO urban World Heritage, Fes a) 14th century water clock; b) Nejarrine fountain

Fes provides an interesting urban example of how ancient Islamic civilizations have developed urban strategies to distribute and manage water resources strategically. Serrhini, Director of the ADER Fes, explains (Serrhini, 2006) how, following Moulay Idriss' selection of a water rich site to create it, the city expanded in the hands of a water conscious and ingenious Berber dynasty, the Almoravids. From then until the XIXth century, three types of complementary water infrastructures were developed and became exemplary.

The first one was the network of clean river waters, used for house cleaning, filling of basins, irrigation of gardens (with the help of *norias* – see Figure 5b), artisanal usages and to fuel mills…. – but not drinking. The water came mainly from the Oued Fes, divided into three smaller rivers directly North of the old town, where the water was distributed through a *répartiteur urbain* (Figure 5a), depending on the priority and volume of the water usage to be made (use for public baths, the *hammams*, or domestic usages, or uses for the tanneries).

From Traditional to Modern Water Management Systems;

valued.

**2.3 Modern technical approaches** 

modernisation and development.

Reflection on the Evolution of a 'Water Ethic' in Semi-Arid Morocco 239

Things have changed. The size of the medina population to be provided with both water and sanitation, in particular, has considerably increased. Family size has reduced and the French presence during the Protectorate (1912-1956) led to the creation of the 'ville nouvelle' where many people ended up moving to. Private bathrooms were built in modern houses and the tradition of the *hammam* is slowly declining – although 30 plus *hammams* are still in use in the medina. Parallel problems are nevertheless growing, notably the source of fuel to be used - or not - for public baths in a densely populated part of town. Economic activities and modes of production (for instance substances now used to treat animals' skins in the tanneries) have changed in such a way that relying on a traditional system of water distribution and usage is not adapted anymore. This is an example where tradition and modernity cannot go hand in hand anymore, despite the wishes of King Mohamed VI. But the various initiatives aimed at restauring these old hydraulic structures and to learn from them demonstrate that they could still be useful one day and that they are still highly

This is true not only nationally but also internationally: the Arab Fonds for Economic and Social Development is contributing to restauration works and the old medina of Fes is one of UNESCO's World Heritage Sites, mainly due to its integrated urban organization. Beside, and thanks to the systemic nature of each component of the urban fabric of a medina such as Fes, learning lessons related to restauring one component (for instance how to draw lessons in sustainability when improving the running of *hammams* in terms of construction, heating system, water uses, social dimensions, etc.) will lead, in a domino effect, to re-learning about

The modernisation of water management in Morocco was very much geared towards 'fueling' agricultural production, itself targeted as the main component of the country's

In line with development objectives, themselves emerged out of the post-independence era in the 1960s and focused on modernisation objectives for the country, Morocco chose to put together a strong *politique des barrages* (dam building) in place, aimed at strengthening its irrigation potential throughout its territory. The irrigation strategy was characterised by the need to separate the country into various irrigation zones. The Doukkala plain, in particular, received special attention because of the citrus production it generates for exports. The technical irrigation equipment that that area benefited from increased from 4700 hectares in 1960 to 14000 hectares in 1967. The whole question focused on how to modernise agriculture and move away from traditional models of production and irrigation. An important issue became the size of the production unit, which had not only technical but also political implications. French 'colonisers' under the Protectorate had large-size agricultural pieces of land, located in fertile areas of Morocco and focused on export crops. The economic Plan of 1960-1964, which encouraged intensification of agricultural practices, somehow stagnated – fought against by 75% of rural families who still only had less than 2 hectares to work on and were still subject to traditional systems that were against intensification practices. The re-organisation of land ownership in Morocco was very slow, after independence, and it is only after 1973 that private colonial pieces of land were re-distributed. But, as Pérennes explained (1993, p.165), out of 100 hectares of colonial land, 35 went in the hands of rich

the sustainable dimensions of traditional urban Islamic structures, as a whole.

The infrastructure was based on a system of underground tunnels and surface canals where water flew simply following gravity, down through the old town, the medina. There was also the network of spring water, the drinkable water, linking some twenty springs around the old town into a pottery canals network called the *maâda*, feeding seventy fountains for public water use, as well as private houses. Finally the water sanitation network was organized underground through the *Sloukia* which took the water outside the city towards the Oued Sebou. At the time when that structure was built, the network was sufficient for the population it served and the wastes led outside were sufficiently rapidly biodegraded. The various infrastructures and the architectural attention that was paid to them showed how much water was valued. Economically, a fair allocation of water resources was ensured thanks to a careful management of the volume being directed towards various types of activities. Spiritually, water was beautifully present in fountain and ablution rooms of mosks. Environmentally, water was used carefully and recycled as much as possible (e.g. the water from fountains was re-orientated for it to be re-used in gardens) before it was got rid of.

Fig. 5. a) Water distributor, Fes b) Noria from which the water flowed to the distributor

The urban structure, with public fountains accessible to all, was respectful of the right to all to access and consume water freely. Moreover, the tradition of the public bath, the *hammam*, allowed a more efficient use of natural resources – both water and fuel to heat it. The *hammam* has been described by Sibley as "a sustainable urban facility which not only promotes cleanliness and health of the urban dwellers but also social interaction: it serves as a meeting place for both male and female communities" (Sibley, 2006, p.1). She also explains that the religious requirements for washing in Islam played an important role in the way *hammams* developed. *Hammams* are generally well embedded in the urban fabric of the city, located along the underground water channels and built on sloping sites to facilitate drainage. The furnace of the *hammams* is often integrated to a bakery to make economic use of the firewood or by-products from other industries such as olive pits used to heat up the water. "The amount of water each client receives is limited to four to six traditional buckets – anything above which has to be paid for" (Sibley, 2006, p.3).

The infrastructure was based on a system of underground tunnels and surface canals where water flew simply following gravity, down through the old town, the medina. There was also the network of spring water, the drinkable water, linking some twenty springs around the old town into a pottery canals network called the *maâda*, feeding seventy fountains for public water use, as well as private houses. Finally the water sanitation network was organized underground through the *Sloukia* which took the water outside the city towards the Oued Sebou. At the time when that structure was built, the network was sufficient for the population it served and the wastes led outside were sufficiently rapidly biodegraded. The various infrastructures and the architectural attention that was paid to them showed how much water was valued. Economically, a fair allocation of water resources was ensured thanks to a careful management of the volume being directed towards various types of activities. Spiritually, water was beautifully present in fountain and ablution rooms of mosks. Environmentally, water was used carefully and recycled as much as possible (e.g. the water from fountains was re-orientated for it to be re-used in gardens) before it was got

(a) (b)

– anything above which has to be paid for" (Sibley, 2006, p.3).

Fig. 5. a) Water distributor, Fes b) Noria from which the water flowed to the distributor

The urban structure, with public fountains accessible to all, was respectful of the right to all to access and consume water freely. Moreover, the tradition of the public bath, the *hammam*, allowed a more efficient use of natural resources – both water and fuel to heat it. The *hammam* has been described by Sibley as "a sustainable urban facility which not only promotes cleanliness and health of the urban dwellers but also social interaction: it serves as a meeting place for both male and female communities" (Sibley, 2006, p.1). She also explains that the religious requirements for washing in Islam played an important role in the way *hammams* developed. *Hammams* are generally well embedded in the urban fabric of the city, located along the underground water channels and built on sloping sites to facilitate drainage. The furnace of the *hammams* is often integrated to a bakery to make economic use of the firewood or by-products from other industries such as olive pits used to heat up the water. "The amount of water each client receives is limited to four to six traditional buckets

rid of.

Things have changed. The size of the medina population to be provided with both water and sanitation, in particular, has considerably increased. Family size has reduced and the French presence during the Protectorate (1912-1956) led to the creation of the 'ville nouvelle' where many people ended up moving to. Private bathrooms were built in modern houses and the tradition of the *hammam* is slowly declining – although 30 plus *hammams* are still in use in the medina. Parallel problems are nevertheless growing, notably the source of fuel to be used - or not - for public baths in a densely populated part of town. Economic activities and modes of production (for instance substances now used to treat animals' skins in the tanneries) have changed in such a way that relying on a traditional system of water distribution and usage is not adapted anymore. This is an example where tradition and modernity cannot go hand in hand anymore, despite the wishes of King Mohamed VI. But the various initiatives aimed at restauring these old hydraulic structures and to learn from them demonstrate that they could still be useful one day and that they are still highly valued.

This is true not only nationally but also internationally: the Arab Fonds for Economic and Social Development is contributing to restauration works and the old medina of Fes is one of UNESCO's World Heritage Sites, mainly due to its integrated urban organization. Beside, and thanks to the systemic nature of each component of the urban fabric of a medina such as Fes, learning lessons related to restauring one component (for instance how to draw lessons in sustainability when improving the running of *hammams* in terms of construction, heating system, water uses, social dimensions, etc.) will lead, in a domino effect, to re-learning about the sustainable dimensions of traditional urban Islamic structures, as a whole.

## **2.3 Modern technical approaches**

The modernisation of water management in Morocco was very much geared towards 'fueling' agricultural production, itself targeted as the main component of the country's modernisation and development.

In line with development objectives, themselves emerged out of the post-independence era in the 1960s and focused on modernisation objectives for the country, Morocco chose to put together a strong *politique des barrages* (dam building) in place, aimed at strengthening its irrigation potential throughout its territory. The irrigation strategy was characterised by the need to separate the country into various irrigation zones. The Doukkala plain, in particular, received special attention because of the citrus production it generates for exports. The technical irrigation equipment that that area benefited from increased from 4700 hectares in 1960 to 14000 hectares in 1967. The whole question focused on how to modernise agriculture and move away from traditional models of production and irrigation. An important issue became the size of the production unit, which had not only technical but also political implications. French 'colonisers' under the Protectorate had large-size agricultural pieces of land, located in fertile areas of Morocco and focused on export crops. The economic Plan of 1960-1964, which encouraged intensification of agricultural practices, somehow stagnated – fought against by 75% of rural families who still only had less than 2 hectares to work on and were still subject to traditional systems that were against intensification practices. The re-organisation of land ownership in Morocco was very slow, after independence, and it is only after 1973 that private colonial pieces of land were re-distributed. But, as Pérennes explained (1993, p.165), out of 100 hectares of colonial land, 35 went in the hands of rich

From Traditional to Modern Water Management Systems;

(which often became privatised).

independence and food security.

usage practices in irrigated agriculture.

subsidies by the state on agriculture machinery.

Reflection on the Evolution of a 'Water Ethic' in Semi-Arid Morocco 241

A series of events (the mid 70s collapse in the prices of phosphate - resource which, at the beginning of that decade, had ensured high economic growth in the country through its exports -; in the mid 70s again, the increase in military expenditures; and then severe droughts in the 1980s) broke that momentum and led to sectoral adjustments that included a questioning of the 'grande irrigation' option. The PAGI (Programme of improvement of large scale irrigation) of 1985 changed the management system of these agricultural zones

The big question of 'what should be the place of the State and that of the farmers in agricultural development?' was once again asked and once again as technically as politically relevant. The 1980s led to programmes of structural adjustments and dependencies on the IMF services that had heavy consequences in the irrigation sector and economic orientations. Morocco respected IMF conditions, orientations and advises – more and better intensification of agriculture, less water wastes, choice of revenue yielding crops, etc. But the management structure – re-organisation of agricultural land; financial reform with subventions on the one hand and taxes on irrigated land on the other; re-allocation of management roles – was difficult to integrate and included new components such as the payment of water by farmers. Between 1980 and 1984, irrigation water pricing was such that certain irrigation practices were discouraged (aspersion). The method of 'economic sanctions' was therefore introduced but not politically backed up by regional authorities who considered water as a socially sensitive issue. The State – and the World Bank - then decided to help farmers with various credit systems that would allow them to become more entrepreneurial. But whilst average and big size exploitations benefited from that system, smaller ones remained marginalised because of the land ownership structure: the lack of ownership titles on collective lands and micro-funding systems made their access to credit difficult. Globally, big irrigation policies, in particular in the Doukkala, were successful. However, interestingly, farmers who had the choice, preferred to carry on cultivating on plots whose size was smaller than the encouraged 'official production sizes', and chose to carry on cultivating vegetables and cereals - crops perceived as giving them more

Technically speaking, at the beginning of the 21st century, as Abdelkader Benomar - director of research and planning at the Moroccan Secretary of State in charge of water and environmental issues – reported to Lamia Mahfoud (2011), Morocco is prepared to invest in massive initiatives in order to implement a strategy that will help in anticipating water shortages. The current trends, with regards to the management of water supplies, focus on the construction of more dams (60 large dams, also used for hydropower – a source of energy that saves on average 70,000 tons of oil per year (Doukkali, 2005, p.73), and 1000 little dams before 2030), the transfer of water (800 Million cubic metres planned to be transferred) from the North of the country to the South, the re-use of treated water, the de-salination of sea water. And when it comes to managing water demand, the Moroccan strategy focuses on improving water use efficiency in industries and in touristic units, to re-adjust water tariffs, to integrate water saving practices in the building industry, and to improve water

Many initiatives are undertaken in public-private partnerships. Beside, a new system of subventions established in 2010 aims at intensifying agricultural practices through massive

Moroccan land owners, 35 started being managed by the State and only 30 were distributed amongst little agricultural production units within the framework of the agricultural reform. Irrigation equipments and infrastructures benefited the richer and inequalities remained.

In order to modernise irrigated lands and agricultural practices, the State then decided to focus on new crops (with new crop contracts guaranteeing fixed prices to farmers as well as compensation in case of loss of crops). That system of 'integrated crops' included cotton, beetroot and industrial tomatoes. The State also funded part of the irrigation equipment under an agreement in which farmers had to progressively reimburse parts of the advanced sums and to pay a fee for water usage. In terms of technical choices, traditional irrigation systems based on gravity and *seguia* networks were extended into a fuller network (the *trame d'irrigation*). But the superimposition of a complex physical irrigation network based on traditional systems and a centralised mode of management did not lead to satisfactory results and many objectives of the *Réforme Agraire* could not be reached. Nevertheless, King Hassan II, in his famous Erfoud speech in 1974, and whilst international prices were in turmoil, announced a new technical option: *la politique des barrages*, in which he announced his target of irrigating 1 million hectares by the year 2000 – which was reached. Overall, budgetary choices went in that direction: in the early 1970s, 41% of the budget was aimed at the irrigation and agricultural sector - the building of dams, the purchasing of modern equipment, would overcome climatic constraints and water shortages.

Source: Pérennès (1993, p.173)

Fig. 6. Carte des barrages au Maroc Pérennes

Moroccan land owners, 35 started being managed by the State and only 30 were distributed amongst little agricultural production units within the framework of the agricultural reform. Irrigation equipments and infrastructures benefited the richer and inequalities remained.

In order to modernise irrigated lands and agricultural practices, the State then decided to focus on new crops (with new crop contracts guaranteeing fixed prices to farmers as well as compensation in case of loss of crops). That system of 'integrated crops' included cotton, beetroot and industrial tomatoes. The State also funded part of the irrigation equipment under an agreement in which farmers had to progressively reimburse parts of the advanced sums and to pay a fee for water usage. In terms of technical choices, traditional irrigation systems based on gravity and *seguia* networks were extended into a fuller network (the *trame d'irrigation*). But the superimposition of a complex physical irrigation network based on traditional systems and a centralised mode of management did not lead to satisfactory results and many objectives of the *Réforme Agraire* could not be reached. Nevertheless, King Hassan II, in his famous Erfoud speech in 1974, and whilst international prices were in turmoil, announced a new technical option: *la politique des barrages*, in which he announced his target of irrigating 1 million hectares by the year 2000 – which was reached. Overall, budgetary choices went in that direction: in the early 1970s, 41% of the budget was aimed at the irrigation and agricultural sector - the building of dams, the purchasing of modern

> Existing dams Planned dams Dams in construction

Capacity of the dams

More than 1 billion cubic metres From 200 million to 1 billion cubic metres Less than 200 million cubic metres

equipment, would overcome climatic constraints and water shortages.

Mediterranean sea

Source: Pérennès (1993, p.173)

Fig. 6. Carte des barrages au Maroc Pérennes

A series of events (the mid 70s collapse in the prices of phosphate - resource which, at the beginning of that decade, had ensured high economic growth in the country through its exports -; in the mid 70s again, the increase in military expenditures; and then severe droughts in the 1980s) broke that momentum and led to sectoral adjustments that included a questioning of the 'grande irrigation' option. The PAGI (Programme of improvement of large scale irrigation) of 1985 changed the management system of these agricultural zones (which often became privatised).

The big question of 'what should be the place of the State and that of the farmers in agricultural development?' was once again asked and once again as technically as politically relevant. The 1980s led to programmes of structural adjustments and dependencies on the IMF services that had heavy consequences in the irrigation sector and economic orientations. Morocco respected IMF conditions, orientations and advises – more and better intensification of agriculture, less water wastes, choice of revenue yielding crops, etc. But the management structure – re-organisation of agricultural land; financial reform with subventions on the one hand and taxes on irrigated land on the other; re-allocation of management roles – was difficult to integrate and included new components such as the payment of water by farmers. Between 1980 and 1984, irrigation water pricing was such that certain irrigation practices were discouraged (aspersion). The method of 'economic sanctions' was therefore introduced but not politically backed up by regional authorities who considered water as a socially sensitive issue. The State – and the World Bank - then decided to help farmers with various credit systems that would allow them to become more entrepreneurial. But whilst average and big size exploitations benefited from that system, smaller ones remained marginalised because of the land ownership structure: the lack of ownership titles on collective lands and micro-funding systems made their access to credit difficult. Globally, big irrigation policies, in particular in the Doukkala, were successful. However, interestingly, farmers who had the choice, preferred to carry on cultivating on plots whose size was smaller than the encouraged 'official production sizes', and chose to carry on cultivating vegetables and cereals - crops perceived as giving them more independence and food security.

Technically speaking, at the beginning of the 21st century, as Abdelkader Benomar - director of research and planning at the Moroccan Secretary of State in charge of water and environmental issues – reported to Lamia Mahfoud (2011), Morocco is prepared to invest in massive initiatives in order to implement a strategy that will help in anticipating water shortages. The current trends, with regards to the management of water supplies, focus on the construction of more dams (60 large dams, also used for hydropower – a source of energy that saves on average 70,000 tons of oil per year (Doukkali, 2005, p.73), and 1000 little dams before 2030), the transfer of water (800 Million cubic metres planned to be transferred) from the North of the country to the South, the re-use of treated water, the de-salination of sea water. And when it comes to managing water demand, the Moroccan strategy focuses on improving water use efficiency in industries and in touristic units, to re-adjust water tariffs, to integrate water saving practices in the building industry, and to improve water usage practices in irrigated agriculture.

Many initiatives are undertaken in public-private partnerships. Beside, a new system of subventions established in 2010 aims at intensifying agricultural practices through massive subsidies by the state on agriculture machinery.

From Traditional to Modern Water Management Systems;

construction of a large dam North of Fes, in the 1980s.

**3. The politics of water management in Morocco** 

this chapter.

Reflection on the Evolution of a 'Water Ethic' in Semi-Arid Morocco 243

(river) Ziz, and concrete-lined government canals as well as unregulated use of diesel pumped wells were introduced, dessication started occurring. The availability and distribution of water changed dramatically. As Lightfoot explains "No longer is the oasis fed by the occasional flood or heavy spring runoff from the Ziz, and because the Ziz now infrequently flows at the Tafilalt, and only in concrete lined canals, groundwater recharge has been greatly inhibited while growing quantities of groundwater are being pumped out to make up for the dam-induced deficit of surface water. (…) The government canals provide a measured, cheap, reliable amount of water, but government resource officials and Tafilalt farmers concede that Ziz water is now insufficient – providing half their needs – and good only for supplementing the water coming from other sources" (Lightfoot, 1996, p.266). If, from the point of view of water availability, the introduction of new techniques in the Tafilalt is questionable, it also is from a legal perspective. The introduction of a new distribution system (the release of water from the reservoir) has meant that the 'water timers' no longer regulate water allocation. Moreover, in 1996, there was no authority to actually regulate the various diesel water pumps installed in the region (750 private ones). Modern techniques have therefore, at least in this case, proved to be potentially capable of providing greater quantities of water but not in a way that allows for groundwater recharge in the long run - not in a *sustainable* way. Culturally, the abandonment of the traditional irrigation techniques have altered the land use patterns of the oasis – less and less palm trees produced dates, traditionally traded from the oasis, as a result of sustained dessication and poorer groundwater reserves. Moreover, there have been important social impacts, such as the loss of local control over water resources."*Khetarras* were qsour-operated and collectively maintained, and intricate relationships had evolved to manage them and distribute their benefits according to each shareholder's inputs of land, labor, tools, and money. Diesel-pumped wells are often privately owned and, as a result, the traditional ties that bind village society are breaking down (p.268). With the overexploitation of water and the large scale depression of the groundwater levels in the area due to the construction of dams, new *khetarras* parallel to the old galleries would have to be excavated in parallel to the old galleries which would prove to be labor intensive and expensive – prohibitively so. Similarly, in urban areas, such as Fes, the traditional water management systems – based on the water distributor, in particular – was stopped due to the fact that the flow of the Oued Fes (which fed that distribution system) was considerably decreased following the

The choice of water management techniques therefore has important political impacts and the political dimension of water management in Morocco is explored in the next section of

It is not rare to hear people talk of water as the new gold, or to associate the idea of having water as having power. Water security has grown as a major concern for the 21st century. In brief, who manages water inevitably has to deal with political issues. As Turton stressed, "Because water is scarce, and because it is essential for life, health and welfare, it has become a contested terrain and therefore a political issue" (Turton, 2002, p.9). In the literature, one talks of **hydropolitics** as "the authoritative allocation of values in society with respect to water". This definition implies the issue of **scale** (ranging from the individual, to

Technical efforts geared towards irrigated agriculture therefore remain high on the agenda. As Bennis and Tazi-Sadeq explain (1998), in Morocco there are still two types of irrigation: Large-scale hydraulics (GH), involving vast areas fed by high-capacity dams and providing year-round water supply (presently about 500,000 out of a potential 830,000 hectares); and small-scale hydraulics (PMH), involving small areas of several hundred hectares fed by water sources that are not highly regulated (e.g., pumps, water diversion, co-lineal reservoirs, spring water catchments, and flood waters). "The goal of the state is to reduce the amount irrigated by seasonal waters to 170,000 hectares, and increase the amount irrigated by year-round water to 510,000 hectares (60 percent). This measure should contribute in a major way to nutritional security, job creation, and the effort to slow rural exodus throughout the country. The goal will be reached through rehabilitation and modernization of equipment in the areas concerned, using traditional irrigation systems based on customary rules of water distribution" (1998, p.8). The way in which Morocco is trying to achieve these targets is therefore to create agricultural water users associations that will embrace these technical changes. This new approach, described by Bennis and Tazi-Sadeq as a 'very modern and complex concept of hydro-agricultural equipment', despite attempting to bring socially more friendly solutions to water supply and demand crises, has been questioned by these authors: "Will the population accept high annual costs for participation in investments that were decided without their consent, water fees based on consumption rates, and unit prices that exceed those that are customary to the region?".

One of the crucial questions of the *Plan Vert* in Morocco therefore remains centered on finding appropriate ways in which to engage people's participation in the making of its country's sustainable development. This is a political as well as an economic and above all ethical question, which will be discussed in the last section of this chapter.

### **2.4 The impacts of modern approaches on traditional water management systems**

In terms of water and agricultural management techniques, historians have talked of a collapse of the Islamic civilization on cultural and technical fronts. Swearingen (in Pérennès, 1993, p. 17) explained that phenomenon by demonstrating that in Morocco, in particular, colonization had broken the coherence of rural societies in order to impose to them new and contradictory interests; those of the 'colons', those of the State, and those of metropolitan lobbies (such as those encouraging the construction of major infrastructures such as great dams in the colonized country). Important questions are currently being asked by certain people (and should be asked by a wider circle of, in particular, policy makers) concerning the appropriateness of certain modern water policies in the light of both ecological and climate but also social, cultural, and political changes. The example of the abandonment of the use of *khetarras* is merely one example amongst other significant changes, but it usefully illustrates the combination of factors involved in such changes.

In 1996, Lightfoot extensively studied that issue and explained how the *khetarra* system of the Moroccan Tafilalt were in the process of being abandoned as surface and groundwater supplies and of being replaced with diesel and electric pumping devices, as well as large dams. His studies highlight the regional impact of the entire *khetarra* system and emphasizes both the problem of water recharge as well as the social implications derived from the imposition of new techniques. A 300 km network of such canals was excavated in the Tafilalt region. When great dams were constructed upstream from the Tafilalt on the Oued

Technical efforts geared towards irrigated agriculture therefore remain high on the agenda. As Bennis and Tazi-Sadeq explain (1998), in Morocco there are still two types of irrigation: Large-scale hydraulics (GH), involving vast areas fed by high-capacity dams and providing year-round water supply (presently about 500,000 out of a potential 830,000 hectares); and small-scale hydraulics (PMH), involving small areas of several hundred hectares fed by water sources that are not highly regulated (e.g., pumps, water diversion, co-lineal reservoirs, spring water catchments, and flood waters). "The goal of the state is to reduce the amount irrigated by seasonal waters to 170,000 hectares, and increase the amount irrigated by year-round water to 510,000 hectares (60 percent). This measure should contribute in a major way to nutritional security, job creation, and the effort to slow rural exodus throughout the country. The goal will be reached through rehabilitation and modernization of equipment in the areas concerned, using traditional irrigation systems based on customary rules of water distribution" (1998, p.8). The way in which Morocco is trying to achieve these targets is therefore to create agricultural water users associations that will embrace these technical changes. This new approach, described by Bennis and Tazi-Sadeq as a 'very modern and complex concept of hydro-agricultural equipment', despite attempting to bring socially more friendly solutions to water supply and demand crises, has been questioned by these authors: "Will the population accept high annual costs for participation in investments that were decided without their consent, water fees based on consumption

rates, and unit prices that exceed those that are customary to the region?".

ethical question, which will be discussed in the last section of this chapter.

illustrates the combination of factors involved in such changes.

One of the crucial questions of the *Plan Vert* in Morocco therefore remains centered on finding appropriate ways in which to engage people's participation in the making of its country's sustainable development. This is a political as well as an economic and above all

**2.4 The impacts of modern approaches on traditional water management systems** 

In terms of water and agricultural management techniques, historians have talked of a collapse of the Islamic civilization on cultural and technical fronts. Swearingen (in Pérennès, 1993, p. 17) explained that phenomenon by demonstrating that in Morocco, in particular, colonization had broken the coherence of rural societies in order to impose to them new and contradictory interests; those of the 'colons', those of the State, and those of metropolitan lobbies (such as those encouraging the construction of major infrastructures such as great dams in the colonized country). Important questions are currently being asked by certain people (and should be asked by a wider circle of, in particular, policy makers) concerning the appropriateness of certain modern water policies in the light of both ecological and climate but also social, cultural, and political changes. The example of the abandonment of the use of *khetarras* is merely one example amongst other significant changes, but it usefully

In 1996, Lightfoot extensively studied that issue and explained how the *khetarra* system of the Moroccan Tafilalt were in the process of being abandoned as surface and groundwater supplies and of being replaced with diesel and electric pumping devices, as well as large dams. His studies highlight the regional impact of the entire *khetarra* system and emphasizes both the problem of water recharge as well as the social implications derived from the imposition of new techniques. A 300 km network of such canals was excavated in the Tafilalt region. When great dams were constructed upstream from the Tafilalt on the Oued (river) Ziz, and concrete-lined government canals as well as unregulated use of diesel pumped wells were introduced, dessication started occurring. The availability and distribution of water changed dramatically. As Lightfoot explains "No longer is the oasis fed by the occasional flood or heavy spring runoff from the Ziz, and because the Ziz now infrequently flows at the Tafilalt, and only in concrete lined canals, groundwater recharge has been greatly inhibited while growing quantities of groundwater are being pumped out to make up for the dam-induced deficit of surface water. (…) The government canals provide a measured, cheap, reliable amount of water, but government resource officials and Tafilalt farmers concede that Ziz water is now insufficient – providing half their needs – and good only for supplementing the water coming from other sources" (Lightfoot, 1996, p.266). If, from the point of view of water availability, the introduction of new techniques in the Tafilalt is questionable, it also is from a legal perspective. The introduction of a new distribution system (the release of water from the reservoir) has meant that the 'water timers' no longer regulate water allocation. Moreover, in 1996, there was no authority to actually regulate the various diesel water pumps installed in the region (750 private ones). Modern techniques have therefore, at least in this case, proved to be potentially capable of providing greater quantities of water but not in a way that allows for groundwater recharge in the long run - not in a *sustainable* way. Culturally, the abandonment of the traditional irrigation techniques have altered the land use patterns of the oasis – less and less palm trees produced dates, traditionally traded from the oasis, as a result of sustained dessication and poorer groundwater reserves. Moreover, there have been important social impacts, such as the loss of local control over water resources."*Khetarras* were qsour-operated and collectively maintained, and intricate relationships had evolved to manage them and distribute their benefits according to each shareholder's inputs of land, labor, tools, and money. Diesel-pumped wells are often privately owned and, as a result, the traditional ties that bind village society are breaking down (p.268). With the overexploitation of water and the large scale depression of the groundwater levels in the area due to the construction of dams, new *khetarras* parallel to the old galleries would have to be excavated in parallel to the old galleries which would prove to be labor intensive and expensive – prohibitively so. Similarly, in urban areas, such as Fes, the traditional water management systems – based on the water distributor, in particular – was stopped due to the fact that the flow of the Oued Fes (which fed that distribution system) was considerably decreased following the construction of a large dam North of Fes, in the 1980s.

The choice of water management techniques therefore has important political impacts and the political dimension of water management in Morocco is explored in the next section of this chapter.
