**7. References**

202 Current Issues of Water Management

conflicts, creates competition and not necessarily facilitates the participation of the weaker social groups. This paradox is not resolved within the water regulatory framework only, but requires broader political basis for dealing with shared problems. If in the past, public investments were in water infrastructure, the current top-down approaches to water management basically reproduce this engineering-based model of development and management, without questioning the causes of environmental degradation and the main beneficiaries. Under WFD, water is emerging (or re-emerging) as a locus of political disputes involving a myriad of stakeholder groups and spatial relations. The Douro is an emblematic example of how water management should be understood as not only a technical and economic matter, but also directly related to political questions of social exclusion. What is still lacking is a genuinely innovative way of dealing with water problems, one that resolves the uneven balance of power between spatial areas and social groups, as well as incorporates traditional wisdom and the contribution of local people in the development of innovative solutions to old and new water management challenges. Unless social differences and the reproduction of social inequalities are addressed, water

The ultimate result is that, notwithstanding legal and discursive improvements, the longterm causes of water problems – namely, political pressures for maximising the economic outcomes and minimising the investments in social equity and environmental conservation – have been left out of the process of regulatory change. The limited availability of long-term monitoring data and detailed technical studies have contributed to reinforce the two fundamental hindrances of the regulatory regime under WFD (namely, spatial rigidity and monotonic categorisation of problems), leading to an evasion of references about the political origins and the socioeconomic consequences of environmental impacts. In the end, WFD remains a contested experience of environmental regulation that oscillates between attempts to commodify nature (e.g. bulk water charges, valoration of ecosystem services, calculation of disproportionate costs) and the affirmation of techno-bureaucratic mechanisms of law enforcement (i.e. that neglect the demands and needs of large proportion of water stakeholders). The asymmetry of political power also operates in the interstices of the regulation, given that the water reforms promoted through WFD have served to implement a particular worldview and serve specific interests under a universalising discourse and a naturalisation of hegemonic agendas. On the other hand, the imposition of techno-bureaucratic approaches to water management has prompted the emergence of various forms of opposition, either at the local level or in coordination with other national and international forms of contestation (as the criticism of water privatisation and the campaigns against the new dams in the Upper Douro). The success of the next stages of the implementation of WFD will depend on the ability to perceive the broader socionatural complexity of water management, the pursuit of effective forms of social inclusion and a

The author warmly thanks the interviewees in Portugal and Spain, the University of Porto for the logistical assistance and the financial support received from The Carnegie Trust for

management problems will remain unchanged.

more equal balance of negotiation power.

**6. Acknowledgements** 

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**10** 

*Kenya* 

Okeyo Joseph Obosi

*University of Nairobi,* 

**Public Private Partnerships in the** 

*Department of Political Science & Public Administration* 

**Privatization of Water Service Delivery in Kenya** 

The paper is divided into four sections. Section I presents background information on the water supply situation including the hydrological situation. Section II presents the privatization of the water supply and the institutional management of the privatisation process globally. International experiences on privatization and water sector reforms including the public-private partnership as a strategy is also discussed. Section III discusses the Water Management, reforms, and governance including monitoring mechanisms in Kenya. Section IV provides a conclusion as it summarises the salient features and challenges

Kenya is mainly an agricultural country with an expanding economy whose basic element for development is water. Water is required for agricultural, commercial, and domestic use Mogaka et al, (2003). However, the climate in Kenya varies by region and season to an extent that whereas some parts of the country would be experiencing floods, others will hardly receive a drop in a year. This makes accessibility to clean water unreliable in Kenya

Kenya's surface water resources are distributed within five drainage basins, namely, the

**Basin Surface Water % Groundwater % Total %**  Lake Basin 11,993 59.2 539 18.7 12532 54.1 Rift Valley 211 1 586 20.3 797 3.4 Athi River 582 2.9 405 14 987 4.3 Tana River 6,789 33.5 685 23.8 7474 32.3 Ewaso Ng'iro 674 3.3 663 23 1337 5.8 **Totals 20249 100 2878 100 23127 100**  Safe yield in '000 cubic metres per day

Lake Basin, Rift Valley, Tana, Athi, and Ewaso Ngiro as shown in the table below.

Source: Mogaka et al., (2006). Climate variability and Water Resources Degradation in Kenya: p.9. Table 1. Showing safe yield from water resources by Major Drainage Basins in Kenya

**1. Introduction** 

of the processes discussed in the chapter.

even to the areas where rainfall is abundant.

**1.1 Hydrological situation** 

