**Mining or Our Heritage? Indigenous Local People's Views on Industrial Waste of Mines in Ghana**

Samuel Awuah-Nyamekye1,2 and Paul Sarfo-Mensah3,4 *1Department of Religion & Human Values, University of Cape Coast, 2Department of Theology & Religious Studies, University of Leeds, 3Bureau of Integrated Rural Development, Kwame Nkrumah University of Science & Technology (KNUST), 4University of Venda (UNIVEN), 1,3Ghana 2UK 4South Africa* 

#### **1. Introduction**

150 Industrial Waste

[40] Samaras, P., Papadimitriou, C.A., Haritou, I, Zouboulis, A.I, Investigation of sewage

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The mining industry, particularly gold may be said to be as old as human civilisation. The history of the extraction of minerals in the various indigenous societies across the world will attest to this. In Ghana, the history of small scale gold mining dates as far back as the 4th century when indigenous craftsmen made use of gold in diverse ways (Hayford *et al*., 2008). The search for gold took a higher dimension in 1471, when the Europeans arrived and the silent trade began. Commercial scale gold mining, however, is believed to have commenced in Ghana during the 19th century by the British (Tsikata, 1997; cited by Hayford *et al*., 2008:1).

The industry in the country has expanded over the years, and mining currently includes the extraction of gold, bauxite, manganese and diamond in commercial quantities. Among these, gold mining is the most prominent and contributed to 93% of the exports made in 2004 (Minerals Commission, Ghana, 2004; cited by Hayford *et al*., 2008:1). The country is one of the major gold producing countries; ranking 8th in the world and second in Africa. (Chamber of Mines of South Africa) The mining sector currently (2008) contributes about 7% of Ghana's total corporate tax earnings. It forms 41% of total export, 12% of Government revenue collected by the Internal Revenue Service and 5% of the total GDP (Hayford *et al*., 2008).

The expansion of the industry in the country as elsewhere is characterised by improvement in the knowledge or technology in the extraction of the mines (Akabzaa and Darimini, 2001). This means that the volume of mining waste moves with its corresponding increase in the extraction of the minerals. However, the improvement in the technique in the extraction of the mineral has not corresponded with its waste management, rather very little investment has happened in that direction in Ghana due to lack of coordination among the relevant sector institutions (Akabzaa and Darimani, 2001:37). For example, several researches in the

Mining or Our Heritage? Indigenous Local People's Views on Industrial Waste of Mines in Ghana 153

1471–1880 (Adadey, 1997). It has also been estimated that 2,488 metric tons (80 million ounces) of gold was produced in Ghana between 1493 and 1997 (Kesse, 1985; Ghana Chamber of Mines, 1998). It is on record that the first 'Gold Rush' was started by one Mr. Pierre Bonne, who was a French trader. He set up a company with several concessions in Ashanti region (Agra, 1997). However, mining as an organised industry, begun with gold production at the later part of the 19th century by the British and other foreign investors (Akabzaa and Darimani, 2001). Private Ghanaian gold miners were, however, banned from operating mines due to the promulgation of the Mercury Ordinance of 1932. This was the result of the Ghanaians preferring to work in their own mines rather than work for the

The industry has now expanded tremendously. The country has 23 large-scale mining companies producing especially gold and other minerals such as diamonds, bauxite and manganese. Currently, Ghana has over 300 registered small scale mining groups and 90 mine support service companies. No wonder that Ghana is ranked Africa's second largest

Ghana comprises ten administrative regions which are all noted to be endowed with rich deposits of gold and other minerals. However, the Western, Ashanti and Brong Ahafo regions are rated among the most prominent in term of mining activities. Indeed, the Western and the Ashanti regions have the largest investments in mining; Brong Ahafo has gained prominence recently because of the activities of the Newmont Gold Ghana Limited (NGGL). This has also been attributed to the ubiquitous artisanal miners, known in Ghana as "Galamsey" many of whom have relocated from the Western and Ashanti regions to this emerging gold enclave, particularly within the Ahafo Kenyasi area where NGGL operates. In this section we give a profile of the study area; Western, Ashanti and Brong Ahafo regions. We will also provide an overview of the three main mining communities; Tarkwa, Obuasi and Ahafo Kenyasi, where we interacted with local people on industrial waste (see

According to Ghana fact sheet (Modern Ghana Media, MGM, 2010), the Western region covers an area of 23,921 square kilometres which is about 10 per cent of Ghana's total land surface. It is located in the south-western part of Ghana, bordered by Ivory Coast on the west, Central Region on the east, Ashanti and Brong-Ahafo Regions on the north and on the south by 192 km of coastline of the Atlantic Ocean. The population of the region is 1,924,577, constituting about 10 per cent of the total population of the country. The region is endowed with considerable natural resources, which give it a significant economic importance within the context of national development. It is the largest producer of cocoa, rubber and coconut, and one of the major producers of oil palm. The rich tropical forest makes it one of the largest producers of raw and sawn timber as well as processed wood products. A wide variety of minerals, including gold, bauxite, iron, diamonds and manganese are either being exploited or are potentially exploitable. The region's total geological profile and mineral potential are yet to be fully determined. The Western Region is the largest producer of cocoa and timber, the second highest producer of gold, with the potential to become the highest producer of this commodity. There are five major gold mines, namely Teberebie and Iduaprem goldfields, both now owned by Ashanti goldfields, Prestea/Bogoso mines now

gold producer after South Africa and the 10th in the world (Hayford *et al*., 2008).

Europeans (Akabzaa and Darimani, 2001).

**3. Profiles of the study areas** 

section on Methodology).

country as elsewhere have underscored that large and small scale mining processes impact negatively on the environment and the socio- economic status of the communities in which they operate (Hilson and Yakovleva, 2007; Hayford, *et al*., 2008). And while emphasis is placed on the processing of the ore body and its waste product disposal method as major sources of environmental pollution, not much has been done to improve them (Hayford, *et al*., 2008). Therefore, the typical waste product, tailings that consist of crushed ore and rock bodies after most of the needed metals have been removed, are retained in sedimentation ponds and piled up for future treatment, while the slime goes with the overflow into nearby streams. This practice normally leads to siltation of nearby streams, destroying aquatic fauna and flora (Hayford *et al*., 2008:2). Other effluent that also ends up in nearby streams and rivers introduce dissolved toxic elements into them. The result is the increase in health problems, like severe intestinal upsets, keratosis and skin cancer, sleep disorders and salivation problems (Steinnes and Berg, 1998; Amankwah and Anim-Sackey, 2003).

The multinational mining corporations that operate in Ghana, as commonly found in other developing world tend to place much interest in their profit margins than the environmental hazards that their activities cause. For instance, in 2001, Goldfields Limited spilled cyanide into River Asuman, which serves as the drinking water for communities such as Abekoase, Samahu, Tebe, and Huniso. This also resulted in the death of hundreds of fish, crabs and birds (Anane, 2001)**.** The statutory institutions including Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) that have the responsibility to oversee the operations of these companies are challenged in terms of human and material resources and are therefore unable to adequately deliver on their mandates (see for example, Akabzaa and Darimani 2001: 37). Thus, the management of industrial waste from the ever expanding mining sector in the country poses a real challenge to the country.

In this chapter we seek to examine industrial waste in Ghana with special reference to mining. Our focus is on local people's views on the impact of the industrial waste from mining on the local socio-economic environment. Evidence will be drawn from three regions in Ghana where mining related problems are more pronounced—Western, Ashanti and Brong Ahafo regions. For instance, greater percentage of Ghana's gold is mined in western and Ashanti Region. The chapter has been organised into five sections. The first section comprises the introduction. Section two presents a brief historical background of mining in Ghana and a profile of the study communities. The study methodology is presented in section three. Section four contains the results and discussion. In this section we present among others the conceptualization of industrial waste, types of mining waste and their impact as well as mitigation interventions. Finally, the conclusions and recommendations are presented in section five.

#### **2. Brief historical background of the mining industry in Ghana**

The mineral industry in Ghana as has been noted pre-dates the arrival of Europeans in the country in 1471(Akabzaa and Darimani, 2001). The industry was vibrant at the preindependence period. For instance, Ghana was said to have accounted for 36 % of total world gold output (8,153,426 fine ounces) between 1493 and 1600 (Tsikata, 1997).

No wonder that Ghana was known at that time as 'Gold Coast' until her independence in 1957. It has been estimated that over 14.4 million ounces of gold were produced between 1471–1880 (Adadey, 1997). It has also been estimated that 2,488 metric tons (80 million ounces) of gold was produced in Ghana between 1493 and 1997 (Kesse, 1985; Ghana Chamber of Mines, 1998). It is on record that the first 'Gold Rush' was started by one Mr. Pierre Bonne, who was a French trader. He set up a company with several concessions in Ashanti region (Agra, 1997). However, mining as an organised industry, begun with gold production at the later part of the 19th century by the British and other foreign investors (Akabzaa and Darimani, 2001). Private Ghanaian gold miners were, however, banned from operating mines due to the promulgation of the Mercury Ordinance of 1932. This was the result of the Ghanaians preferring to work in their own mines rather than work for the Europeans (Akabzaa and Darimani, 2001).

The industry has now expanded tremendously. The country has 23 large-scale mining companies producing especially gold and other minerals such as diamonds, bauxite and manganese. Currently, Ghana has over 300 registered small scale mining groups and 90 mine support service companies. No wonder that Ghana is ranked Africa's second largest gold producer after South Africa and the 10th in the world (Hayford *et al*., 2008).

#### **3. Profiles of the study areas**

152 Industrial Waste

country as elsewhere have underscored that large and small scale mining processes impact negatively on the environment and the socio- economic status of the communities in which they operate (Hilson and Yakovleva, 2007; Hayford, *et al*., 2008). And while emphasis is placed on the processing of the ore body and its waste product disposal method as major sources of environmental pollution, not much has been done to improve them (Hayford, *et al*., 2008). Therefore, the typical waste product, tailings that consist of crushed ore and rock bodies after most of the needed metals have been removed, are retained in sedimentation ponds and piled up for future treatment, while the slime goes with the overflow into nearby streams. This practice normally leads to siltation of nearby streams, destroying aquatic fauna and flora (Hayford *et al*., 2008:2). Other effluent that also ends up in nearby streams and rivers introduce dissolved toxic elements into them. The result is the increase in health problems, like severe intestinal upsets, keratosis and skin cancer, sleep disorders and

salivation problems (Steinnes and Berg, 1998; Amankwah and Anim-Sackey, 2003).

a real challenge to the country.

are presented in section five.

The multinational mining corporations that operate in Ghana, as commonly found in other developing world tend to place much interest in their profit margins than the environmental hazards that their activities cause. For instance, in 2001, Goldfields Limited spilled cyanide into River Asuman, which serves as the drinking water for communities such as Abekoase, Samahu, Tebe, and Huniso. This also resulted in the death of hundreds of fish, crabs and birds (Anane, 2001)**.** The statutory institutions including Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) that have the responsibility to oversee the operations of these companies are challenged in terms of human and material resources and are therefore unable to adequately deliver on their mandates (see for example, Akabzaa and Darimani 2001: 37). Thus, the management of industrial waste from the ever expanding mining sector in the country poses

In this chapter we seek to examine industrial waste in Ghana with special reference to mining. Our focus is on local people's views on the impact of the industrial waste from mining on the local socio-economic environment. Evidence will be drawn from three regions in Ghana where mining related problems are more pronounced—Western, Ashanti and Brong Ahafo regions. For instance, greater percentage of Ghana's gold is mined in western and Ashanti Region. The chapter has been organised into five sections. The first section comprises the introduction. Section two presents a brief historical background of mining in Ghana and a profile of the study communities. The study methodology is presented in section three. Section four contains the results and discussion. In this section we present among others the conceptualization of industrial waste, types of mining waste and their impact as well as mitigation interventions. Finally, the conclusions and recommendations

The mineral industry in Ghana as has been noted pre-dates the arrival of Europeans in the country in 1471(Akabzaa and Darimani, 2001). The industry was vibrant at the preindependence period. For instance, Ghana was said to have accounted for 36 % of total

No wonder that Ghana was known at that time as 'Gold Coast' until her independence in 1957. It has been estimated that over 14.4 million ounces of gold were produced between

**2. Brief historical background of the mining industry in Ghana** 

world gold output (8,153,426 fine ounces) between 1493 and 1600 (Tsikata, 1997).

Ghana comprises ten administrative regions which are all noted to be endowed with rich deposits of gold and other minerals. However, the Western, Ashanti and Brong Ahafo regions are rated among the most prominent in term of mining activities. Indeed, the Western and the Ashanti regions have the largest investments in mining; Brong Ahafo has gained prominence recently because of the activities of the Newmont Gold Ghana Limited (NGGL). This has also been attributed to the ubiquitous artisanal miners, known in Ghana as "Galamsey" many of whom have relocated from the Western and Ashanti regions to this emerging gold enclave, particularly within the Ahafo Kenyasi area where NGGL operates. In this section we give a profile of the study area; Western, Ashanti and Brong Ahafo regions. We will also provide an overview of the three main mining communities; Tarkwa, Obuasi and Ahafo Kenyasi, where we interacted with local people on industrial waste (see section on Methodology).

According to Ghana fact sheet (Modern Ghana Media, MGM, 2010), the Western region covers an area of 23,921 square kilometres which is about 10 per cent of Ghana's total land surface. It is located in the south-western part of Ghana, bordered by Ivory Coast on the west, Central Region on the east, Ashanti and Brong-Ahafo Regions on the north and on the south by 192 km of coastline of the Atlantic Ocean. The population of the region is 1,924,577, constituting about 10 per cent of the total population of the country. The region is endowed with considerable natural resources, which give it a significant economic importance within the context of national development. It is the largest producer of cocoa, rubber and coconut, and one of the major producers of oil palm. The rich tropical forest makes it one of the largest producers of raw and sawn timber as well as processed wood products. A wide variety of minerals, including gold, bauxite, iron, diamonds and manganese are either being exploited or are potentially exploitable. The region's total geological profile and mineral potential are yet to be fully determined. The Western Region is the largest producer of cocoa and timber, the second highest producer of gold, with the potential to become the highest producer of this commodity. There are five major gold mines, namely Teberebie and Iduaprem goldfields, both now owned by Ashanti goldfields, Prestea/Bogoso mines now

Mining or Our Heritage? Indigenous Local People's Views on Industrial Waste of Mines in Ghana 155

HIV/AIDS, and high crime rates. Some attempts have been made by the OMA, NGOs, religious bodies, government agencies and AngloGold Ashanti to solve the unemployment problems in the municipality (Sarfo-Mensah *et al.,* 2010: 2). These attempts, however, have achieved little success. There has, therefore, been a steady increase in unemployment, particularly among the youth since 1984 which has been noted to mainly account for the high prevalence of illegal mining activities and exacerbation of the environmental

The Brong Ahafo Region, the third study region covers an area of 39,557 square kilometres and shares boundaries with the Northern Region to the north, the Ashanti and Western Regions to the south, the Volta Region to the east, the Eastern Region to the southeast and La Cote d'Ivoire to the west. The region lies in the forest zone and is a major cocoa and timber producing area (MGM, 2010). The northern part of the region lies in the savannah zone and is a major grain and tuber producing region. The total population of the region is 1,815,408, representing 9.6 per cent of the country's population. The region is more populous than only four other regions though it is the second largest in terms of land area. The main occupation of the workforce of the region is in agriculture which employs about

The Newmont Gold Ghana Limited (NGGL) Ahafo gold property is based in the towns of Kenyasi and Ntotoroso in the Brong-Ahafo region. Production of gold in the two communities which started in 2006 was expected to be about 17,100 kilograms per year (kg/yr) (reported as 550,000 troy ounces) with a mine life estimated at more than 20 years (Bureau of Integrated Rural Development, BIRD, 2009a). The Kenyasi Township, our third study community has had its population increasing rapidly since inception of the operations of NGGL started in the communities in 2006. This has led to soaring prices of food and rent charges leading to high cost of living. The population increase has also brought about congestion in the use of some social facilities including water and sanitation (BIRD, 2009a). A massive inflow of illegal miners into the community and its environs is reportedly leading to the destruction of the farm lands and loss of employment of the youth whose livelihoods depend on farming. A major challenge in the community and its catchment area is

environmental management due to mining and its related activities (BIRD, 2009a).

The study methodology was participatory and mainly community-based. We scaled it up at the district and the regional levels to interact with local non-governmental organisations (NGOs), technocrats and government officials to triangulate views collected at the community level, and to collect secondary data. Thus, both primary and secondary data

The primary data was mainly based on interaction with people in the following communities: Ahafo Kenyasi in the Brong-Ahafo region; Tarkwa in the Western region; and Obuasi in the Ashanti region (see Figure 1). These communities and their catchment areas are all prominent gold mining enclaves in Ghana. In the communities, participatory approaches were used to interact with the following groups: chiefs and opinion leaders; elderly males; elderly females; the youth (men and women groups); and children (between the ages of six and 18 years). Our groups were selected to ensure that gender views were

conditions in the area (Sarfo-Mensah *et al.,* 2010:2).

68.6*%* of the economically active population (MGM, 2010).

**4. Methodology** 

were collected for the study.

owned by a South African company, Tarkwa goldfields, and Aboso goldfields located at Damang near Huni Valley. There are other proven but as yet unexploited ore deposits at Tarkwa, Aboso, Bondaye, and the forest reserve areas of Jomoro and Nzema East, Aowin-Suaman, Amenfi and Mpohor-Wassa-East districts.

Tarkwa, our study community in the Western region as indicated above, is a major gold mining centre not only in the region but Ghana as a whole. For example, Hayford *et al*. (2008) noted that although Anglo Gold Ashanti and Newmont, two of the major producers of gold in Ghana are in the Ashanti Region, the largest concentration of mining companies are, however, found in the Tarkwa-Wassaw District. Tarkwa our study community is the district capital. The 2010 Ghana Population Census estimated the community's population as 33, 466 (Ghana Statistical Service, 2010).

The community and its environs are characterised by an undulating terrain with a magnificent drainage system. It experiences the heaviest and most frequent rains in the country (Akbazaa and Darimani, 2001). The environmental challenges as result of industrial activities in the community and its environs are summarized by Akbazaa and Darimani (2001:30):

*The heavy concentration of mining activities in the area has generated environmental and social issues in the area. The issues centre on resettlement and relocation, negotiation and compensation and environmental damage. The persistence of these socio-environmental problems accounts for the occasional and frequent resistance from the affected communities as well as clashes between them and the mining companies. The destruction of sources of livelihood and the spate of resistance and clashes have given rise to an environmentally conscious population from which local social movements are emerging.* 

Obuasi, our second study community, is a major commercial and industrial centre in the Ashanti Region, the third largest of the 10 administrative regions in Ghana (MGM, 2010). The region occupies a total land surface of 24,389 square kilometres or 10.2 per cent of the total land area of Ghana. In terms of population, however, it is the most populated region with a population of 3,612,950 in 2000, accounting for 19.1 per cent of Ghana's total population (MGM, 2010). Kumasi the regional capital, is the second largest city in Ghana. Much of the region used to be forested but it has witnessed massive deforestation in the past few decades mainly as result of clearing of forest for agriculture which provides employment for more than half of its economically active population (MGM, 2010).

The Obuasi township is the administrative capital of the Obuasi Municipality Assembly (OMA). The community and its environs have been experiencing tremendous socioeconomic challenges, especially rapid population growth and environmental degradation due to several years of mining (Sarfo-Mensah *et al*., 2010). The estimated population of the Municipality is 205,000 with an annual growth rate of 4%, making it one of the fastest growing districts in the country (Ghana Statistical Service, 2010). The inception of the Economic Recovery Programme (ERP) in 1984 and the subsequent expansion of mining activities, particularly production at AngloGold Ashanti (AGA), led to the establishment of several subsidiary companies, service and commercial activities which are either directly or indirectly related to mining. The resultant inflow of migrants into Obuasi township and its catchment areas in search of jobs has over the years had negative social, economic, cultural and environmental impacts such as illegal mining, high prevalence of prostitution and HIV/AIDS, and high crime rates. Some attempts have been made by the OMA, NGOs, religious bodies, government agencies and AngloGold Ashanti to solve the unemployment problems in the municipality (Sarfo-Mensah *et al.,* 2010: 2). These attempts, however, have achieved little success. There has, therefore, been a steady increase in unemployment, particularly among the youth since 1984 which has been noted to mainly account for the high prevalence of illegal mining activities and exacerbation of the environmental conditions in the area (Sarfo-Mensah *et al.,* 2010:2).

The Brong Ahafo Region, the third study region covers an area of 39,557 square kilometres and shares boundaries with the Northern Region to the north, the Ashanti and Western Regions to the south, the Volta Region to the east, the Eastern Region to the southeast and La Cote d'Ivoire to the west. The region lies in the forest zone and is a major cocoa and timber producing area (MGM, 2010). The northern part of the region lies in the savannah zone and is a major grain and tuber producing region. The total population of the region is 1,815,408, representing 9.6 per cent of the country's population. The region is more populous than only four other regions though it is the second largest in terms of land area. The main occupation of the workforce of the region is in agriculture which employs about 68.6*%* of the economically active population (MGM, 2010).

The Newmont Gold Ghana Limited (NGGL) Ahafo gold property is based in the towns of Kenyasi and Ntotoroso in the Brong-Ahafo region. Production of gold in the two communities which started in 2006 was expected to be about 17,100 kilograms per year (kg/yr) (reported as 550,000 troy ounces) with a mine life estimated at more than 20 years (Bureau of Integrated Rural Development, BIRD, 2009a). The Kenyasi Township, our third study community has had its population increasing rapidly since inception of the operations of NGGL started in the communities in 2006. This has led to soaring prices of food and rent charges leading to high cost of living. The population increase has also brought about congestion in the use of some social facilities including water and sanitation (BIRD, 2009a). A massive inflow of illegal miners into the community and its environs is reportedly leading to the destruction of the farm lands and loss of employment of the youth whose livelihoods depend on farming. A major challenge in the community and its catchment area is environmental management due to mining and its related activities (BIRD, 2009a).

#### **4. Methodology**

154 Industrial Waste

owned by a South African company, Tarkwa goldfields, and Aboso goldfields located at Damang near Huni Valley. There are other proven but as yet unexploited ore deposits at Tarkwa, Aboso, Bondaye, and the forest reserve areas of Jomoro and Nzema East, Aowin-

Tarkwa, our study community in the Western region as indicated above, is a major gold mining centre not only in the region but Ghana as a whole. For example, Hayford *et al*. (2008) noted that although Anglo Gold Ashanti and Newmont, two of the major producers of gold in Ghana are in the Ashanti Region, the largest concentration of mining companies are, however, found in the Tarkwa-Wassaw District. Tarkwa our study community is the district capital. The 2010 Ghana Population Census estimated the community's population

The community and its environs are characterised by an undulating terrain with a magnificent drainage system. It experiences the heaviest and most frequent rains in the country (Akbazaa and Darimani, 2001). The environmental challenges as result of industrial activities in the community and its environs are summarized by Akbazaa and Darimani

*The heavy concentration of mining activities in the area has generated environmental and social issues in the area. The issues centre on resettlement and relocation, negotiation and compensation and environmental damage. The persistence of these socio-environmental problems accounts for the occasional and frequent resistance from the affected communities as well as clashes between them and the mining companies. The destruction of sources of livelihood and the spate of resistance and clashes have given rise to an environmentally conscious population from* 

Obuasi, our second study community, is a major commercial and industrial centre in the Ashanti Region, the third largest of the 10 administrative regions in Ghana (MGM, 2010). The region occupies a total land surface of 24,389 square kilometres or 10.2 per cent of the total land area of Ghana. In terms of population, however, it is the most populated region with a population of 3,612,950 in 2000, accounting for 19.1 per cent of Ghana's total population (MGM, 2010). Kumasi the regional capital, is the second largest city in Ghana. Much of the region used to be forested but it has witnessed massive deforestation in the past few decades mainly as result of clearing of forest for agriculture which provides

The Obuasi township is the administrative capital of the Obuasi Municipality Assembly (OMA). The community and its environs have been experiencing tremendous socioeconomic challenges, especially rapid population growth and environmental degradation due to several years of mining (Sarfo-Mensah *et al*., 2010). The estimated population of the Municipality is 205,000 with an annual growth rate of 4%, making it one of the fastest growing districts in the country (Ghana Statistical Service, 2010). The inception of the Economic Recovery Programme (ERP) in 1984 and the subsequent expansion of mining activities, particularly production at AngloGold Ashanti (AGA), led to the establishment of several subsidiary companies, service and commercial activities which are either directly or indirectly related to mining. The resultant inflow of migrants into Obuasi township and its catchment areas in search of jobs has over the years had negative social, economic, cultural and environmental impacts such as illegal mining, high prevalence of prostitution and

employment for more than half of its economically active population (MGM, 2010).

Suaman, Amenfi and Mpohor-Wassa-East districts.

as 33, 466 (Ghana Statistical Service, 2010).

*which local social movements are emerging.* 

(2001:30):

The study methodology was participatory and mainly community-based. We scaled it up at the district and the regional levels to interact with local non-governmental organisations (NGOs), technocrats and government officials to triangulate views collected at the community level, and to collect secondary data. Thus, both primary and secondary data were collected for the study.

The primary data was mainly based on interaction with people in the following communities: Ahafo Kenyasi in the Brong-Ahafo region; Tarkwa in the Western region; and Obuasi in the Ashanti region (see Figure 1). These communities and their catchment areas are all prominent gold mining enclaves in Ghana. In the communities, participatory approaches were used to interact with the following groups: chiefs and opinion leaders; elderly males; elderly females; the youth (men and women groups); and children (between the ages of six and 18 years). Our groups were selected to ensure that gender views were

Mining or Our Heritage? Indigenous Local People's Views on Industrial Waste of Mines in Ghana 157

captured. And, most importantly, children whose views are critical in society but often ignored in community engagement, was captured as well. And as indicated above, the participatory methodology was achieved by holding focus groups discussions with all our five carefully selected groups through the use of structured and semi-structured interviews**.**  The focus of the discussions centred on the effects of mining especially mining waste on the lives of the people and the environment as a whole. Another key area of concentration was on the local people's environmental conservation strategies particularly on waste management. The possibility of integrating local knowledge with that of the modern means

The desk studies comprised mainly a review of relevant government documents and reports as well as reports produced by NGOs that operated in the study area. We also reviewed

Industrial waste refers to waste resulting from industrial activity such as activities from factories, mills and mining and others. Some of these wastes may exist in liquid or solid form, some of which are hazardous -- those from automobile repair shops, petroleum and petrochemical industry, mining industry, etc. (see Books *et al*. 1976; Munson-McGee *et al*., 1996; Chaudhary and Rachana, 2006; Moreno *et al*. 2009). That is, they are or pose potential threats to both human and the environmental health. Those harmful wastes are characterised by ignitability (waste oil), corrosivity (e.g. battery acid), reactivity, toxicity, infectious or pathogenic. There are, however, many industrial wastes that are neither dangerous nor harmful. For instance fibre resulting from agriculture and logging is neither

Since the 'Industrial Revolution'1, industrial and mining operations have been accompanied by the problem of industrial waste, thus, making industrial waste a by-product of the Industrial Revolution. This waste is generated from the production process through the use and the disposal of manufactured products**.** Currently in Ghana, apart from the wastes generated from mining activities, the following are the main activities from which wastes are generated: "the textiles industries (Spinning, weaving, finishing, bleaching and dyeing, printing); food and beverages (fish processing, slaughter houses, breweries, soft drinks, fruit processing, oil processing, cocoa processing and flour mills); Petroleum and petrochemical industry; Wood processing industry (Sawmills, veneer processing, ply mills, furniture); Plastics and foam industry; paper, printing and publishing industry; Pharmaceutical industry; and the Paints and chemical industry" (see 18th Session of the United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development, National Report for Ghana Waste Management in Ghana). The basic concern of the Industrial Revolution has been the appropriate ways of managing industrial waste in order

Managing industrial wastes has been a big source of worry to Ghana. The bane of the problem has been the lack of the requisite technical know-how, capital resources and the

1We refer to 'Industrial Revolution' as the major industrialisation that took place during the late 16th (1700s) and the early 17th centuries (1800s), which begun in the Great Britain was rapidly replicated

literature on industrial waste in the global, African and national context.

to avoid or mitigate their adverse environmental or human health impacts.

of waste management was also touched on.

**5. Industrial waste conceptualised** 

hazardous nor toxic.

throughout the world.

Source: the authors' construct 2011

Fig. 1. Map of Ghana showing Study Areas

captured. And, most importantly, children whose views are critical in society but often ignored in community engagement, was captured as well. And as indicated above, the participatory methodology was achieved by holding focus groups discussions with all our five carefully selected groups through the use of structured and semi-structured interviews**.**  The focus of the discussions centred on the effects of mining especially mining waste on the lives of the people and the environment as a whole. Another key area of concentration was on the local people's environmental conservation strategies particularly on waste management. The possibility of integrating local knowledge with that of the modern means of waste management was also touched on.

The desk studies comprised mainly a review of relevant government documents and reports as well as reports produced by NGOs that operated in the study area. We also reviewed literature on industrial waste in the global, African and national context.

### **5. Industrial waste conceptualised**

156 Industrial Waste

Source: the authors' construct 2011

Fig. 1. Map of Ghana showing Study Areas

Industrial waste refers to waste resulting from industrial activity such as activities from factories, mills and mining and others. Some of these wastes may exist in liquid or solid form, some of which are hazardous -- those from automobile repair shops, petroleum and petrochemical industry, mining industry, etc. (see Books *et al*. 1976; Munson-McGee *et al*., 1996; Chaudhary and Rachana, 2006; Moreno *et al*. 2009). That is, they are or pose potential threats to both human and the environmental health. Those harmful wastes are characterised by ignitability (waste oil), corrosivity (e.g. battery acid), reactivity, toxicity, infectious or pathogenic. There are, however, many industrial wastes that are neither dangerous nor harmful. For instance fibre resulting from agriculture and logging is neither hazardous nor toxic.

Since the 'Industrial Revolution'1, industrial and mining operations have been accompanied by the problem of industrial waste, thus, making industrial waste a by-product of the Industrial Revolution. This waste is generated from the production process through the use and the disposal of manufactured products**.** Currently in Ghana, apart from the wastes generated from mining activities, the following are the main activities from which wastes are generated: "the textiles industries (Spinning, weaving, finishing, bleaching and dyeing, printing); food and beverages (fish processing, slaughter houses, breweries, soft drinks, fruit processing, oil processing, cocoa processing and flour mills); Petroleum and petrochemical industry; Wood processing industry (Sawmills, veneer processing, ply mills, furniture); Plastics and foam industry; paper, printing and publishing industry; Pharmaceutical industry; and the Paints and chemical industry" (see 18th Session of the United Nations Commission on Sustainable Development, National Report for Ghana Waste Management in Ghana). The basic concern of the Industrial Revolution has been the appropriate ways of managing industrial waste in order to avoid or mitigate their adverse environmental or human health impacts.

Managing industrial wastes has been a big source of worry to Ghana. The bane of the problem has been the lack of the requisite technical know-how, capital resources and the

 1We refer to 'Industrial Revolution' as the major industrialisation that took place during the late 16th (1700s) and the early 17th centuries (1800s), which begun in the Great Britain was rapidly replicated throughout the world.

Mining or Our Heritage? Indigenous Local People's Views on Industrial Waste of Mines in Ghana 159

In rural communities, where mining activities have seen an upsurge, the contribution of the industry to the local economies in terms of investment in people and infrastructure has been acknowledged by government and local people. These have ranged from housing and resettlement programmes, alternative livelihoods and direct training to employment opportunities for local people. Most mining companies are facilitating the management of comprehensive social responsibility programmes which fund these development projects. An example we found in our study area is the Newmont Ahafo Development Foundation of NGGL. As part of the company's social responsibility commitments, and through series of consultations and discussions with the relevant stakeholders including Traditional Authorities, District Assemblies, Regional Coordinating Council, Youth Groups, Women Groups, Farmers Groups and local NGOs, Newmont signed Social Responsibility Agreement with the communities around the Ahafo Mine in May 2008 (BIRD, 2009b). This agreement resulted in the setting up of Newmont Ahafo Development Foundation (NADeF) which is being supported by NGGL with \$1 per oz of gold produced and 1% net profit. The fund is estimated to generate about \$600,000 annually which will be used to support sustainable development projects and programmes in ten (10) communities namely; Kenyasi No.1, Kenyasi No.2, Ntotoroso, Gyedu, Wamahinso (all in Asutifi District), Yamfo, Susuanso, Terchire, Afrisipakrom and Adrobaa (all in Tano North District). The initial amount

deposited by Newmont into the Fund is about \$850,000 (BIRD, 2009b:36).

most other sectors of industry (Hilson, 2001: 8).

economies.

The Foundation is now a registered entity under the laws of Ghana with a Nine-Member Board of Trustees to manage the fund. The Foundation has set up a Secretariat to manage the day-to-day administration of the fund and a Tender Board to handle the tendering processes for projects under the Foundation. To ensure that the purpose for which the fund has been established is realized in a timely, cost effective, transparent and sustainable manner, the Agreement also requested the ten communities to establish Sustainable Development Committees in their respective communities to lead and manage the development processes (BIRD, 2009b: 36). Apart from the mainstream mining companies, it must also be noted that in rural communities, significant numbers of inhabitants are attracted to small-scale mining because the industry pays substantially higher wages than

In major urban mining settlements such as Obuasi and Tarkwa, most social and economic activities revolve around the mines. In Obuasi, the entire local economy depends on AngloGold Ashanti. For instance, educational infrastructure, markets, roads and lorry stations have been built by the Municipality with funding support from the company (Sarfo-Mensah, *et al,* 2010). Business in the township is driven by incomes from miners. Indeed, responses from our respondents indicated that from children up to adults, everybody has something to do with the mining conglomerate. Although most of respondents were quick to add that because of the mines, cost of living is very high and several social vices are on the increase (see section 7 below). Socio-economic dependency on mining activities in communities where mining giants such as AngloGold Ashanti operate in Ghana is so pervasive that a slowdown in their businesses leads to virtual collapse of the local

Mining has arguably made tremendous contributions to the socio-economic development of the country and its potential, as presented by the country's trade figures, is very enormous. In 2000 Ghana was ranked 8th in the world for gold production (Chamber of Mines of South Africa 2005). According to The Ghana Minerals Commission (2002), Ghana produced

lack of political will by the various governments of Ghana (mostly paying lip-services to the issue since the policy, legal and institutional frameworks put in place are not strictly implemented). Although many of the industries have tried to do something by way of trying to recycle their waste products, their efforts have not been enough to contain the increasing volume of the current industrial waste level in the country. This chapter as has been pointed out examines the industrial waste in Ghana with special reference to mining waste.

#### **6. Mining and the economy of Ghana**

The contribution of the mineral industry to Ghana's economy is enormous. For instance, as back as 1991, the mining industry overtook cocoa as the largest foreign exchange earner for Ghana (Adadey, 1997). Minerals alone account for 40% of the Ghana's total gross foreign exchange earnings. Over 20,000 people are employed by the large scale mines whiles the small scale artisanal mining, especially gold and diamond, employ more than twice the number engaged by the large scale mining (Adadey, 1997). These figures appear to be conservative estimates. For example, according to Hilson (2001) an estimated 30,000 small scale miners work on registered plots while, 170,000+ are illegal *galamsey.* The contribution of small scale mining has been succinctly captured by Amankwah and Anim-Sackey (2003:133) as following:

*The small-scale mining of these precious minerals has made significant socioeconomic impact on many individuals and communities since it provides both part- and fulltime jobs for the people and in some cases it is the only source of income available to the people. In the rural communities where mining takes place, the activity has reduced rural exodus, promoted local economic development and contributed towards poverty reduction. In addition, the mining operations are useful in basic skill development and contribute to the transformation of unskilled labour into semi-skilled and skilled workers. More importantly, due to the low barriers to entry in terms of capital needs and formal educational requirements, small-scale mining operations offer excellent opportunities for the evolution of indigenous entrepreneurs. In rural areas where other jobs are low paying or non-existent, small-scale mining appears as a valuable source of employment. The sector also provides raw materials for local industries.* 

But as we discuss later, the small scale mining sector is a significant contributor to industrial waste in the mining industry in Ghana and generally regarded as the principal actor in land degradation due to their ubiquity and uncontrolled nature (Anane, 2001; Akabzaa and Darimani, 2001:26).

Gender related activities have also been highlighted in the mining sector, especially regarding females participation in the industry (Hilson 2001; Hinton et al., 2003). There are several activities, especially in artisanal mining, where women are said to be predominating, for example, in sieving, sorting, the transport of ore and water, in cooked food selling, petty trading and providing other essential support services (e.g. washing of the ore) to the male miners. According to Hilson (2001) quoted by Hinton et al., (2003:3-5) women in artisanal mining constitute the following: acting as licensed buyers (6%); concession holders (10%); and work group sponsors or participants (15-20%); women comprise approximately 15% of the legal small- scale metal mining labour force in Ghana; and their involvement in the illegal *galamsey* industry is up to 50%. And as noted by Hinton *et al*. (2003: 1) for many women, artisanal mining signifies an opportunity to relieve the strains of poverty.

lack of political will by the various governments of Ghana (mostly paying lip-services to the issue since the policy, legal and institutional frameworks put in place are not strictly implemented). Although many of the industries have tried to do something by way of trying to recycle their waste products, their efforts have not been enough to contain the increasing volume of the current industrial waste level in the country. This chapter as has been pointed out examines the industrial waste in Ghana with special reference to mining

The contribution of the mineral industry to Ghana's economy is enormous. For instance, as back as 1991, the mining industry overtook cocoa as the largest foreign exchange earner for Ghana (Adadey, 1997). Minerals alone account for 40% of the Ghana's total gross foreign exchange earnings. Over 20,000 people are employed by the large scale mines whiles the small scale artisanal mining, especially gold and diamond, employ more than twice the number engaged by the large scale mining (Adadey, 1997). These figures appear to be conservative estimates. For example, according to Hilson (2001) an estimated 30,000 small scale miners work on registered plots while, 170,000+ are illegal *galamsey.* The contribution of small scale mining has been succinctly captured by Amankwah and Anim-Sackey

*The small-scale mining of these precious minerals has made significant socioeconomic impact on many individuals and communities since it provides both part- and fulltime jobs for the people and in some cases it is the only source of income available to the people. In the rural communities where mining takes place, the activity has reduced rural exodus, promoted local economic development and contributed towards poverty reduction. In addition, the mining operations are useful in basic skill development and contribute to the transformation of unskilled labour into semi-skilled and skilled workers. More importantly, due to the low barriers to entry in terms of capital needs and formal educational requirements, small-scale mining operations offer excellent opportunities for the evolution of indigenous entrepreneurs. In rural areas where other jobs are low paying or non-existent, small-scale mining appears as a valuable source of employment. The* 

But as we discuss later, the small scale mining sector is a significant contributor to industrial waste in the mining industry in Ghana and generally regarded as the principal actor in land degradation due to their ubiquity and uncontrolled nature (Anane, 2001; Akabzaa and

Gender related activities have also been highlighted in the mining sector, especially regarding females participation in the industry (Hilson 2001; Hinton et al., 2003). There are several activities, especially in artisanal mining, where women are said to be predominating, for example, in sieving, sorting, the transport of ore and water, in cooked food selling, petty trading and providing other essential support services (e.g. washing of the ore) to the male miners. According to Hilson (2001) quoted by Hinton et al., (2003:3-5) women in artisanal mining constitute the following: acting as licensed buyers (6%); concession holders (10%); and work group sponsors or participants (15-20%); women comprise approximately 15% of the legal small- scale metal mining labour force in Ghana; and their involvement in the illegal *galamsey* industry is up to 50%. And as noted by Hinton *et al*. (2003: 1) for many

women, artisanal mining signifies an opportunity to relieve the strains of poverty.

waste.

(2003:133) as following:

Darimani, 2001:26).

**6. Mining and the economy of Ghana** 

*sector also provides raw materials for local industries.* 

In rural communities, where mining activities have seen an upsurge, the contribution of the industry to the local economies in terms of investment in people and infrastructure has been acknowledged by government and local people. These have ranged from housing and resettlement programmes, alternative livelihoods and direct training to employment opportunities for local people. Most mining companies are facilitating the management of comprehensive social responsibility programmes which fund these development projects. An example we found in our study area is the Newmont Ahafo Development Foundation of NGGL. As part of the company's social responsibility commitments, and through series of consultations and discussions with the relevant stakeholders including Traditional Authorities, District Assemblies, Regional Coordinating Council, Youth Groups, Women Groups, Farmers Groups and local NGOs, Newmont signed Social Responsibility Agreement with the communities around the Ahafo Mine in May 2008 (BIRD, 2009b). This agreement resulted in the setting up of Newmont Ahafo Development Foundation (NADeF) which is being supported by NGGL with \$1 per oz of gold produced and 1% net profit. The fund is estimated to generate about \$600,000 annually which will be used to support sustainable development projects and programmes in ten (10) communities namely; Kenyasi No.1, Kenyasi No.2, Ntotoroso, Gyedu, Wamahinso (all in Asutifi District), Yamfo, Susuanso, Terchire, Afrisipakrom and Adrobaa (all in Tano North District). The initial amount deposited by Newmont into the Fund is about \$850,000 (BIRD, 2009b:36).

The Foundation is now a registered entity under the laws of Ghana with a Nine-Member Board of Trustees to manage the fund. The Foundation has set up a Secretariat to manage the day-to-day administration of the fund and a Tender Board to handle the tendering processes for projects under the Foundation. To ensure that the purpose for which the fund has been established is realized in a timely, cost effective, transparent and sustainable manner, the Agreement also requested the ten communities to establish Sustainable Development Committees in their respective communities to lead and manage the development processes (BIRD, 2009b: 36). Apart from the mainstream mining companies, it must also be noted that in rural communities, significant numbers of inhabitants are attracted to small-scale mining because the industry pays substantially higher wages than most other sectors of industry (Hilson, 2001: 8).

In major urban mining settlements such as Obuasi and Tarkwa, most social and economic activities revolve around the mines. In Obuasi, the entire local economy depends on AngloGold Ashanti. For instance, educational infrastructure, markets, roads and lorry stations have been built by the Municipality with funding support from the company (Sarfo-Mensah, *et al,* 2010). Business in the township is driven by incomes from miners. Indeed, responses from our respondents indicated that from children up to adults, everybody has something to do with the mining conglomerate. Although most of respondents were quick to add that because of the mines, cost of living is very high and several social vices are on the increase (see section 7 below). Socio-economic dependency on mining activities in communities where mining giants such as AngloGold Ashanti operate in Ghana is so pervasive that a slowdown in their businesses leads to virtual collapse of the local economies.

Mining has arguably made tremendous contributions to the socio-economic development of the country and its potential, as presented by the country's trade figures, is very enormous. In 2000 Ghana was ranked 8th in the world for gold production (Chamber of Mines of South Africa 2005). According to The Ghana Minerals Commission (2002), Ghana produced

Mining or Our Heritage? Indigenous Local People's Views on Industrial Waste of Mines in Ghana 161

young men and women were critical of declining soil fertility in their communities which have negatively impacted on farming, the main occupation. They attributed this to massive land degradation by artisanal miners who they claimed used various chemicals which rendered the "soil dead". For instance, at Ahafo Kenyasi area, one of our respondents had this to say:

*These people (artisanal miners) are everywhere and are "killing the land". Their activities are so destructive to the land that after they have left a piece of land it may take several generations before the land recovers. They do not care about our farms. In so far as they find gold on the land they will go for it. We are helpless because it appears some of our traditional leaders are in league with them. In addition, they are often armed and we cannot approach them, especially in those remote areas where we have our farms (Kwaku Agyapong, Ahafo Kenyasi, per comm.., 2010).*  Indeed agriculture, the main source of livelihood in mining communities, has been seriously affected due to land degradation (Akabzaa and Darimani, 2001; Hayford, *et al*., 2008). For example, Akabzaa & Darimani (2001: 47) found that in most parts of Tarkwa, the environment is undergoing rapid degradation and its immense economic value is diminishing from year to year, due mainly to the heavy concentration of mining activities in the area. They also noted that agricultural lands are not only generally degraded, but the decrease in land for agricultural production has also led to a shortening of the fallow period from 10-15 years to 2-3 years. Thus in the Tarkwa area and our other two study communities, we found that land degradation has translated into many social and economic problems. For example, we found that many families were unable to adequately cater for their basic nutritional requirements either due to loss of their farm lands through government concessions to mining companies or indirectly through land degradation due to pollution from industrial waste of mining entities. This finding on industrial waste and land degradation has

also been observed by Hilson (2002b: 54) with respect to small-scale mining as below:

*as a migratory activity, has caused a significant amount of land damage in Ghana.* 

become too high (Bureau of Integrated Rural Development, 2009a).

*....mercury, which is used in excessive quantities in mineral refining processes, has been released uncontrollably into natural ecosystems surrounding operations, accumulating to toxic levels in soils, water bodies and flora. Perhaps more important, however, is that small-scale gold mining,* 

We found that in addition to land degradation which directly affects agriculture the main stay of the local economies in our study area, there has been recognisable impact in terms of income disparities which has been introduced into the communities by mining. For instance, many of our women respondents attributed the cost of living in their communities, which they claimed had increased more than fivefold, mainly to mining. They attributed this to money that artisanal miners have and are able to buy whatever at any price and also because of declining food production due to land degradation. High cost of living as a result of income disparities have been observed in several mining communities in Ghana including our study communities (see for example Akabzaa & Darimani, 2001:48). In the Ahafo Kenyasi area for example, we found from focus group discussions that many families have relocated outside the community. Some of the respondents said these people though benefitted from housing resettlement schemes have had to leave the communities because they no longer had adequate land to farm and the cost of living in the community had also

Results from our interviews in the communities also established that there was not much community-mining companies' engagement to address some of the issues raised above

2,241,125 ounces of gold and the revenue accruing from this was \$646.00 million in 2002. Also, according to the Business Monitor (2011) gold production was up by 3.5% year on year (y-o-y), at 1.46mn oz by 2010 with gold export earnings standing at US\$1.68bn. These figures indicate that Ghana derives substantial revenue from the mining sector, it is, however, estimated that only 30% of overall mining revenue remains in the country (Akabzaa 2009).

#### **7. The negative impact of mining on Ghana**

Mining as an industry has given society tremendous benefits. In terms of wealth creation, it is ranked amongst the highest income earners for many countries. However, its negative impact on society has been very significant. In this section, we discuss local people's views on the consequences of mining with emphasis on its industrial waste.

In our study communities, the negative impact of mining was defined severally perhaps due to the complexity of the problems that local people associated with mining. These were reflected in local terminologies such as *ekum asase* (land degradation), *esei kwae*  (deforestation), *sika bonsam* (money that it generation drives people insane) and *ehyekro* (destroy community). Two major points are noteworthy from these definitions: first they were common in all the three major mining settlements and their catchment areas that we studied; second and most importantly they underlie three key areas that were recurrent during our interviews – environment, social and economic issues. Before we draw upon empirical data from our interviews to discuss these three domains and how they are driven by industrial waste from mining activities in the study area, we give a summary of a 56 year-old female respondent understanding of the negative impact of mining:

*We have been made to believe since my infancy that citrus from our community is sweet and have even been given a label as "Obuasi ankaa wo" (to wit, the sweet as honey citrus of Obuasi). But little did we know that citrus and other agricultural products as well as our drinking water are deadly contaminated with poisonous substances that we cannot see with our naked eyes. Several diseases and sudden deaths which were attributed to witchcraft in the past, we now know have their bearings in the discharge of industrial waste from the mines in our community (Adwoa Agyeikumwaa, Obuasi, per comm.,2010)* 

The above demonstrates the depth of local peoples' understanding of the threat industrial waste from mining activities poses to lives and livelihoods. However, we found from our study that most respondents considered the mining companies so powerful that they have resigned themselves to the situation (Babut, *et al*., 2003; Hilson & Yakovleva, 2007; Bush, 2009). For example, we found across our study settlements when we asked our respondents of community members filing claims for compensation for deaths related to poisonous industrial waste from mining such as cyanide and mercury, most respondents said these were unheard of. But most of our respondents associated strange illnesses and some deaths in the communities with environmental pollution from mining activities, particularly the seepage of poisonous chemicals into water bodies (see for example Hayford et al., 2008:2). In the Tarkwa area and its environs for instance, many people had reportedly left villages where water quality has deteriorated to the extent that they no longer feel safe (Akbazaa & Darimani, 2001:46).

In addition to water pollution, negative environmental impact of industrial waste from mining was traced to loss of livelihoods. In our focus group discussions, many people, especially

2,241,125 ounces of gold and the revenue accruing from this was \$646.00 million in 2002. Also, according to the Business Monitor (2011) gold production was up by 3.5% year on year (y-o-y), at 1.46mn oz by 2010 with gold export earnings standing at US\$1.68bn. These figures indicate that Ghana derives substantial revenue from the mining sector, it is, however, estimated that only 30% of overall mining revenue remains in the country (Akabzaa 2009).

Mining as an industry has given society tremendous benefits. In terms of wealth creation, it is ranked amongst the highest income earners for many countries. However, its negative impact on society has been very significant. In this section, we discuss local people's views

In our study communities, the negative impact of mining was defined severally perhaps due to the complexity of the problems that local people associated with mining. These were reflected in local terminologies such as *ekum asase* (land degradation), *esei kwae*  (deforestation), *sika bonsam* (money that it generation drives people insane) and *ehyekro* (destroy community). Two major points are noteworthy from these definitions: first they were common in all the three major mining settlements and their catchment areas that we studied; second and most importantly they underlie three key areas that were recurrent during our interviews – environment, social and economic issues. Before we draw upon empirical data from our interviews to discuss these three domains and how they are driven by industrial waste from mining activities in the study area, we give a summary of a 56

*We have been made to believe since my infancy that citrus from our community is sweet and have even been given a label as "Obuasi ankaa wo" (to wit, the sweet as honey citrus of Obuasi). But little did we know that citrus and other agricultural products as well as our drinking water are deadly contaminated with poisonous substances that we cannot see with our naked eyes. Several diseases and sudden deaths which were attributed to witchcraft in the past, we now know have their bearings in the discharge of industrial waste from the mines in our community* 

The above demonstrates the depth of local peoples' understanding of the threat industrial waste from mining activities poses to lives and livelihoods. However, we found from our study that most respondents considered the mining companies so powerful that they have resigned themselves to the situation (Babut, *et al*., 2003; Hilson & Yakovleva, 2007; Bush, 2009). For example, we found across our study settlements when we asked our respondents of community members filing claims for compensation for deaths related to poisonous industrial waste from mining such as cyanide and mercury, most respondents said these were unheard of. But most of our respondents associated strange illnesses and some deaths in the communities with environmental pollution from mining activities, particularly the seepage of poisonous chemicals into water bodies (see for example Hayford et al., 2008:2). In the Tarkwa area and its environs for instance, many people had reportedly left villages where water quality has deteriorated to the extent that they no longer feel safe (Akbazaa &

In addition to water pollution, negative environmental impact of industrial waste from mining was traced to loss of livelihoods. In our focus group discussions, many people, especially

**7. The negative impact of mining on Ghana** 

*(Adwoa Agyeikumwaa, Obuasi, per comm.,2010)* 

Darimani, 2001:46).

on the consequences of mining with emphasis on its industrial waste.

year-old female respondent understanding of the negative impact of mining:

young men and women were critical of declining soil fertility in their communities which have negatively impacted on farming, the main occupation. They attributed this to massive land degradation by artisanal miners who they claimed used various chemicals which rendered the "soil dead". For instance, at Ahafo Kenyasi area, one of our respondents had this to say:

*These people (artisanal miners) are everywhere and are "killing the land". Their activities are so destructive to the land that after they have left a piece of land it may take several generations before the land recovers. They do not care about our farms. In so far as they find gold on the land they will go for it. We are helpless because it appears some of our traditional leaders are in league with them. In addition, they are often armed and we cannot approach them, especially in those remote areas where we have our farms (Kwaku Agyapong, Ahafo Kenyasi, per comm.., 2010).* 

Indeed agriculture, the main source of livelihood in mining communities, has been seriously affected due to land degradation (Akabzaa and Darimani, 2001; Hayford, *et al*., 2008). For example, Akabzaa & Darimani (2001: 47) found that in most parts of Tarkwa, the environment is undergoing rapid degradation and its immense economic value is diminishing from year to year, due mainly to the heavy concentration of mining activities in the area. They also noted that agricultural lands are not only generally degraded, but the decrease in land for agricultural production has also led to a shortening of the fallow period from 10-15 years to 2-3 years. Thus in the Tarkwa area and our other two study communities, we found that land degradation has translated into many social and economic problems. For example, we found that many families were unable to adequately cater for their basic nutritional requirements either due to loss of their farm lands through government concessions to mining companies or indirectly through land degradation due to pollution from industrial waste of mining entities. This finding on industrial waste and land degradation has also been observed by Hilson (2002b: 54) with respect to small-scale mining as below:

*....mercury, which is used in excessive quantities in mineral refining processes, has been released uncontrollably into natural ecosystems surrounding operations, accumulating to toxic levels in soils, water bodies and flora. Perhaps more important, however, is that small-scale gold mining, as a migratory activity, has caused a significant amount of land damage in Ghana.* 

We found that in addition to land degradation which directly affects agriculture the main stay of the local economies in our study area, there has been recognisable impact in terms of income disparities which has been introduced into the communities by mining. For instance, many of our women respondents attributed the cost of living in their communities, which they claimed had increased more than fivefold, mainly to mining. They attributed this to money that artisanal miners have and are able to buy whatever at any price and also because of declining food production due to land degradation. High cost of living as a result of income disparities have been observed in several mining communities in Ghana including our study communities (see for example Akabzaa & Darimani, 2001:48). In the Ahafo Kenyasi area for example, we found from focus group discussions that many families have relocated outside the community. Some of the respondents said these people though benefitted from housing resettlement schemes have had to leave the communities because they no longer had adequate land to farm and the cost of living in the community had also become too high (Bureau of Integrated Rural Development, 2009a).

Results from our interviews in the communities also established that there was not much community-mining companies' engagement to address some of the issues raised above

Mining or Our Heritage? Indigenous Local People's Views on Industrial Waste of Mines in Ghana 163

Furthermore, we realised from our interactions with the local people that the mining companies are not paying adequate compensation to affected farmers based on the compensation principles in the Minerals and Mining Law (Act 703). The people from the study areas also emphasised that it is not only multinational companies whose actions are destroying the environment but also the activities of illegal miners whose method of mining has been tagged in Ghana as *galamsey.* This is a form of artisanal mining for gold and diamond. These illegal miners also carry out alluvial mining in some rivers. These miners troupe from all areas of Ghana into the mining areas to carry out their illegal activities. What is worrisome about this category of miners is that they lack the requisite technology and safety measures needed in mining. The open mining pits they leave behind have become death traps to people and livestock. They wash the ore directly in rivers and thus pollute these rivers with all sorts of chemicals particularly mercury. Because of the bad mining methods, mining related diseases such as tuberculosis, diarrhoea, buruli ulcer, pneumoconiosis, lung cancer and other occupational respiratory diseases are a common feature in the mining communities in Ghana. Generally, we found out that even though there exists the Mercury Law (PNDCL 217), Small-Scale Gold Mining Law (PNDCL 218), and Precious Minerals and Marketing Law (PNDCL

Mining extraction in Ghana centre mainly on activities such as: Removal of overburdens and ore blasting; loading and hauling of ore to the processing plant; beneficiation (the processing of ore); disposal of waste generated from the ore processing; drainage of mine area and discharge of mine waters. Therefore, the mineral waste generated in Ghana result from the above activities. Specifically, the following are the main mining wastes in Ghana: waste rocks, open mine pits, disposal of mining waste usually these are damped into water bodies, atmospheric pollution (tailing from the mill and ore processing plants), chemical pollution

According to Hayford *et al*. (2008), the processing of the ore body and its waste product disposal method are the major source of environmental pollution. They indicate further that as typical of most mining operations in the country as elsewhere, the tailings that consist of crushed ore and rock bodies after most of the needed metals have been removed are often toxic and pose serious threats to human, animal and plant life (Hayford et al., 2008:2). Mercury has particularly been noted as a major pollutant, especially from the activities of small-scale miners (Amankwah & Sackey, 2002; Hayford *et al*., 2008). Cyanide spillage has

The sedimentation ponds containing trailing where future treatment is done has been noted to be major source of supply of the industrial waste from mining (Hayford et al., 2008:2). The sedimentation ponds contain sulphides (pyrites, arsenopyrites, etc.), which are oxidized in the tailings. The resultant acidic effluent water in the sedimentation ponds leach out elements such as mercury, arsenic, zinc, copper, vanadium, antimony and chromium (Hayford et al., 2008). The effluent subsequently ends up in nearby streams and rivers,

The environmental degradation from mining activities and its related industrial waste is evident in several forms. In Ghana those that are of great concern include atmospheric

219) in 1989, the level of their enforcement leaves much to be desired.

**8. Types of mining waste in Ghana and their impacts** 

of the land, and frequent cyanide spillage.

also become a major source of concern (Anane, 2001).

introducing its dissolved toxic elements into them.

particularly regarding industrial waste management. Although we found that waste recycling technologies were being used by some mining companies to deal with the large volumes of industrial wastes they generate, there is still a long way to go in this direction. And with the ubiquitous artisanal miners we found no such inclination to deal with their waste.

Indeed as demonstrated above, the negative socio-economic consequences of mining waste in the study area and across Ghana can be tremendous. For example, literature exist on the metal pollution within the environment of mining communities in Ghana (Adimado and Amegbey 2003; Akabzaa et al. 2005; Carbo and Serfor - Armah 1997; Essumang et al 2007; Hilson 2002a; Manu et al 2004; Obiri 2007; Yidana et al 2008) but not much has been done on tackling the problem from the indigenous local people`s perspective, which is one of the key concerns of this chapter.

Literature on the mining industry in Ghana show that the corresponding damage to the environment and its effects on the people living in the mining communities far outweigh the benefits deriving from it . As at 1998, the government of Ghana had granted over 200 mining leases to companies. This means that about 30% of Ghana`s land surface is being mined, implying that the volume of mining related hazards particularly, wastes and its attendant environmental degradation is growing at an alarming rate. Interestingly, these mining activities are mostly found in the environmentally and socially vulnerable areas.

The Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) is usually carried out as required by law in Ghana by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) before the mining companies are allowed to operate. Initially, these companies would present a very convincing arrangement to operate with the barest minimum negative impact on life and property. But as soon as they are granted permission to operate, they renege on their own control measures. This is exemplified by a number of cyanide spillages, damping mining waste into water bodies, destruction of farm lands and so on. For instance, a study has shown that Arsenic, Cadmium, and Mercury are found in food crops such as cocoyam (*Xanthosoma sagititolium*) and Watercocoyam (*Colocasia esculenta*) in Tarkwa, a prominent Mining Community in Ghana (Essumang *et al*., 2007). There has been widespread tension between mining companies and the local people over the destruction of farmlands and the general disregard for the rights of the local people by the mining companies. More often than not, the military, police and other paramilitary groups are used by these mining companies to brutalise the protesters into submission. Deaths and serious injuries are usually reported by the local media on such inhuman behaviour of the mining companies.

There have been incessant complaints from the local people that these mining companies which are multinational in nature do not employ local people. For instance, our interaction with the people of the study areas revealed that the mining companies prefer labour from outside the mining areas. Meanwhile it is the local people who bear the brunt of their (mining companies) activities. For example, mining activities, particularly surface mining, have resulted in the alienation of large tracts of land from communities, depriving poor and marginalised communities of their land surface rights, and as a result depriving many communities of their sources of livelihood (Akabzaa, 2009). The appropriation of the land of local communities for mining has often engendered social upheavals and adversely impacted on the routine livelihood activities of these communities. Such social upheavals are commonplace in communities affected by mining projects in Ghana (Akabzaa, 2009).

Furthermore, we realised from our interactions with the local people that the mining companies are not paying adequate compensation to affected farmers based on the compensation principles in the Minerals and Mining Law (Act 703). The people from the study areas also emphasised that it is not only multinational companies whose actions are destroying the environment but also the activities of illegal miners whose method of mining has been tagged in Ghana as *galamsey.* This is a form of artisanal mining for gold and diamond. These illegal miners also carry out alluvial mining in some rivers. These miners troupe from all areas of Ghana into the mining areas to carry out their illegal activities. What is worrisome about this category of miners is that they lack the requisite technology and safety measures needed in mining. The open mining pits they leave behind have become death traps to people and livestock. They wash the ore directly in rivers and thus pollute these rivers with all sorts of chemicals particularly mercury. Because of the bad mining methods, mining related diseases such as tuberculosis, diarrhoea, buruli ulcer, pneumoconiosis, lung cancer and other occupational respiratory diseases are a common feature in the mining communities in Ghana. Generally, we found out that even though there exists the Mercury Law (PNDCL 217), Small-Scale Gold Mining Law (PNDCL 218), and Precious Minerals and Marketing Law (PNDCL 219) in 1989, the level of their enforcement leaves much to be desired.

#### **8. Types of mining waste in Ghana and their impacts**

162 Industrial Waste

particularly regarding industrial waste management. Although we found that waste recycling technologies were being used by some mining companies to deal with the large volumes of industrial wastes they generate, there is still a long way to go in this direction. And with the ubiquitous artisanal miners we found no such inclination to deal with their

Indeed as demonstrated above, the negative socio-economic consequences of mining waste in the study area and across Ghana can be tremendous. For example, literature exist on the metal pollution within the environment of mining communities in Ghana (Adimado and Amegbey 2003; Akabzaa et al. 2005; Carbo and Serfor - Armah 1997; Essumang et al 2007; Hilson 2002a; Manu et al 2004; Obiri 2007; Yidana et al 2008) but not much has been done on tackling the problem from the indigenous local people`s perspective, which is one of the key

Literature on the mining industry in Ghana show that the corresponding damage to the environment and its effects on the people living in the mining communities far outweigh the benefits deriving from it . As at 1998, the government of Ghana had granted over 200 mining leases to companies. This means that about 30% of Ghana`s land surface is being mined, implying that the volume of mining related hazards particularly, wastes and its attendant environmental degradation is growing at an alarming rate. Interestingly, these mining

The Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) is usually carried out as required by law in Ghana by the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) before the mining companies are allowed to operate. Initially, these companies would present a very convincing arrangement to operate with the barest minimum negative impact on life and property. But as soon as they are granted permission to operate, they renege on their own control measures. This is exemplified by a number of cyanide spillages, damping mining waste into water bodies, destruction of farm lands and so on. For instance, a study has shown that Arsenic, Cadmium, and Mercury are found in food crops such as cocoyam (*Xanthosoma sagititolium*) and Watercocoyam (*Colocasia esculenta*) in Tarkwa, a prominent Mining Community in Ghana (Essumang *et al*., 2007). There has been widespread tension between mining companies and the local people over the destruction of farmlands and the general disregard for the rights of the local people by the mining companies. More often than not, the military, police and other paramilitary groups are used by these mining companies to brutalise the protesters into submission. Deaths and serious injuries are usually reported by the local

There have been incessant complaints from the local people that these mining companies which are multinational in nature do not employ local people. For instance, our interaction with the people of the study areas revealed that the mining companies prefer labour from outside the mining areas. Meanwhile it is the local people who bear the brunt of their (mining companies) activities. For example, mining activities, particularly surface mining, have resulted in the alienation of large tracts of land from communities, depriving poor and marginalised communities of their land surface rights, and as a result depriving many communities of their sources of livelihood (Akabzaa, 2009). The appropriation of the land of local communities for mining has often engendered social upheavals and adversely impacted on the routine livelihood activities of these communities. Such social upheavals are commonplace in communities affected by mining projects in Ghana (Akabzaa, 2009).

activities are mostly found in the environmentally and socially vulnerable areas.

media on such inhuman behaviour of the mining companies.

waste.

concerns of this chapter.

Mining extraction in Ghana centre mainly on activities such as: Removal of overburdens and ore blasting; loading and hauling of ore to the processing plant; beneficiation (the processing of ore); disposal of waste generated from the ore processing; drainage of mine area and discharge of mine waters. Therefore, the mineral waste generated in Ghana result from the above activities. Specifically, the following are the main mining wastes in Ghana: waste rocks, open mine pits, disposal of mining waste usually these are damped into water bodies, atmospheric pollution (tailing from the mill and ore processing plants), chemical pollution of the land, and frequent cyanide spillage.

According to Hayford *et al*. (2008), the processing of the ore body and its waste product disposal method are the major source of environmental pollution. They indicate further that as typical of most mining operations in the country as elsewhere, the tailings that consist of crushed ore and rock bodies after most of the needed metals have been removed are often toxic and pose serious threats to human, animal and plant life (Hayford et al., 2008:2). Mercury has particularly been noted as a major pollutant, especially from the activities of small-scale miners (Amankwah & Sackey, 2002; Hayford *et al*., 2008). Cyanide spillage has also become a major source of concern (Anane, 2001).

The sedimentation ponds containing trailing where future treatment is done has been noted to be major source of supply of the industrial waste from mining (Hayford et al., 2008:2). The sedimentation ponds contain sulphides (pyrites, arsenopyrites, etc.), which are oxidized in the tailings. The resultant acidic effluent water in the sedimentation ponds leach out elements such as mercury, arsenic, zinc, copper, vanadium, antimony and chromium (Hayford et al., 2008). The effluent subsequently ends up in nearby streams and rivers, introducing its dissolved toxic elements into them.

The environmental degradation from mining activities and its related industrial waste is evident in several forms. In Ghana those that are of great concern include atmospheric

Mining or Our Heritage? Indigenous Local People's Views on Industrial Waste of Mines in Ghana 165

Indigenous Ghanaians ascribe spiritual qualities to everything that constitutes nature. Thus, for them, forests, rivers and other natural endowments connote more than the eye can see. Behind these natural phenomena, is a socio-cultural dimension, particularly their spiritual connectedness to these resources that have as much value as their physical manifestations. Indeed, traditional Ghanaians` interpretation of nature (environment) is not different from culture (society) and they feel that these two mutually influence each other and the two underpin their heritage and very existence (Sarfo-Mensah and Oduro, 2010). This explains why indigenous Ghanaians will not pollute a river with dangerous chemicals. For instance, bathing or washing in a river is strictly prohibited. This is to prevent the chemical content of the soap from polluting the river and thereby endangering marine life (pers. comm. 3 July 2011). It is against this backdrop that African indigenous religion has been referred to as

And within the mining sector, especially among artisanal miners, there is a lot of belief around precious minerals and local gods. This consequently impact on the conduct of their practices including how they treat rivers, sacred groves and other areas designated as the domain of local gods, such water heads, hills and mountainous areas which are potential areas for mining . For example, Addei and Amankwah (2011:249) relate that some major activities of artisanal and small scale gold miners in Ghana are to a large extent informed by superstitious beliefs and myths. They emphasize that each major activity such as prospecting/mining and processing of the precious metal are controlled by specific beliefs, and since mining activities take place around large rivers, sacred groves and forests, the belief that these bodies have inherent supernatural powers, demands that specific set of rules be observed (Addei and Amankwah, 2011:249). Indeed, the belief is not only limited to the artisanal mining but also relates to the formal big mining sector as Addei and

*Oral traditions indicate that early miners in underground mines in the now AngloGold Ashanti Mine in Obuasi and the defunct Prestea Mine met small creatures purported to be dwarfs in underground tunnels and in some cases hens and chickens. These spirit beings saw the miners as intruding into their private spaces and miners had to pacify them in order to work safely.*  Another classic and interesting example found by Addei and Amankwah (2011) relates directly to beliefs concerning industrial waste. They claim that the first heap of waste built by the defunct Teberebie Goldfields could not be leached due to problems of lixiviate percolation. They contend that though the metallurgists thought that it had to do with the binder used, some opinion leaders in the community were of the view that it was because sacrifices had not yet been made to the gods of the land. To satisfy both schools of thought, a cow was sacrificed while the binder was changed to Portland cement. They further point out that on other mines, new earth moving equipment have been rendered irreparable after local people said unidentified white men were seen using them on a night shift (Addei and

This implies that indigenous people`s beliefs and ecological knowledge, which is underpinned by their religion can be roped in when addressing environmental problems caused by mining activities, especially in the area of managing waste. But unfortunately, indigenous ecological knowledge and beliefs are often neglected by policy-decisions makers

'profoundly ecological' (Schoffeleers, 1978).

Amankwah (2011:249) underscore below:

Amankwah, 2011: 249).

in Ghana.

pollution, water pollution, land degradation and deforestation (Amankwah & Sackey, 2003:134). In our study communities as elsewhere in Ghana, the activities of small scale miners were noted by our respondents to be of major concern (see discussions on Negative Impact of Mining above). In Ghana, the environmental destruction caused by the unplanned and sometimes dangerous and irrational methods used by small-scale miners has been noted (Amankwah and Sackey, 2003).

Water pollution remains the major challenge in several mining communities countrywide. And as already noted in our study communities, this emanates from effluent from sedimentation ponds which subsequently ends up in nearby streams and rivers, introducing its dissolved toxic elements into them (Hayford, *et al*, 2008). This has resulted in increases in health problems, like severe intestinal upsets, keratosis and skin cancer (Steinnes & Berg, 1998; Akabzaa & Darimani, 2001; Hayford *et al*., 2008). There have also been several instances of cyanide spillage in water bodies which has resulted in fatalities (Anane, 2001). Regarding atmospheric pollution, our respondents were quick to mention air pollution generated from dust from bulldozing and transport activities. Several of our respondents talked about coughs and chest problems which they attributed to dust particles.

Noise pollution from blast was also mentioned. In the latter, many of our respondents referred to cracks in the local buildings as partly to do with this operational activity of the mining companies. Literature points to the fact that mining communities in Ghana are victims of air, noise and water pollution as well as other forms of environmental degradation from mining companies (see for example, Akabzaa & Darimani, 2001:34). For example, Akabzaa and Darimani (2001) make reference to the release of airborne particulate matter into the environment, particularly minute dust particles of less than 10 microns which they emphasize as a serious health threat to the people of the Tarkwa, one of our study communities. All fine dust at a high level of exposure has the potential to cause respiratory diseases and disorders and can worsen the condition of people with asthma and arthritis. Dust arising from gold mining operations has a high silica content which has been responsible for silicosis and silico-tuberculosis in the area (Akabzaa and Darimani, 2001:55). The situation regarding industrial pollution and perhaps the apparent helpless situation of the mining communities emanates from what has been noted about mining projects that they generally have weak links with the rest of the host national economy, although they can have a decisive impact on the communities in which or near which the mines are located (Kwesi Anyemedu, 1992, cited by Akabzaa & Darimani 2001:35).

#### **9. The role of indigenous people in mitigating the problem of mining waste in Ghana**

Our previous studies (Sarfo-Mensah, 2002; Awuah-Nyamekye, 2009; Sarfo-Mensah and Oduro 2010) have shown that traditional Ghanaians` lifestyle is environmentally friendly. This is as the result of their worldview2, which is hugely underpinned by their religion.

<sup>2</sup> By worldview of the local people, we mean what Mkhize (2004: 2-4) refer to as the set of basic assumptions of the people developed in order to explain reality and their place and purpose in this world. In other words, and to borrow Elkins' (1938:133, quoted in Rose, *et al*. 2003:59) words, worldview is " a view of nature and life, of the universe and man, which unites them with nature's activities and species' in bond 'of mutual life-giving."

pollution, water pollution, land degradation and deforestation (Amankwah & Sackey, 2003:134). In our study communities as elsewhere in Ghana, the activities of small scale miners were noted by our respondents to be of major concern (see discussions on Negative Impact of Mining above). In Ghana, the environmental destruction caused by the unplanned and sometimes dangerous and irrational methods used by small-scale miners has been

Water pollution remains the major challenge in several mining communities countrywide. And as already noted in our study communities, this emanates from effluent from sedimentation ponds which subsequently ends up in nearby streams and rivers, introducing its dissolved toxic elements into them (Hayford, *et al*, 2008). This has resulted in increases in health problems, like severe intestinal upsets, keratosis and skin cancer (Steinnes & Berg, 1998; Akabzaa & Darimani, 2001; Hayford *et al*., 2008). There have also been several instances of cyanide spillage in water bodies which has resulted in fatalities (Anane, 2001). Regarding atmospheric pollution, our respondents were quick to mention air pollution generated from dust from bulldozing and transport activities. Several of our respondents

Noise pollution from blast was also mentioned. In the latter, many of our respondents referred to cracks in the local buildings as partly to do with this operational activity of the mining companies. Literature points to the fact that mining communities in Ghana are victims of air, noise and water pollution as well as other forms of environmental degradation from mining companies (see for example, Akabzaa & Darimani, 2001:34). For example, Akabzaa and Darimani (2001) make reference to the release of airborne particulate matter into the environment, particularly minute dust particles of less than 10 microns which they emphasize as a serious health threat to the people of the Tarkwa, one of our study communities. All fine dust at a high level of exposure has the potential to cause respiratory diseases and disorders and can worsen the condition of people with asthma and arthritis. Dust arising from gold mining operations has a high silica content which has been responsible for silicosis and silico-tuberculosis in the area (Akabzaa and Darimani, 2001:55). The situation regarding industrial pollution and perhaps the apparent helpless situation of the mining communities emanates from what has been noted about mining projects that they generally have weak links with the rest of the host national economy, although they can have a decisive impact on the communities in which or near which the mines are located

**9. The role of indigenous people in mitigating the problem of mining waste in** 

Our previous studies (Sarfo-Mensah, 2002; Awuah-Nyamekye, 2009; Sarfo-Mensah and Oduro 2010) have shown that traditional Ghanaians` lifestyle is environmentally friendly. This is as the result of their worldview2, which is hugely underpinned by their religion.

2 By worldview of the local people, we mean what Mkhize (2004: 2-4) refer to as the set of basic assumptions of the people developed in order to explain reality and their place and purpose in this world. In other words, and to borrow Elkins' (1938:133, quoted in Rose, *et al*. 2003:59) words, worldview is " a view of nature and life, of the universe and man, which unites them with nature's activities and

talked about coughs and chest problems which they attributed to dust particles.

(Kwesi Anyemedu, 1992, cited by Akabzaa & Darimani 2001:35).

**Ghana** 

species' in bond 'of mutual life-giving."

noted (Amankwah and Sackey, 2003).

Indigenous Ghanaians ascribe spiritual qualities to everything that constitutes nature. Thus, for them, forests, rivers and other natural endowments connote more than the eye can see. Behind these natural phenomena, is a socio-cultural dimension, particularly their spiritual connectedness to these resources that have as much value as their physical manifestations. Indeed, traditional Ghanaians` interpretation of nature (environment) is not different from culture (society) and they feel that these two mutually influence each other and the two underpin their heritage and very existence (Sarfo-Mensah and Oduro, 2010). This explains why indigenous Ghanaians will not pollute a river with dangerous chemicals. For instance, bathing or washing in a river is strictly prohibited. This is to prevent the chemical content of the soap from polluting the river and thereby endangering marine life (pers. comm. 3 July 2011). It is against this backdrop that African indigenous religion has been referred to as 'profoundly ecological' (Schoffeleers, 1978).

And within the mining sector, especially among artisanal miners, there is a lot of belief around precious minerals and local gods. This consequently impact on the conduct of their practices including how they treat rivers, sacred groves and other areas designated as the domain of local gods, such water heads, hills and mountainous areas which are potential areas for mining . For example, Addei and Amankwah (2011:249) relate that some major activities of artisanal and small scale gold miners in Ghana are to a large extent informed by superstitious beliefs and myths. They emphasize that each major activity such as prospecting/mining and processing of the precious metal are controlled by specific beliefs, and since mining activities take place around large rivers, sacred groves and forests, the belief that these bodies have inherent supernatural powers, demands that specific set of rules be observed (Addei and Amankwah, 2011:249). Indeed, the belief is not only limited to the artisanal mining but also relates to the formal big mining sector as Addei and Amankwah (2011:249) underscore below:

*Oral traditions indicate that early miners in underground mines in the now AngloGold Ashanti Mine in Obuasi and the defunct Prestea Mine met small creatures purported to be dwarfs in underground tunnels and in some cases hens and chickens. These spirit beings saw the miners as intruding into their private spaces and miners had to pacify them in order to work safely.* 

Another classic and interesting example found by Addei and Amankwah (2011) relates directly to beliefs concerning industrial waste. They claim that the first heap of waste built by the defunct Teberebie Goldfields could not be leached due to problems of lixiviate percolation. They contend that though the metallurgists thought that it had to do with the binder used, some opinion leaders in the community were of the view that it was because sacrifices had not yet been made to the gods of the land. To satisfy both schools of thought, a cow was sacrificed while the binder was changed to Portland cement. They further point out that on other mines, new earth moving equipment have been rendered irreparable after local people said unidentified white men were seen using them on a night shift (Addei and Amankwah, 2011: 249).

This implies that indigenous people`s beliefs and ecological knowledge, which is underpinned by their religion can be roped in when addressing environmental problems caused by mining activities, especially in the area of managing waste. But unfortunately, indigenous ecological knowledge and beliefs are often neglected by policy-decisions makers in Ghana.

Mining or Our Heritage? Indigenous Local People's Views on Industrial Waste of Mines in Ghana 167

found to be vulnerable to economic pressures. They sometimes either directly collaborated with mining concerns which were found to degrade the environment or turned blind eye because of inducements from miners, especially itinerant small-scale miners. For instance, Chieftaincy which is considered the bastion of culture and custodian of land and its related natural resources in the study area, was blamed by some respondents for the activities of

Based on the above findings, the following recommendations are made. There is the need for urgent amendment to the Mineral and Mining Laws in Ghana to be more binding on mining companies to comply with mining regulations. It is imperative that measures are put in place for a routine check on mining companies to make sure they comply with the environmental safety standards set especially in the area of illegal disposal of industrial wastes. This can effectively be done if there is a greater co-ordination in the implementation

We also suggest that it is time for a comprehensive engagement of all stakeholders in the mining industry to evolve a strategy that will enhance mutual and harmonious co-existence between the formal mining sector (i.e. recognized big companies) and the small-scale sector which encourages the latter to adopt sound mining practices. This strategy should, among others, be geared towards achieving a regulatory tenure framework which will deal comprehensively with the incessant encroachment of land by artisanal miners. The overwhelming majority of small scale miners operate without security of tenure and any

There should be a constant sensitisation of the local people on their right to adequate compensation from mining companies and to keep 'eagle eye' on the mining companies particularly the way wastes from their operations are disposed off. This will enable them to report the bad activities of the mining companies to the appropriate quarters for disciplinary

It is also recommended that a framework is adopted which will enable or encourage more

We further recommend that the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) is adequately resourced to be able to do its work well and efficiently especially in its assessment and monitoring oversight role. This will also enable it to liaise well with the District Environmental Management Committees (DEMC). Additionally, EPA must put measures in place to enable it to constantly monitor and evaluate the activities of the mining companies especially with regard to their impact on the environment of the areas they operate. This can assist the EPA to revise its laws to meet the realities on the ground. Also in this direction, we suggest that EPA increases its activities to promote environmental improvement in smallscale gold mining operations which arguably have been noted to have caused

It is furthermore recommended that policy-decisions makers set up special fund for the relevant agencies like the universities and other analogous institutions to conduct further research with the view to finding the most appropriate ways of dealing efficiently with the

private companies to invest in waste management sector of the economy.

disproportionately large share of environmental degradation (Hilson, 2002b).

problem of industrial waste, particularly in the mining section in Ghana.

of waste management plans and programmes by the relevant agencies.

recalcitrant artisanal miners.

legal entitlement (Hilson and Potter, 2005).

**10. The way forward** 

action.

It is regrettable, however, to note that traditional strategies and institutions to address environmental problems are under threat. A recent studies and elsewhere in Africa (Sarfo-Mensah and Oduro, 2010; Nwosu, 2010) in some Akan communities in the transitional agroecological zone of Ghana to investigate the spirituality of forests and conservation reveals that *tumi* (the traditional belief in super natural power suffused in nature by *Onyame,* the Supreme Creator Deity) and *suro* (the awesome reverence and fear) that were usually attached to nature are waning (see also Ntiamoa- Baidu 1995; Abayie Boateng 1998; Appiah-Opoku and Hyma 1999). This is partly attributed to the changes in the perceptions and attitudes of local people towards their worldview. For instance, our study revealed that certain forests which had been designated as sacred and thus their entry is limited to a few people have been cleared for mining.

Similarly, the 26th September edition of the national paper, *Daily Graphic* reports of the damping of waste from a wood treatment company in Takoradi into the *Butuah* lagoon which has resulted in the death of more than 40000 fishes in the lagoon. The report adds that those who ate the dead fishes suffered stomach running and dehydration and had to be sent to hospital (Daily Graphic 26 September 2011). This could not have happened when the day–to-day administration of the country was under the authority of the local chiefs who doubled as political and religious leaders.

Christianity is largely blamed to be responsible for this change in local perceptions and attitudes due to its sustained attack on African indigenous religion. Different studies on traditional people across Africa confirm this view (Parrinder 1961; Smith 1986:86; Nukunya 1986: 87; Juhe- Beaulaton 2008; Nwosu, 2010; Western Regional Directorate of CNC 2010; Teye 2010; Opoku-Ankomah *et al*. 2010). This seems to collaborates Lynn White`s 1967 view that Christianity is to blame for the world's current environmental crisis although Lynn's view has been challenged (Joranson and Butigan 1984; Harrison 1999; Johnson 2000).

But it should be explained that Christianity is being blamed not because it is seen as an anti environmental conservation per se, but the blame is in respect of its persistent attack on the indigenous religions which underpins the traditional conservation methods. Ghanaians and, for that matter, Africans are generally seen as 'incurably' religious (Parrinder 1974: 9). Consequently, their social and moral laws are believed to be divinely inspired and thus enforced through the agency of religion, so anything that affects their religion affects their laws. The only instance in Africa where a study's result seems to challenge the hypothesis that Christianity is to blame for loss of nature resources, particularly the forest, is that among the Muzarabani of Zimbabwe (Byers *et al.* 2001). The researchers, however, stated that about three-quarters of the people interviewed claimed to hold allegiance to both the local religion and Christianity. This indeed makes this challenge suspicious.

We also found among our respondents that most of them, as proven by other studies in Ghana (see for example, Awoonor, 1975; Adarkwa-Dadzie, 1998; Sarfo-Mensah, 2007; Opoku Ankomah, *et al*. 2010; Addei and Amankwah, 2011) were syncretic and that they were prone to be easily swayed by Christianity and Islam in their public conduct but were inherently superstitious and inclined to believe in traditional religion. But what we found worrisome, though, was the extent of deprivation in the study communities. It made many local people easy prey to economic motivations to become local collaborators for denigrating sacred areas and other natural resources including rivers and water bodies, actions which hitherto were considered taboo. Indeed, some local institutions were also found to be vulnerable to economic pressures. They sometimes either directly collaborated with mining concerns which were found to degrade the environment or turned blind eye because of inducements from miners, especially itinerant small-scale miners. For instance, Chieftaincy which is considered the bastion of culture and custodian of land and its related natural resources in the study area, was blamed by some respondents for the activities of recalcitrant artisanal miners.

#### **10. The way forward**

166 Industrial Waste

It is regrettable, however, to note that traditional strategies and institutions to address environmental problems are under threat. A recent studies and elsewhere in Africa (Sarfo-Mensah and Oduro, 2010; Nwosu, 2010) in some Akan communities in the transitional agroecological zone of Ghana to investigate the spirituality of forests and conservation reveals that *tumi* (the traditional belief in super natural power suffused in nature by *Onyame,* the Supreme Creator Deity) and *suro* (the awesome reverence and fear) that were usually attached to nature are waning (see also Ntiamoa- Baidu 1995; Abayie Boateng 1998; Appiah-Opoku and Hyma 1999). This is partly attributed to the changes in the perceptions and attitudes of local people towards their worldview. For instance, our study revealed that certain forests which had been designated as sacred and thus their entry is limited to a few

Similarly, the 26th September edition of the national paper, *Daily Graphic* reports of the damping of waste from a wood treatment company in Takoradi into the *Butuah* lagoon which has resulted in the death of more than 40000 fishes in the lagoon. The report adds that those who ate the dead fishes suffered stomach running and dehydration and had to be sent to hospital (Daily Graphic 26 September 2011). This could not have happened when the day–to-day administration of the country was under the authority of the local chiefs who

Christianity is largely blamed to be responsible for this change in local perceptions and attitudes due to its sustained attack on African indigenous religion. Different studies on traditional people across Africa confirm this view (Parrinder 1961; Smith 1986:86; Nukunya 1986: 87; Juhe- Beaulaton 2008; Nwosu, 2010; Western Regional Directorate of CNC 2010; Teye 2010; Opoku-Ankomah *et al*. 2010). This seems to collaborates Lynn White`s 1967 view that Christianity is to blame for the world's current environmental crisis although Lynn's

But it should be explained that Christianity is being blamed not because it is seen as an anti environmental conservation per se, but the blame is in respect of its persistent attack on the indigenous religions which underpins the traditional conservation methods. Ghanaians and, for that matter, Africans are generally seen as 'incurably' religious (Parrinder 1974: 9). Consequently, their social and moral laws are believed to be divinely inspired and thus enforced through the agency of religion, so anything that affects their religion affects their laws. The only instance in Africa where a study's result seems to challenge the hypothesis that Christianity is to blame for loss of nature resources, particularly the forest, is that among the Muzarabani of Zimbabwe (Byers *et al.* 2001). The researchers, however, stated that about three-quarters of the people interviewed claimed to hold allegiance to both the

We also found among our respondents that most of them, as proven by other studies in Ghana (see for example, Awoonor, 1975; Adarkwa-Dadzie, 1998; Sarfo-Mensah, 2007; Opoku Ankomah, *et al*. 2010; Addei and Amankwah, 2011) were syncretic and that they were prone to be easily swayed by Christianity and Islam in their public conduct but were inherently superstitious and inclined to believe in traditional religion. But what we found worrisome, though, was the extent of deprivation in the study communities. It made many local people easy prey to economic motivations to become local collaborators for denigrating sacred areas and other natural resources including rivers and water bodies, actions which hitherto were considered taboo. Indeed, some local institutions were also

view has been challenged (Joranson and Butigan 1984; Harrison 1999; Johnson 2000).

local religion and Christianity. This indeed makes this challenge suspicious.

people have been cleared for mining.

doubled as political and religious leaders.

Based on the above findings, the following recommendations are made. There is the need for urgent amendment to the Mineral and Mining Laws in Ghana to be more binding on mining companies to comply with mining regulations. It is imperative that measures are put in place for a routine check on mining companies to make sure they comply with the environmental safety standards set especially in the area of illegal disposal of industrial wastes. This can effectively be done if there is a greater co-ordination in the implementation of waste management plans and programmes by the relevant agencies.

We also suggest that it is time for a comprehensive engagement of all stakeholders in the mining industry to evolve a strategy that will enhance mutual and harmonious co-existence between the formal mining sector (i.e. recognized big companies) and the small-scale sector which encourages the latter to adopt sound mining practices. This strategy should, among others, be geared towards achieving a regulatory tenure framework which will deal comprehensively with the incessant encroachment of land by artisanal miners. The overwhelming majority of small scale miners operate without security of tenure and any legal entitlement (Hilson and Potter, 2005).

There should be a constant sensitisation of the local people on their right to adequate compensation from mining companies and to keep 'eagle eye' on the mining companies particularly the way wastes from their operations are disposed off. This will enable them to report the bad activities of the mining companies to the appropriate quarters for disciplinary action.

It is also recommended that a framework is adopted which will enable or encourage more private companies to invest in waste management sector of the economy.

We further recommend that the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) is adequately resourced to be able to do its work well and efficiently especially in its assessment and monitoring oversight role. This will also enable it to liaise well with the District Environmental Management Committees (DEMC). Additionally, EPA must put measures in place to enable it to constantly monitor and evaluate the activities of the mining companies especially with regard to their impact on the environment of the areas they operate. This can assist the EPA to revise its laws to meet the realities on the ground. Also in this direction, we suggest that EPA increases its activities to promote environmental improvement in smallscale gold mining operations which arguably have been noted to have caused disproportionately large share of environmental degradation (Hilson, 2002b).

It is furthermore recommended that policy-decisions makers set up special fund for the relevant agencies like the universities and other analogous institutions to conduct further research with the view to finding the most appropriate ways of dealing efficiently with the problem of industrial waste, particularly in the mining section in Ghana.

Mining or Our Heritage? Indigenous Local People's Views on Industrial Waste of Mines in Ghana 169

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We also recommend that government begins a serious consideration for a comprehensive support package for the small-scale mining sector due to its huge employment creation capacity and its financial contribution to the economy. The support package, we suggest, should focus more on capacity development both in terms of environmental and ethical training as well as financial to enable them purchase relevant equipment that would make their operations environmentally sustainable.

#### **11. Conclusion**

The foregoing discussions have not only examined the concept of industrial wastes with particular reference to mining but have also focused on the complex long historical development background of the mining industry in Ghana. Related issues such as the effects of mining hazardous or toxic materials especially the wastes which pose real and potential danger to the lives of the people and the environment as a whole in Ghana, the local people`s environmental conservation strategies, as well as the role of indigenous people in mitigating the problem of mining waste in Ghana have been examined. The discussions have also pointed out the fact that over the years, the mining industry has contributed its quota to the development of the economy of Ghana. This notwithstanding, the poor manner in which the waste resulting from the industry especially the hazardous ones are managed is creating doubts in the minds of people especially environmentalists and eco-friendly minded-people about the actual benefits of the industry to local people and the country as a whole.

It is imperative to stress that the study also is not by the picture thus far painted, suggesting the banning of mining in Ghana, but rather, advocating the application of sustainable mining techniques to reduce risks posed by mining wastes to human life, the environment and also enable Ghanaians to enjoy the socio-economic benefits of the industry and at the same time conserving the natural resources -- our heritage. To be able to do this effectively, there is the urgent need to re-examine the mining industry by taking the above recommendations into consideration.

#### **12. References**


We also recommend that government begins a serious consideration for a comprehensive support package for the small-scale mining sector due to its huge employment creation capacity and its financial contribution to the economy. The support package, we suggest, should focus more on capacity development both in terms of environmental and ethical training as well as financial to enable them purchase relevant equipment that would make

The foregoing discussions have not only examined the concept of industrial wastes with particular reference to mining but have also focused on the complex long historical development background of the mining industry in Ghana. Related issues such as the effects of mining hazardous or toxic materials especially the wastes which pose real and potential danger to the lives of the people and the environment as a whole in Ghana, the local people`s environmental conservation strategies, as well as the role of indigenous people in mitigating the problem of mining waste in Ghana have been examined. The discussions have also pointed out the fact that over the years, the mining industry has contributed its quota to the development of the economy of Ghana. This notwithstanding, the poor manner in which the waste resulting from the industry especially the hazardous ones are managed is creating doubts in the minds of people especially environmentalists and eco-friendly minded-people about the actual benefits of the industry to local people and the country as a

It is imperative to stress that the study also is not by the picture thus far painted, suggesting the banning of mining in Ghana, but rather, advocating the application of sustainable mining techniques to reduce risks posed by mining wastes to human life, the environment and also enable Ghanaians to enjoy the socio-economic benefits of the industry and at the same time conserving the natural resources -- our heritage. To be able to do this effectively, there is the urgent need to re-examine the mining industry by taking the above

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**9** 

*Sénégal* 

Mouhamadou Bassir Diop

*Université Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar,* 

**Use of Phosphate Waste as a Building Material** 

A phosphate mining waste, called Feral is produced during the processing of a phosphate rich alumina (25wt% P2O5, 27wt% Al2O3, 9.53 wt% Fe2O3) which makes up the Lam-Lam deposit in western Senegal (Fig. 1). Lam-Lam is one of the few aluminium phosphate deposits in the world. These unweathered Al-phosphates are mined by the Société Sénégalaise des Phosphates de Taiba (SSPT) near the village of Lam Lam, northwest of Thies. These phosphates occur as 7 m thick layers under a thick iron crust. Proven reserves of this deposit are 4 million tones of marketable product with an average grade of 33% P2O5. Only 1.5 million tones of these reserves have an overburden of less than 24 m (McClellan

During processing, 30% of the phosphates are disposed of as waste (0/5mm in size). The waste is called Feral due to its high iron and aluminum oxide content: 10 and 27 wt %; respectively. Lam lam deposit is only a few kilometres flying distance from the seashore.

Fig. 1. Map of the African continent showing the location of Senegal and the Lam-Lam

**1. Introduction** 

and Notholt 1986).

phosphate deposit.

**Lam lam** 

 http://www.feem.it/Feem/Pub/Publications/WPapers/default.htm. Last accessed 20 Aug, 2011.


## **Use of Phosphate Waste as a Building Material**

#### Mouhamadou Bassir Diop

*Université Cheikh Anta Diop de Dakar, Sénégal* 

#### **1. Introduction**

172 Industrial Waste

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report of the Chamber mines. Accra, Ghana.

A phosphate mining waste, called Feral is produced during the processing of a phosphate rich alumina (25wt% P2O5, 27wt% Al2O3, 9.53 wt% Fe2O3) which makes up the Lam-Lam deposit in western Senegal (Fig. 1). Lam-Lam is one of the few aluminium phosphate deposits in the world. These unweathered Al-phosphates are mined by the Société Sénégalaise des Phosphates de Taiba (SSPT) near the village of Lam Lam, northwest of Thies. These phosphates occur as 7 m thick layers under a thick iron crust. Proven reserves of this deposit are 4 million tones of marketable product with an average grade of 33% P2O5. Only 1.5 million tones of these reserves have an overburden of less than 24 m (McClellan and Notholt 1986).

During processing, 30% of the phosphates are disposed of as waste (0/5mm in size). The waste is called Feral due to its high iron and aluminum oxide content: 10 and 27 wt %; respectively. Lam lam deposit is only a few kilometres flying distance from the seashore.

Fig. 1. Map of the African continent showing the location of Senegal and the Lam-Lam phosphate deposit.

Use of Phosphate Waste as a Building Material 175

Varieties of clay, highly weathered rock (laterite, tuff) and mining waste (aluminum phosphate, calcium phosphate, phosphogypsum) are materials available in Senegal for

The substratum of the Senegalese territory is made up of two major geological domains: the the shallow-dipping Upper Cretaceous to Quaternary sediments in most of the central and western parts of Senegal, which occupies more than 75% of the territory, and the Precambrian basement, and in the east by the Palaeoproterozoic volcano-sedimentary

The Precambrian basement formations are constituted at the west by the Mauritanides range bordering the eastern part of the Sedimentary Basin and in the east by the Palaeoproterozoic volcano-sedimentary sequences of the Kedougou- Kenieba inlier. The Kedougou-Kenieba inlier is limited to the west by the Mauritanides chain and on all other sides by the Upper Proterozoic and Cambrian sediments of the Basin of Taoudenni. The Kedougou-Kenieba inlier is interpreted as an accretion of north-easterly trending Birimian age volcanic terrains. Geological studies suggest that mineralisation in the prospective Sabodala volcano sedimentary belt and the Senegal-Malian shear zone is associated with an altered and sulphidised gabbro, which has intruded along the main structure, and a typical shear zone, hosted, where a structure has developed at the contact between a package of volcaniclastics and sediments. A lapilli tuff acts as a prominent marker horizon in the hanging wall of

The inlier is divided into three main stratigraphic units from west to east: the Mako

 The Mako supergroup include basalt flows; often carbonate alterations and minor volcaniclastic intercalations, magnesium basalt or komatiites, ultramafic sub-volcanic intrusions (pyroxenites) and numerous massive biotite and amphibole granitoids. The Diale Supergroup, located between the Mako Supergroup and the western edge of the Saraya granite consist of shale, greywacke, quartzite and volcanodétritic rocks. The Dalema Supergroup, is composed of volcano-sedimentary schist and grauwacke

In addition, there are large marble and other ornamental rocks deposits, but also non

The Senegal Basin occupies the central part of the Northwest African Coastal Basin, which

Most of the outcrops of the basin are composed of recent sandy covers. The Secondary formations include Palaeocene zoogenic limestone exploited at Bandia and Pout by cement plants and aggregates producers. They include also Maestrichian sands, clays and

Tertiary formations hold into the Eocene compartment, significant resources of phosphates, limestone, attapulgite, clay and ceramics, solid fuels, etc. A major part of the basin is covered with superficial Quaternary formations, which in the middle and recent parts are

Supergroup, the Diale Supergroup and the Daléma Supergroup.

metallic indices and deposits of barytes, kaolin, asbestos etc.

extends from the Reguibat ridge at the north end of the Guinean fault.

**2. Available raw materials** 

sequences of the Kedougou- Kenieba inlier.

making bricks.

mineralisation.

rocks.

sandstones.

It is anticipated that approximately 15 million tonnes of Feral will be produced in the coming years. This is a significant amount of waste material. Unfortunately Senegal, a developing country in West Africa, does not have the money or technology to recycle these wastes. Thus they languish in lakes and ponds where they have the potential to impact the environment in a negative fashion. In this note, we explore the possibility of using it as a building material and in road construction.

Table 1 gives the chemical composition of Feral in weight percent. The major oxides are: Al2O3, P2O5, SiO2 and Fe2O3. The position of Feral in the double triangle diagram shows that it's possible by adding caustic solution to form geopolymer and AlPO4 zeolite (Dyer, 1999).


Table 1. Chemical composition of Feral (wt %)

Figure 2 shows the positions of the Feral deposit both on the SiO2, Na2O and Al2O3 triangle and the P2O5, CaO and Al2O3 triangle.

Fig. 2. Positions of the Lam-Lam phosphate deposit on the SiO2, Na2O and Al2O3 and P2O5, CaO and Al2O3 triangles and the location of the zeolite domain

#### **2. Available raw materials**

174 Industrial Waste

It is anticipated that approximately 15 million tonnes of Feral will be produced in the coming years. This is a significant amount of waste material. Unfortunately Senegal, a developing country in West Africa, does not have the money or technology to recycle these wastes. Thus they languish in lakes and ponds where they have the potential to impact the environment in a negative fashion. In this note, we explore the possibility of using it as a

Table 1 gives the chemical composition of Feral in weight percent. The major oxides are: Al2O3, P2O5, SiO2 and Fe2O3. The position of Feral in the double triangle diagram shows that it's possible by adding caustic solution to form geopolymer and AlPO4 zeolite (Dyer,

SiO2 CaO Al2O3 Fe2O3 MgO K2O Na2O TiO2 MnO P2O5 BaO SrO LI 12.5 6.76 27.0 9.53 0.08 0.13 1.27 2.01 0.03 24.9 0.09 0.42 15.28

Figure 2 shows the positions of the Feral deposit both on the SiO2, Na2O and Al2O3 triangle

Fig. 2. Positions of the Lam-Lam phosphate deposit on the SiO2, Na2O and Al2O3 and P2O5,

CaO and Al2O3 triangles and the location of the zeolite domain

building material and in road construction.

Table 1. Chemical composition of Feral (wt %)

and the P2O5, CaO and Al2O3 triangle.

1999).

Varieties of clay, highly weathered rock (laterite, tuff) and mining waste (aluminum phosphate, calcium phosphate, phosphogypsum) are materials available in Senegal for making bricks.

The substratum of the Senegalese territory is made up of two major geological domains: the the shallow-dipping Upper Cretaceous to Quaternary sediments in most of the central and western parts of Senegal, which occupies more than 75% of the territory, and the Precambrian basement, and in the east by the Palaeoproterozoic volcano-sedimentary sequences of the Kedougou- Kenieba inlier.

The Precambrian basement formations are constituted at the west by the Mauritanides range bordering the eastern part of the Sedimentary Basin and in the east by the Palaeoproterozoic volcano-sedimentary sequences of the Kedougou- Kenieba inlier. The Kedougou-Kenieba inlier is limited to the west by the Mauritanides chain and on all other sides by the Upper Proterozoic and Cambrian sediments of the Basin of Taoudenni. The Kedougou-Kenieba inlier is interpreted as an accretion of north-easterly trending Birimian age volcanic terrains. Geological studies suggest that mineralisation in the prospective Sabodala volcano sedimentary belt and the Senegal-Malian shear zone is associated with an altered and sulphidised gabbro, which has intruded along the main structure, and a typical shear zone, hosted, where a structure has developed at the contact between a package of volcaniclastics and sediments. A lapilli tuff acts as a prominent marker horizon in the hanging wall of mineralisation.

The inlier is divided into three main stratigraphic units from west to east: the Mako Supergroup, the Diale Supergroup and the Daléma Supergroup.


In addition, there are large marble and other ornamental rocks deposits, but also non metallic indices and deposits of barytes, kaolin, asbestos etc.

The Senegal Basin occupies the central part of the Northwest African Coastal Basin, which extends from the Reguibat ridge at the north end of the Guinean fault.

Most of the outcrops of the basin are composed of recent sandy covers. The Secondary formations include Palaeocene zoogenic limestone exploited at Bandia and Pout by cement plants and aggregates producers. They include also Maestrichian sands, clays and sandstones.

Tertiary formations hold into the Eocene compartment, significant resources of phosphates, limestone, attapulgite, clay and ceramics, solid fuels, etc. A major part of the basin is covered with superficial Quaternary formations, which in the middle and recent parts are

Use of Phosphate Waste as a Building Material 177

For aggregate used in Senegal for road construction, the CBR must be greater than 80 % for

Table 4 represents the criteria of use of a soil-cement in Senegal based mainly on the CBR

**Soil-cement substructure sub-base**  CBR after 3days in air and 4days immersion (%) 6-80 ≥ 160 CBR after 7days in air (%) 80-120 -

immersion (bars) 25-5 ≥<sup>5</sup>

Compressive strength after 7days in (bars) 5-10 18-30

Cement content used for the treatment of soil are low for cost reasons, they vary generally

Improvement of Feral waste

Geopolymers are chains or networks of aluminosilicate mineral molecules linked with covalent bonds. Different geopolymers can be distinguished following their molecular units

The aluminosilicate kaolinite reacts with NaOH at 100–150°C and polycondenses into hydrosodalite-based geopolymer (SiO2/Al2O3=2). A polysialatesiloxo (SiO2/Al2O3 = 4) is obtained from metakaolin and NaOH. These inorganic polymers have a chemical composition somewhat similar to zeolite A (Na12 [Al12Si12O48] 27H2O) (Breek, 1974; Dyer,

1988) but exist as amorphous solids, rather than having a crystalline microstructure.

% of cement 1 1.5 2 2.5 3

**Lateritic aggregate substructure sub-base.**  CBR after 4days immersion (%) ≥80 ≥30

substructure and 30% for sub base (Table 3).

value and the compressive strength.

Table 3. Criteria of use of lateritic aggregate in Senegal

Compressive strength after 3days in air and 4days

Table 4. Criteria of use of a soil cement in Senegal

Table 5. Cement content (wt %) used to treat Feral

(-Si-O-Al-O-) polysialate with SiO2/Al2O3 ratio equal to 2, (-Si-O-Al-O-Si-O-) polysialatesiloxo with SiO2/Al2O3 = 4,

(-Si-O-Al-O-Si-O-Si-O-) polysialatedisoloxo with SiO2/Al2O3 = 4.

**3.3 Treatment of Feral by alkali activation** 

(Davidovits, 1989; Cioffi et al., 2003):

**3.3.1 Mixes** 

between 0 and 3% as represented in Table 5.

characterised by fixed red sand dunes, semi-fixed or alive yellow and white dunes. These dunes, often exploited as building materials around urban centres, constitute also important reservoirs of heavy minerals.

#### **3. Procedure**

#### **3.1 Identification of Feral**

This particular Feral has been characterized using a variety of techniques including chemical and physical analyses. X-ray diffraction was used for mineralogical analyses.

The California bearing ratio (CBR) is a penetration test for evaluation of the mechanical strength of road sub grades and base courses.

The test is performed by measuring the pressure required to penetrate a soil sample with a plunger of standard area. The measured pressure is then divided by the pressure required to achieve an equal penetration on a standard crushed rock material. The CBR test is described in ASTM Standards D1883-05 (for laboratory-prepared samples) and D4429 (for soils in place in field), and AASHTO T193. The CBR test is fully described in BS 1377: Soils for civil engineering purposes: Part 4, Compaction related tests.

The CBR rating was developed for measuring the load-bearing capacity of soils used for building roads. The CBR can also be used for measuring the load-bearing capacity of unimproved airstrips or for soils under paved airstrips. The harder the surface, the higher the CBR rating. A CBR of 3 equates to tilled farmland, a CBR of 4.75 equates to turf or moist clay, while moist sand may have a CBR of 10. High quality crushed rock has a CBR over 80. The standard material for this test is crushed California limestone which has a value of 100.

#### **3.2 Treatment of Feral by cement Portland**

Some materials used in road geotechnics have to be treated by binders in order to have their geotechnical characteristics conform to standards.

The aims of these treatments are to improve their geotechnical properties:


The cement used here is a Portland cement fabricated by SOCOCIM-Industries, the first cement plant in Senegal. The composition of the cement used in this study and fabricated by SOCOCIM-Industries is summarized on table 2. The cement have around 1wt% of P2O5.



characterised by fixed red sand dunes, semi-fixed or alive yellow and white dunes. These dunes, often exploited as building materials around urban centres, constitute also important

This particular Feral has been characterized using a variety of techniques including chemical

The California bearing ratio (CBR) is a penetration test for evaluation of the mechanical

The test is performed by measuring the pressure required to penetrate a soil sample with a plunger of standard area. The measured pressure is then divided by the pressure required to achieve an equal penetration on a standard crushed rock material. The CBR test is described in ASTM Standards D1883-05 (for laboratory-prepared samples) and D4429 (for soils in place in field), and AASHTO T193. The CBR test is fully described in BS 1377: Soils for civil

The CBR rating was developed for measuring the load-bearing capacity of soils used for building roads. The CBR can also be used for measuring the load-bearing capacity of unimproved airstrips or for soils under paved airstrips. The harder the surface, the higher the CBR rating. A CBR of 3 equates to tilled farmland, a CBR of 4.75 equates to turf or moist clay, while moist sand may have a CBR of 10. High quality crushed rock has a CBR over 80. The standard material for this test is crushed California limestone which has a value of 100.

Some materials used in road geotechnics have to be treated by binders in order to have their

The cement used here is a Portland cement fabricated by SOCOCIM-Industries, the first cement plant in Senegal. The composition of the cement used in this study and fabricated by SOCOCIM-Industries is summarized on table 2. The cement have around 1wt% of P2O5.

SiO2 Al2O3 Fe2O3 CaO MgO P2O5 K2O Na2O SO3 Free CaO

21.8 5.10 3.40 66.18 0.68 0.82 0.33 0.05 0.61 2.04

The aims of these treatments are to improve their geotechnical properties:

Table 2. Composition cement fabricated by SOCOCIM-Industries (wt%)

and physical analyses. X-ray diffraction was used for mineralogical analyses.

reservoirs of heavy minerals.

**3.1 Identification of Feral** 

strength of road sub grades and base courses.

**3.2 Treatment of Feral by cement Portland** 


geotechnical characteristics conform to standards.


engineering purposes: Part 4, Compaction related tests.

**3. Procedure** 

For aggregate used in Senegal for road construction, the CBR must be greater than 80 % for substructure and 30% for sub base (Table 3).


Table 3. Criteria of use of lateritic aggregate in Senegal

Table 4 represents the criteria of use of a soil-cement in Senegal based mainly on the CBR value and the compressive strength.


Table 4. Criteria of use of a soil cement in Senegal

Cement content used for the treatment of soil are low for cost reasons, they vary generally between 0 and 3% as represented in Table 5.


Table 5. Cement content (wt %) used to treat Feral

#### **3.3 Treatment of Feral by alkali activation**

#### **3.3.1 Mixes**

Geopolymers are chains or networks of aluminosilicate mineral molecules linked with covalent bonds. Different geopolymers can be distinguished following their molecular units (Davidovits, 1989; Cioffi et al., 2003):

(-Si-O-Al-O-) polysialate with SiO2/Al2O3 ratio equal to 2, (-Si-O-Al-O-Si-O-) polysialatesiloxo with SiO2/Al2O3 = 4, (-Si-O-Al-O-Si-O-Si-O-) polysialatedisoloxo with SiO2/Al2O3 = 4.

The aluminosilicate kaolinite reacts with NaOH at 100–150°C and polycondenses into hydrosodalite-based geopolymer (SiO2/Al2O3=2). A polysialatesiloxo (SiO2/Al2O3 = 4) is obtained from metakaolin and NaOH. These inorganic polymers have a chemical composition somewhat similar to zeolite A (Na12 [Al12Si12O48] 27H2O) (Breek, 1974; Dyer, 1988) but exist as amorphous solids, rather than having a crystalline microstructure.

Use of Phosphate Waste as a Building Material 179

typically used to allow time for dissolution and for geopolymer precursors to form (Breek, 1974; Dyer, 1988). The 40**°**C samples were cured in a ''walk in'' chamber that was maintained at 60% relative humidity. The 120**°**C samples were cured in sealed Parr type

Quantity of NaOH (g) Water quantity (litre) Concentration (g/l) Molarity

Table 7. Composition of solutions used in alkali activation of Feral for road construction

The Californian Bearing Ratio (CBR) test done on Feral gives a value of 13%. This value is obtained after 3days conservation in air and 4days immersion in water of the compacted sample. Or the minimum requirements CBR for a material to be use in road construction is

Then, we explore a treatment of Feral with cement. For soil treated with cement, the

After different periods of curing, the mechanical behavior of the cylinders was tested. The compressive strength values were measured after 6, 12 and 24 h for the samples cured at

In order to test durability, pieces of three samples cured at 120°C for 12 h (#s 2, 9, 16) were ground to sizes less than 150 µm and more than 75 µm and then dried at 105 °C. One gram of each of the powdered specimens was placed in 10 mL deionized water and held at 90°C for 1 and 7 days in a sealed Teflon container. This test is a modified product consistency test (PCT) designed to test glass leaching (ASTM C1285, 2008). These samples were chosen because it was assumed that reaction has reached the greatest degree at 120°C and leaching of these samples would better reflect what would happen to all bricks that had been cured

The physical and mechanical properties of Feral are summarized on table 8 (Sy, 2000). Feral has an important fine content (24 % < 80µm). 13% of these fines are of clay size (≤ 2 µm). The CBR of Feral (13%) is low. According to table 4, the Feral must be treated for its use in the

for a longer time once it was used to build a house (some years).

**4.1 Physical and mechanical properties of Feral** 

minimum requirements for CBR are 160% for substructure and 6-80% for sub-base.

100 5 20 0,5M 200 5 40 1M 400 5 80 2M 800 5 160 4M

vessels fitted with Teflon liners at 120 **°**C for varying periods of time.

Concentrations used for road construction (table 7) are lower.

**3.4 Mechanical tests** 

**3.4.1 Compressive strength** 

**3.5 Durability tests** 

120°C.

**4. Results** 

sub-base of road construction.

80% for substructure and 30% for sub-base.

Figure 2 shows the location of Feral in a SiO2 - Na2O - Al2O3 compositional diagram. The SiO2/Al2O3 is equal to 4.3. It suggests that geopolymer can be obtained from this Feral by adding NaOH. Different processes can be proposed. In the first one, Feral is mixed with sodium hydroxide and allowed to react in large heated boiling-water vessels. The water-rich slurries are stirred until geopolymer formation and the completion of the reaction. In the second one, monolithic samples can also be produced, but with a lower water content. In this last case, stoichiometric amounts of 4 to 12M NaOH are mixed with the dry ingredients to form a thick putty-like paste. This paste is then molded and cured at elevated temperatures. Monoliths made in this way are generally very strong and highly insoluble. (Berg et al., 1965; Palomo et al., 1999b; Bao et al., 2004; Grutzeck et al., 2004; Bao et al., 2005, Bao and Grutzeck, 2006). It is this last process which used in this study.

The work reported here is an outgrowth of our previous work (Diop, 2005, 2007, 2008). In this study we point out that this process using the Feral is possible.

#### **3.3.2 Samples**

Feral sample were mixed with different alkali concentrations (4, 8 and 12 molar NaOH) to form thick pastes (Table 6). The DTM sodium silicate used in the formulation 11 is composed of silicic acid, sodium salt; sodium silicate which constitute 44.1wt% and water. In the DTM, the ratio SiO2/Na2O in weight percent is equal to 2.


\*(100g 8Molar NaOH + 250g " DTM " sodium silicate)

Table 6. Formulations studied for bricks manufacturing

The entire eleven samples tested are composed of 80%wt Feral and 20% of solution. After vigorous hand-mixing, the treated Feral was statically compacted in a 2.5cm diameter cylinder. The compaction was carried out by a hand-operated hydraulic press. Pressure was applied until water began to be squeezed out of the sample. Pressures were typically in the 10 MPa range. The cylinders were trimmed to 5.0 cm in length and then allowed to sit overnight at room temperature before being cured at 120 C. This so called ''soaking'' is typically used to allow time for dissolution and for geopolymer precursors to form (Breek, 1974; Dyer, 1988). The 40**°**C samples were cured in a ''walk in'' chamber that was maintained at 60% relative humidity. The 120**°**C samples were cured in sealed Parr type vessels fitted with Teflon liners at 120 **°**C for varying periods of time.

Quantity of NaOH (g) Water quantity (litre) Concentration (g/l) Molarity 100 5 20 0,5M 200 5 40 1M 400 5 80 2M 800 5 160 4M

Concentrations used for road construction (table 7) are lower.

Table 7. Composition of solutions used in alkali activation of Feral for road construction

#### **3.4 Mechanical tests**

178 Industrial Waste

Figure 2 shows the location of Feral in a SiO2 - Na2O - Al2O3 compositional diagram. The SiO2/Al2O3 is equal to 4.3. It suggests that geopolymer can be obtained from this Feral by adding NaOH. Different processes can be proposed. In the first one, Feral is mixed with sodium hydroxide and allowed to react in large heated boiling-water vessels. The water-rich slurries are stirred until geopolymer formation and the completion of the reaction. In the second one, monolithic samples can also be produced, but with a lower water content. In this last case, stoichiometric amounts of 4 to 12M NaOH are mixed with the dry ingredients to form a thick putty-like paste. This paste is then molded and cured at elevated temperatures. Monoliths made in this way are generally very strong and highly insoluble. (Berg et al., 1965; Palomo et al., 1999b; Bao et al., 2004; Grutzeck et al., 2004; Bao et al., 2005,

The work reported here is an outgrowth of our previous work (Diop, 2005, 2007, 2008). In

Feral sample were mixed with different alkali concentrations (4, 8 and 12 molar NaOH) to form thick pastes (Table 6). The DTM sodium silicate used in the formulation 11 is composed of silicic acid, sodium salt; sodium silicate which constitute 44.1wt% and water. In the DTM,

Samples Feral (wt %) NaOH (wt %) Cure Temp (°C) Cure time (days)

0.25

0.25

0.25

80 4Molar (20) 120

80 8Molar (20) 120

80 12Molar (20) 120

8 0.5 9 1 10 80 15Molar (20) 120 0.5 11 80 Mix Molar (20)\* 120 0.5

The entire eleven samples tested are composed of 80%wt Feral and 20% of solution. After vigorous hand-mixing, the treated Feral was statically compacted in a 2.5cm diameter cylinder. The compaction was carried out by a hand-operated hydraulic press. Pressure was applied until water began to be squeezed out of the sample. Pressures were typically in the 10 MPa range. The cylinders were trimmed to 5.0 cm in length and then allowed to sit overnight at room temperature before being cured at 120 C. This so called ''soaking'' is

5 0.5 6 1

2 0.5 3 1

Bao and Grutzeck, 2006). It is this last process which used in this study.

this study we point out that this process using the Feral is possible.

the ratio SiO2/Na2O in weight percent is equal to 2.

\*(100g 8Molar NaOH + 250g " DTM " sodium silicate)

Table 6. Formulations studied for bricks manufacturing

**3.3.2 Samples** 

1

4

7

The Californian Bearing Ratio (CBR) test done on Feral gives a value of 13%. This value is obtained after 3days conservation in air and 4days immersion in water of the compacted sample. Or the minimum requirements CBR for a material to be use in road construction is 80% for substructure and 30% for sub-base.

Then, we explore a treatment of Feral with cement. For soil treated with cement, the minimum requirements for CBR are 160% for substructure and 6-80% for sub-base.

#### **3.4.1 Compressive strength**

After different periods of curing, the mechanical behavior of the cylinders was tested. The compressive strength values were measured after 6, 12 and 24 h for the samples cured at 120°C.

#### **3.5 Durability tests**

In order to test durability, pieces of three samples cured at 120°C for 12 h (#s 2, 9, 16) were ground to sizes less than 150 µm and more than 75 µm and then dried at 105 °C. One gram of each of the powdered specimens was placed in 10 mL deionized water and held at 90°C for 1 and 7 days in a sealed Teflon container. This test is a modified product consistency test (PCT) designed to test glass leaching (ASTM C1285, 2008). These samples were chosen because it was assumed that reaction has reached the greatest degree at 120°C and leaching of these samples would better reflect what would happen to all bricks that had been cured for a longer time once it was used to build a house (some years).

#### **4. Results**

#### **4.1 Physical and mechanical properties of Feral**

The physical and mechanical properties of Feral are summarized on table 8 (Sy, 2000). Feral has an important fine content (24 % < 80µm). 13% of these fines are of clay size (≤ 2 µm). The CBR of Feral (13%) is low. According to table 4, the Feral must be treated for its use in the sub-base of road construction.

Use of Phosphate Waste as a Building Material 181

Figure 4 represent the evolution of strength with age for different cement content varying

Figure 5 represents the evolution of CBR/CBR' with different cement content. The

The values of cement between 2 to 3% give a soil-cement in conformity with CEBTP standard for a use in sub-base. However, compressive strength measurement is necessary to

between 1 to 3%. No matter what the cement content, strength decrease with age.

Fig. 4. Evolution of strength with age for different cement content

CBR/CBR' is an indication of the sensitivity of a material to water.

fully appreciate the aptitude of the material for road construction.

Fig. 3. Evolution of CBR with cement content


Table 8. Physical and mechanical properties of Feral.

#### **4.2 Feral treated for road geotechnics**

#### **4.2.1 CBR of Feral treated with Portland cement**

By adding cement in Feral (table 9), its bearing capacity is gradually improved enabling its use in sub-base.


CBR after 3days in air and 4days immersion in water - CBR' after 7days in air

Table 9. Evolution of Californian Bearing Ration with cement addition

We notice for CBR and CBR' an increase of bearing capacity with cement (Figure 3). But it shows also that the Feral is sensitive to water. This result can be explained:


2 and 3% cement content give CBR conform to CEBTP standards for use of Feral in road substructure.

**Grain size** 

**Sand equivalent (SE)** 

**Atterberg limit** 

By adding cement in Feral (table 9), its bearing capacity is gradually improved enabling its

CBR' (%) 94 - 110 164 257 CBR (%) 19 39 60 70 87 % of cement 1 1.5 2 2.5 3

We notice for CBR and CBR' an increase of bearing capacity with cement (Figure 3). But it



2 and 3% cement content give CBR conform to CEBTP standards for use of Feral in road

CBR after 3days in air and 4days immersion in water - CBR' after 7days in air Table 9. Evolution of Californian Bearing Ration with cement addition

shows also that the Feral is sensitive to water. This result can be explained:

10 24 (26 after CBR) 13 600 32

> 34 30

32.6 29.3 3.3 (4.2 after CBR) 0.25

> 20.4 18.3 13 0 27.6 13

% > 2mm % < 80µm % < 2µm Cu Cc

piston observed

Wl (%) Wp (%) Ip (%) Activity (A)

WOPM (%) γdmax (kN/m3) CBR at 95% OPM Swelling (%) γs (kN/m3) γapp (kN/m3)

**4.2 Feral treated for road geotechnics** 

use in sub-base.

substructure.

Table 8. Physical and mechanical properties of Feral.

**4.2.1 CBR of Feral treated with Portland cement** 

immersion will cause an excess of water,

weakness of the material due to cracks.

Fig. 3. Evolution of CBR with cement content

Figure 4 represent the evolution of strength with age for different cement content varying between 1 to 3%. No matter what the cement content, strength decrease with age.

Fig. 4. Evolution of strength with age for different cement content

Figure 5 represents the evolution of CBR/CBR' with different cement content. The CBR/CBR' is an indication of the sensitivity of a material to water.

The values of cement between 2 to 3% give a soil-cement in conformity with CEBTP standard for a use in sub-base. However, compressive strength measurement is necessary to fully appreciate the aptitude of the material for road construction.

Use of Phosphate Waste as a Building Material 183

We notice for all cement content a decrease of compressive strength with age. The compressive strength after 28days is at least 45% less than the compressive strength after 7days. Hence, an alkali activation of Feral with concentrated caustic solution (NaOH and

It was found that caustic addition caused zeolite minerals with aluminium-phosphorusoxygen frameworks (AlPO4s) to form (Dyer, 1999). In the related aluminophosphates (AlPO4), each negatively charged AlO4 tetrahedron is balanced by a positively charged PO4 tetrahedron, and non framework cations are not needed (Sherman, 1999). Still other variants include the silicoaluminophosphate (SAPO) structures in which Si substitutes some P in the AlPO4 framework; each added Si needs a non framework cation to balance the charge on the framework. The results of alkali activation of Feral with concentrated caustic solution will be

in air and 4days immersion (bars)

Compressive strength after 7days in (bars)

Molarity CBR'(%) CBR(%) Compressive strength after 3days

\*CBR after 3days in air and 4days immersion in water - CBR' after 7days in air

CBR\* after 3days in air and 4days immersion in water - CBR' after 7days in air

concentrations can't be used in road sub-base (CBR ≥ 160).

Table 13. CBR\* tests on alkali activated Feral

Fig. 7. CBR\* tests on alkali activated Feral

0,5M 54,0 73 28 59 1M 115 55 31 65 2M 98 11 35 73

Either activated with 0.5M or 1M NaOH Feral can be used in road substructure. The same conclusion can be done for Feral Activated with 2M NaOH. Feral activated with these

Na-Si) is tested.

exposed in the paper.

**4.2.2 CBR of alkali activated Feral** 

Fig. 5. Evolution of CBR/CBR' with different cement content


Table 12. Variation of Compressive strength functions of the age and cement content

Figure 6 represents the variation of compressive strength as a function of the age and cement content.

Fig. 6. Variation of Compressive strength function of the age and cement content

Improvement of Feral waste Compressive strength after 7days Rc7 (bars) 8.76 9.74 10.51 11.59 12.58 Compressive strength after 14days Rc14 (bars) 5.06 5.74 7.15 8.45 9.25 Compressive strength after 28days Rc28 (bars) 3.89 4.32 4.75 5.24 6.41 Rc7/ Rc28 0.44 0.44 0.45 0.45 0.51 Percentage of cement (wt) 1 1.50 2.00 2.50 3.00

Figure 6 represents the variation of compressive strength as a function of the age and

Table 12. Variation of Compressive strength functions of the age and cement content

Fig. 6. Variation of Compressive strength function of the age and cement content

Fig. 5. Evolution of CBR/CBR' with different cement content

cement content.

We notice for all cement content a decrease of compressive strength with age. The compressive strength after 28days is at least 45% less than the compressive strength after 7days. Hence, an alkali activation of Feral with concentrated caustic solution (NaOH and Na-Si) is tested.

#### **4.2.2 CBR of alkali activated Feral**

It was found that caustic addition caused zeolite minerals with aluminium-phosphorusoxygen frameworks (AlPO4s) to form (Dyer, 1999). In the related aluminophosphates (AlPO4), each negatively charged AlO4 tetrahedron is balanced by a positively charged PO4 tetrahedron, and non framework cations are not needed (Sherman, 1999). Still other variants include the silicoaluminophosphate (SAPO) structures in which Si substitutes some P in the AlPO4 framework; each added Si needs a non framework cation to balance the charge on the framework. The results of alkali activation of Feral with concentrated caustic solution will be exposed in the paper.


\*CBR after 3days in air and 4days immersion in water - CBR' after 7days in air

Table 13. CBR\* tests on alkali activated Feral

Either activated with 0.5M or 1M NaOH Feral can be used in road substructure. The same conclusion can be done for Feral Activated with 2M NaOH. Feral activated with these concentrations can't be used in road sub-base (CBR ≥ 160).

CBR\* after 3days in air and 4days immersion in water - CBR' after 7days in air Fig. 7. CBR\* tests on alkali activated Feral

Use of Phosphate Waste as a Building Material 185

Figure 10 represents a Micrograph microstructure of Feral treated with 12 M NaOH solution and cured at 120°C for 12 hours. The micro-structure is more columned-like texture. Based

Figure 11 represents the X-ray diffraction patterns for the 120 **°**C samples cured for 12 h made with different molar NaOH solution. The tabular crystals are the most common and based upon X-ray diffraction data presented are probably millisite. There is not very much difference between the patterns. There is a general broadening of peaks with increasing concentrations. Millisite ((Na, K) CaAl6(PO4)4(OH)9 3H2O) a zeolite phosphate is the most representative of forming minerals; then Huangite (Ca Al 6(SO)4(OH)12. Quartz (SiO2) and Dickite (Al2Si2O5 (OH)4) are new silicate minerals. It is proposed that other zeolites are also present because of the reduction in the amount of starting materials, but that they are

probably sub microscopic and thus not able to diffract X-rays in a coherent fashion.

Fig. 10. View represents the microstructure of the Feral treated with 12 M NaOH solutions

Samples fabricated from Feral and NaOH solutions attain compressive strengths that range from 6 to more than 16 MPa (Fig. 9). These strengths are in the range of similar samples made with metakaolin. Strength development is dependent on temperature and length of curing, alkali concentration, fineness, and composition of the raw materials. The best mechanical performance of the samples depends of the concentration of NaOH solution used to make the sample. For 4 molar concentrations the greatest compressive strength is obtained after 12hours curing. For 8 and 12 molar concentration the greatest compressive strength are obtained after one day curing. The strength given by the Feral treated with 15Molar concentration and cured for 12 hours (8.35 MPa) is less than for the 12Molars concentration and cured for the same duration (12.84 MPa). By using a mixture between "D" sodium silicate and 8Molar NaOH solution (100g 8Molar NaOH + 250g "D" sodium silicate), the compressive strength is neatly increased (16 MPa). This may be due to the fact that with "D" sodium silicate, we have both the formation of zeolite silicates and zeolite phosphates. The deformation curve of the cylinders shows that the rupture is progressive. Breaking of the 2.5 by 5.0 mm cylinders during

compression was good; all breaks exhibited a typical double pyramidal shape.

upon X-ray data in figure 11, it is proposed that these crystals are millisite.

**4.3.2 Physical and chemical analysis** 

and cured at 12 h.

#### **4.3 Feral treated for the manufacture of bricks**

#### **4.3.1 Mechanical tests**

Typical stress strain curves for Feral samples made with 4, 8 and 12 M NaOH solutions and cured at 6h, 12 h and 24h at 120 **°**C are given in figure 8. The deformation curve of the cylinders shows that the rupture is progressive. Breaking of the 2.5 by 5.0 mm cylinders during compression was good; all breaks exhibited a typical double pyramidal shape.

A summary of the strength data is given in figure 8.

Fig. 9. Summary of compressive strengths of samples cured at 120 **°**C.

#### **4.3.2 Physical and chemical analysis**

184 Industrial Waste

Typical stress strain curves for Feral samples made with 4, 8 and 12 M NaOH solutions and cured at 6h, 12 h and 24h at 120 **°**C are given in figure 8. The deformation curve of the cylinders shows that the rupture is progressive. Breaking of the 2.5 by 5.0 mm cylinders during compression was good; all breaks exhibited a typical double pyramidal shape.

**Stress (MPa)**

**0 0,2 0,4 0,6 0,8 1 1,2**

Fig. 8. Stress strain curves for samples made with 4, 8 and 12 M NaOH solutions as a thick

**4.3 Feral treated for the manufacture of bricks** 

**4Molar 8Molar 12Molar 15Molar**

A summary of the strength data is given in figure 8.

Fig. 9. Summary of compressive strengths of samples cured at 120 **°**C.

**4.3.1 Mechanical tests** 

**-14**

paste and then cured at 120 **°**C.

**-12**

**-10**

**-8**

**-6**

**Deformation (mm)**

**-4**

**-2**

**0**

Figure 10 represents a Micrograph microstructure of Feral treated with 12 M NaOH solution and cured at 120°C for 12 hours. The micro-structure is more columned-like texture. Based upon X-ray data in figure 11, it is proposed that these crystals are millisite.

Figure 11 represents the X-ray diffraction patterns for the 120 **°**C samples cured for 12 h made with different molar NaOH solution. The tabular crystals are the most common and based upon X-ray diffraction data presented are probably millisite. There is not very much difference between the patterns. There is a general broadening of peaks with increasing concentrations. Millisite ((Na, K) CaAl6(PO4)4(OH)9 3H2O) a zeolite phosphate is the most representative of forming minerals; then Huangite (Ca Al 6(SO)4(OH)12. Quartz (SiO2) and Dickite (Al2Si2O5 (OH)4) are new silicate minerals. It is proposed that other zeolites are also present because of the reduction in the amount of starting materials, but that they are probably sub microscopic and thus not able to diffract X-rays in a coherent fashion.

Fig. 10. View represents the microstructure of the Feral treated with 12 M NaOH solutions and cured at 12 h.

Samples fabricated from Feral and NaOH solutions attain compressive strengths that range from 6 to more than 16 MPa (Fig. 9). These strengths are in the range of similar samples made with metakaolin. Strength development is dependent on temperature and length of curing, alkali concentration, fineness, and composition of the raw materials. The best mechanical performance of the samples depends of the concentration of NaOH solution used to make the sample. For 4 molar concentrations the greatest compressive strength is obtained after 12hours curing. For 8 and 12 molar concentration the greatest compressive strength are obtained after one day curing. The strength given by the Feral treated with 15Molar concentration and cured for 12 hours (8.35 MPa) is less than for the 12Molars concentration and cured for the same duration (12.84 MPa). By using a mixture between "D" sodium silicate and 8Molar NaOH solution (100g 8Molar NaOH + 250g "D" sodium silicate), the compressive strength is neatly increased (16 MPa). This may be due to the fact that with "D" sodium silicate, we have both the formation of zeolite silicates and zeolite phosphates. The deformation curve of the cylinders shows that the rupture is progressive. Breaking of the 2.5 by 5.0 mm cylinders during compression was good; all breaks exhibited a typical double pyramidal shape.

Use of Phosphate Waste as a Building Material 187

(mS/cm) pH Conductivity

4 0.7 10 1.00 10 8 0.6 10 0.90 10 12 1.5 11 2.10 11

The treatment of Feral with cement using different percentage has permitted to appreciate

The treatment of Feral with cement improves its bearing capacity but for the long term (7days, 14 days and 28days), strength decrease no matter what the cement content. This phenomenon may be caused by the high content in P2O5 (0.82) of the Portland cement used. The Feral itself coming from phosphate mineral treatment contain around 25wt% of P2O5. According to several studies, among them, those of Lafarge laboratories (Cochet, 1995) stating that P2O5 is a strong retarding agent for the setting and hardening of mortar. Percentage higher than 0.5 will causes a decrease of initial resistance and an increase of the

P2O5 (%) 7days 14days 28days 0.05 – 0.55 \* \* c 0.05 – 1.10 \*\* \* ◘ 0.05 – 1.55 \*\*\* \* ◘

\* = decrease; \*\* = high decrease; \*\*\* = very high decrease; c = constant; ◘ = increase; ; ◘ = high increase

Alkali activation of Feral present the main advantage in connection with its composition: SiO2 (13wt %), Al2O3 (27wt %), P2O5 (25wt %), CaO (7wt %) and Na2O (1.3wt %). The attack of Feral with caustic solution (sodium hydroxide and/or sodium silicate) will enable the formation of geopolymers and zeolite minerals with aluminium-phosphorus-oxygen frameworks (AlPO4s).

The treatment of Feral with alkali makes it possible to use them in road substructure.

For samples cured at 120 °C, regardless of the concentration of NaOH used, 12 h of curing gives the best compressive strength. This can be explained by the fact that with temperature, the reaction between the alkali solution and the Feral has taken place. After 12 h of curing,

For bricks, Feral is treated with varying alkali concentration: between 4M, 8M and 12M.

Forming mineral may include other variants like silicoaluminophosphate (SAPO).

However tests must be performed to determine the optimum concentration.

Conductivity

Table 14. Results of leaching test of bricks cured at 120 ºC

Table 15. Impact of P2O5 on the characteristics of cements

So other means of treatment should be explored.

the mechanical behavior of this material and its sensitivity to water.

Measurement at 1 day Measurement at 7 days

Resistance of mortar (French standards)

(mS/cm) pH

Concentration (molar)

**5. Discussion** 

setting time.

Fig. 11. Comparison of X ray diffractometer powder of Feral (curve n°1) and samples made with 4 (curve n°2), 8 (curve n°3), 12 (curve n°4) and 15Molar (curve n°5) NaOH concentration reacting with Feral after 12hours conservation. D = dickite, H = huangite, M = millisite, Q = quartz

Solubility tests were performed with Senegalese Feral reacting with caustic ASTM C1285 - 02(2008). Samples were ground to size less than 250 µm and 1 gram placed in 10 mL deionized water and held at 90 °C for 7 days. After 24 h, the leaching tests of the 120 **°**C samples showed very low conductivities no matter what concentration of alkali used to make the brick. The values of conductivities increased with time (Table 14), the one day conductivities for all three samples are lower than they are at 7 days. There is a kinetic process (possibly diffusion controlled) that limits the buildup of Na in solution. There is little Al or Si present in the solution, because these species are essentially insoluble; it is the sodium which accounts for the conductivity. For example a standard solution of NaOH in water with a conductivity of 1 mS/ cm contains 200 ppm NaOH (Bao and al 2005).

The 4 M and 8 M samples have the lowest overall conductivities, whereas the 12 M samples are almost twice as high. This suggests that the amount of Na in the 4 and 8 M brick reacts nearly completely, whereas the 12 M sample may contain excess NaOH or soluble sodium silicate which washes out giving it a higher conductivity and pH. The moderate pH confirms the formation of silicate minerals of some type. These values are in line with those one obtains when natural zeolites are put in water. Sodium does not leach from these minerals to any great extent. Nevertheless, all conductivity values are reasonably low, proving that reactions are occurring during curing and that zeolite-like mineral(s) are probably forming (Bao and al 2006). Solubility is low. Durability should be better.


Table 14. Results of leaching test of bricks cured at 120 ºC

#### **5. Discussion**

186 Industrial Waste

Fig. 11. Comparison of X ray diffractometer powder of Feral (curve n°1) and samples made

concentration reacting with Feral after 12hours conservation. D = dickite, H = huangite, M =

Solubility tests were performed with Senegalese Feral reacting with caustic ASTM C1285 - 02(2008). Samples were ground to size less than 250 µm and 1 gram placed in 10 mL deionized water and held at 90 °C for 7 days. After 24 h, the leaching tests of the 120 **°**C samples showed very low conductivities no matter what concentration of alkali used to make the brick. The values of conductivities increased with time (Table 14), the one day conductivities for all three samples are lower than they are at 7 days. There is a kinetic process (possibly diffusion controlled) that limits the buildup of Na in solution. There is little Al or Si present in the solution, because these species are essentially insoluble; it is the sodium which accounts for the conductivity. For example a standard solution of NaOH in

The 4 M and 8 M samples have the lowest overall conductivities, whereas the 12 M samples are almost twice as high. This suggests that the amount of Na in the 4 and 8 M brick reacts nearly completely, whereas the 12 M sample may contain excess NaOH or soluble sodium silicate which washes out giving it a higher conductivity and pH. The moderate pH confirms the formation of silicate minerals of some type. These values are in line with those one obtains when natural zeolites are put in water. Sodium does not leach from these minerals to any great extent. Nevertheless, all conductivity values are reasonably low, proving that reactions are occurring during curing and that zeolite-like mineral(s) are

with 4 (curve n°2), 8 (curve n°3), 12 (curve n°4) and 15Molar (curve n°5) NaOH

water with a conductivity of 1 mS/ cm contains 200 ppm NaOH (Bao and al 2005).

probably forming (Bao and al 2006). Solubility is low. Durability should be better.

millisite, Q = quartz

The treatment of Feral with cement using different percentage has permitted to appreciate the mechanical behavior of this material and its sensitivity to water.

The treatment of Feral with cement improves its bearing capacity but for the long term (7days, 14 days and 28days), strength decrease no matter what the cement content. This phenomenon may be caused by the high content in P2O5 (0.82) of the Portland cement used. The Feral itself coming from phosphate mineral treatment contain around 25wt% of P2O5. According to several studies, among them, those of Lafarge laboratories (Cochet, 1995) stating that P2O5 is a strong retarding agent for the setting and hardening of mortar. Percentage higher than 0.5 will causes a decrease of initial resistance and an increase of the setting time.


\* = decrease; \*\* = high decrease; \*\*\* = very high decrease; c = constant; ◘ = increase; ; ◘ = high increase

Table 15. Impact of P2O5 on the characteristics of cements

So other means of treatment should be explored.

Alkali activation of Feral present the main advantage in connection with its composition: SiO2 (13wt %), Al2O3 (27wt %), P2O5 (25wt %), CaO (7wt %) and Na2O (1.3wt %). The attack of Feral with caustic solution (sodium hydroxide and/or sodium silicate) will enable the formation of geopolymers and zeolite minerals with aluminium-phosphorus-oxygen frameworks (AlPO4s). Forming mineral may include other variants like silicoaluminophosphate (SAPO).

The treatment of Feral with alkali makes it possible to use them in road substructure. However tests must be performed to determine the optimum concentration.

For bricks, Feral is treated with varying alkali concentration: between 4M, 8M and 12M.

For samples cured at 120 °C, regardless of the concentration of NaOH used, 12 h of curing gives the best compressive strength. This can be explained by the fact that with temperature, the reaction between the alkali solution and the Feral has taken place. After 12 h of curing,

Use of Phosphate Waste as a Building Material 189

the 20-30 mS/cm range. Because we are in the 1-3 mS/cm range, this suggests that zeolites are forming and they are very much part of the structure even though their presence may not be evident in SEM or X-ray diffraction scans. Based on the low conductivity numbers of 120 **°**C samples, it is predicted that durability of the long term room temperature cured alkali activated Feral brick should be better than that of conventional sun dried clay brick. The development of a quick temperature process to create durable bricks can be accomplished according to the needs of the community. The process does not generate chemical pollutants like fired clay bricks. It can use by-product materials like industrial waste enabling brick makers to solve environmental problems. A wooden mold and a mix of granular material and seawater (if commercially produced silicates are not available) are enough to fabricate good quality block with this technique. Locally available materials can be tested with different amounts of NaOH as mixing solution and cured as a function of temperature to determine the optimum concentrations of NaOH to use. At this time, we recommend 8 M NaOH because it seems to be a compromise between strength and cost. If a stronger brick is needed, one can use 12 M NaOH because strength was significantly higher in this case. This technology appears to be a solution for African developing countries like Senegal, but for the US too, if clean technology is desired. It seems possible that villagers could start their own businesses providing income and at the same time upgrading the brick used to build houses on a village to village basis. It is also proposed that a simple manual

ASTM C1285 - 02(2008), Standard Test Methods for Determining Chemical Durability of

Bao Y, Grutzeck MW. Solidification of sodium bearing waste using hydroceramic and

Waste Management Technologies in the Ceramic and Nuclear Industries X. Bao Y, Grutzeck MW. General recipe and properties of a four inch hydroceramic waste

Bao Y, Grutzeck MW, Jantzen CM. Preparation and properties of hydroceramic waste forms

Bao Y, Kwan S, Siemer DD, Grutzeck MW. Binders for radioactive waste forms made from pretreated calcined sodium bearing waste (SBW). J Mater Sci 2004;39(2):481–8. Bao Y, Kwan S, Siemer DD, Grutzeck MW. Binders for radioactive waste forms made from pretreated calcined sodium bearing waste (SBW). J Mater Sci 2004;39(2):481–8. Boa Y, Grutzeck MW. Solidification of sodium bearing waste using hydroceramic and

Waste Management Technologies in the Ceramic and Nuclear Industries X.

Nuclear, Hazardous, and Mixed Waste Glasses and Multiphase Glass Ceramics: the Product Consistency Test (PCT), American Society for the Testing of Materials ASTM International, 100 Barr Harbor Drive, PO Box C700, West Conshohocken,

portland cement binders. Ceram Trans 2005; 168:243–52. Environmental Issues and

form. In:Ceramic Transactions, vol. 176 (Environmental Issues and Waste Management Technologies in the Ceramic and Nuclear Industries XI), Am Ceram

made with simulated Hanford low-activity waste. J Amer Ceram Soc

portland cement binders. Ceram Trans 2005; 168:243–52. Environmental Issues and

press might be used to make full sized bricks.

PA, 19428-2959, USA.

2005;88(12):3287–302.

Soc, Westerville, OH; 2006. p. 63–74.

**7. References** 

the hydrated phase that forms are AlPO4 type zeolitic, because the bulk composition of the starting material falls within a compositional range typical for zeolites. Although the zeolites minerals that form are not as ''stable'' as kaolinite, they are able to bond to each other and form a solid that is much more resistant to softening and deformation during annual wet/dry cycles. All zeolites are metastable to some degree (Sherman, 1999; Diop and Grutzeck, 2008). The ones that form first, in the presence of abundant water, will become less hydrated and undergo phase transitions as a result of diagenesis. If placed in an aggressive environment such as one with an acidic pH, they will also dissolve. In neutral and alkaline environments however they are very insoluble. Zeolites will change with geological time if buried, but if exposed to heat and humidity at the surface, this change is nearly imperceptible. The type of zeolite that forms during the manufacture of the aforementioned brick is somewhat temperature dependant. What will happen on occasion is that an initially formed zeolite will change into another one, one that is more stable. This is a problem associated with nucleation and growth from supersaturated solutions and is similar to what happens during diagenesis. Early formed zeolites are often the least stable converting to a more stable form after a few hours or days of curing. This makes it mandatory for the person making brick using this method (especially at 120 °C) to test strength versus time to see if a disruptive phase change occurs that could reduce performance by introducing shrinkage/expansion cracks. If these occur, samples should not be cured longer than necessary to achieve initial maximum strength.

For all the samples tested, those mixed with 12 molar NaOH had the highest strengths. This is what one might expect, because as one increases the concentration of the alkali solution more Feral will dissolve in the solution and more sodium aluminophosphate precursors will form that have the ideal ratio to form AlPO4, i.e. Na:Al:Si P = 1:1:1). However, increasing the concentration of NaOH indefinitely (e.g. 15 M) will not cause a continuous increase in the strength; rather it will cause more sodium rich phases to form that may not be as insoluble as zeolites. This will increase solubility and possibly have a negative effect on durability.

The strengths and leachabilities of the samples are similar to those for alkali activated metakaolinite samples which usually run about 3 MPa, have a pH of about 10 and a conductivity of 2-3 mS/cm (Breck, 1974) Bao et al, 2004; Bao and Gritzeck. The ability to make a brick with these characteristics is rather exciting because of its implications and potential impact on the nature of sun dried brick making in developing countries.

#### **6. Conclusions**

Zeolites are very insoluble. They are currently forming at the bottom of the World's oceans. However, the Na ions in a zeolite are mobile, which accounts for a zeolite's ability to exchange cations with other substances in solution. In this case the measurement of conductivity used here is actually measuring two things: the degree of reaction that the sample has undergone prior to being tested, and the mobility of the Na ion in the zeoliticmatrix as it exchanges with protons in the water (Bao et al, 2005). If the conductivity of the solution is low this suggests that the NaOH that was used to make the sample has reacted with the Feral and has been ''tied up'' in a tectosilicate matrix. Conductivity reflects the degree of fixation (effectiveness of the recipe to do what it is meant to do) and the magnitude of the cation exchange of Na+ for H3O+ that takes place. It is safe to say that if no NaOH had reacted it would dissolve in the leaching solution and conductivity would be in

the hydrated phase that forms are AlPO4 type zeolitic, because the bulk composition of the starting material falls within a compositional range typical for zeolites. Although the zeolites minerals that form are not as ''stable'' as kaolinite, they are able to bond to each other and form a solid that is much more resistant to softening and deformation during annual wet/dry cycles. All zeolites are metastable to some degree (Sherman, 1999; Diop and Grutzeck, 2008). The ones that form first, in the presence of abundant water, will become less hydrated and undergo phase transitions as a result of diagenesis. If placed in an aggressive environment such as one with an acidic pH, they will also dissolve. In neutral and alkaline environments however they are very insoluble. Zeolites will change with geological time if buried, but if exposed to heat and humidity at the surface, this change is nearly imperceptible. The type of zeolite that forms during the manufacture of the aforementioned brick is somewhat temperature dependant. What will happen on occasion is that an initially formed zeolite will change into another one, one that is more stable. This is a problem associated with nucleation and growth from supersaturated solutions and is similar to what happens during diagenesis. Early formed zeolites are often the least stable converting to a more stable form after a few hours or days of curing. This makes it mandatory for the person making brick using this method (especially at 120 °C) to test strength versus time to see if a disruptive phase change occurs that could reduce performance by introducing shrinkage/expansion cracks. If these occur, samples should not

For all the samples tested, those mixed with 12 molar NaOH had the highest strengths. This is what one might expect, because as one increases the concentration of the alkali solution more Feral will dissolve in the solution and more sodium aluminophosphate precursors will form that have the ideal ratio to form AlPO4, i.e. Na:Al:Si P = 1:1:1). However, increasing the concentration of NaOH indefinitely (e.g. 15 M) will not cause a continuous increase in the strength; rather it will cause more sodium rich phases to form that may not be as insoluble as zeolites. This will increase solubility and possibly have a negative effect on durability.

The strengths and leachabilities of the samples are similar to those for alkali activated metakaolinite samples which usually run about 3 MPa, have a pH of about 10 and a conductivity of 2-3 mS/cm (Breck, 1974) Bao et al, 2004; Bao and Gritzeck. The ability to make a brick with these characteristics is rather exciting because of its implications and

Zeolites are very insoluble. They are currently forming at the bottom of the World's oceans. However, the Na ions in a zeolite are mobile, which accounts for a zeolite's ability to exchange cations with other substances in solution. In this case the measurement of conductivity used here is actually measuring two things: the degree of reaction that the sample has undergone prior to being tested, and the mobility of the Na ion in the zeoliticmatrix as it exchanges with protons in the water (Bao et al, 2005). If the conductivity of the solution is low this suggests that the NaOH that was used to make the sample has reacted with the Feral and has been ''tied up'' in a tectosilicate matrix. Conductivity reflects the degree of fixation (effectiveness of the recipe to do what it is meant to do) and the magnitude of the cation exchange of Na+ for H3O+ that takes place. It is safe to say that if no NaOH had reacted it would dissolve in the leaching solution and conductivity would be in

potential impact on the nature of sun dried brick making in developing countries.

**6. Conclusions** 

be cured longer than necessary to achieve initial maximum strength.

the 20-30 mS/cm range. Because we are in the 1-3 mS/cm range, this suggests that zeolites are forming and they are very much part of the structure even though their presence may not be evident in SEM or X-ray diffraction scans. Based on the low conductivity numbers of 120 **°**C samples, it is predicted that durability of the long term room temperature cured alkali activated Feral brick should be better than that of conventional sun dried clay brick.

The development of a quick temperature process to create durable bricks can be accomplished according to the needs of the community. The process does not generate chemical pollutants like fired clay bricks. It can use by-product materials like industrial waste enabling brick makers to solve environmental problems. A wooden mold and a mix of granular material and seawater (if commercially produced silicates are not available) are enough to fabricate good quality block with this technique. Locally available materials can be tested with different amounts of NaOH as mixing solution and cured as a function of temperature to determine the optimum concentrations of NaOH to use. At this time, we recommend 8 M NaOH because it seems to be a compromise between strength and cost. If a stronger brick is needed, one can use 12 M NaOH because strength was significantly higher in this case. This technology appears to be a solution for African developing countries like Senegal, but for the US too, if clean technology is desired. It seems possible that villagers could start their own businesses providing income and at the same time upgrading the brick used to build houses on a village to village basis. It is also proposed that a simple manual press might be used to make full sized bricks.

#### **7. References**


**10** 

James Hicks *CeraTech, Inc.,* 

*USA* 

**Utilization of Coal Combustion By-Products** 

The condition of highways is reaching conditions such that immense expenditures are

According to the 2005 report card by the American Society of Civil Engineers (ASCE), the state of America's infrastructure has reached alarmingly unacceptable levels which threaten the current lifestyle and standard of living. The average grade for America's infrastructure was D (Poor), requiring an estimated US\$1.6 trillion just to return the infrastructure systems

Another fact is that US\$9.4 billion a year for 20 years is required to eliminate the deficiencies in the nation's 600,000 bridges, suggests serious systemic problems exist in the construction industry. Society is slowly coming to realize that initial predictions of cement durability may have been excessive and that concrete buildings or structures that last for only 50–70 years

Volumes of materials required for the repair of deficiencies are further exacerbated by any new construction required. Much of this will require use of portland cement or other

A large producer of CO2 emissions is portland cement kilns. For instance, the use of fly ash (a by-product of coal burning in power generation and most common Coal Combustion Products (CCP) in the cement-making process) could reduce substantial amounts of CO2 emitted by a cement kiln. Worldwide, the production of portland cement alone accounts for 6 to 8 percent of all human generated CO2 greenhouse gases (Huntzinger, Deborah N. and Eatmon, Thomas D., 2009). Portland cement production is not only a source of combustionrelated CO2 emissions, but it is also one of the largest sources of industrial process-related emissions in the United States. Combustion related emissions from the U.S. [portland] cement industry were estimated at approximately 36 Tg of CO2 accounting for approximately 3.7 percent of combustion-related emissions in the U.S. industrial sector in 2001 (USGS, 2002).

required just to remediate existing conditions. (Floris & Hicks, 2009)

**1. Introduction** 

hydraulic cements.

**1.1 Condition of highways** 

back to a serviceable condition.

may not be cost effective. (Phair, 2006)

**1.2 Greenhouse gasses emitted** 

**and Green Materials for Production** 

**of Hydraulic Cement** 

