**9. Precariousness, revolutions and new forms of rebellion**

Social convulsions and their demands can be – totally or partially, directly or indirectly, in the short or the medium term – absorbed by the existing institutions (which is common and normal in solid democracies) or openly repressed and contested by the established order (which, naturally, is more common in dictatorial regimes). This means that social movements can both force important political and institutional reforms and bring about ruptures and violent revolutions. Generally, we can speak about revolutions when the increasing levels of discontent and popular pressure go hand in hand with the discrediting of the elites or oligarchies in power, whilst simultaneously a new class (or organised group) with ambition and the conditions to achieve political power is rising. Charles Tilly points to three conditions in order to make sense to speak of revolutions: (1) when clear discrepancies are played out between what the states demands of their better organised citizens and that which they can demand them to do; (2) when states present their citizens with demands that threaten collective identities or violate rights connected to these identities; and (3) when the power of governments visibly diminishes in relation to the growing strength of their opponents (Tilly, 1996: 284). On the other hand, as previously shown, social movements can have political or sociocultural power of great significance without this resulting in a revolution. There are numerous examples of peaceful transitions of authoritarian systems to democratic regimes but this rarely happens without the people taking to the streets. Collective action and grassroots movements in struggles were decisive in the democratic wave in the transition of southern Europe countries (Huntington, 1991; Nunes, 2003; Freire, 2005), although, as we saw in relation to the NSMs of the sixties, in consolidated democracies the explicit aims can be defeated, even though social change subsequently takes place, on the cultural level and in values in a process that is refracted along history (Carmo, 2000; Goffman & Joy, 2007; Barker, 2008).

What is intended here is to present a common thread that allows us to question the connecting features between different and distant phenomena to one another, whether in space or in time. We have already referred to past European experiences of the 20th Century

Labour Relations and Social Movements in the 21st Century 273

fundamentalist and anti-Western slogans being shouted – the young people of these countries have orchestrated the surprising downfall of dictators. "In the space of a few weeks, the myth of the passivity of the Arab people and their unsuitability for democracy had been blown sky-high (Gresh, 2011: 9). The Arab Spring deserved huge exposure in Western countries, the populations of which appeared to have been caught by surprise, and all the more so given the wave of indignation was, primarily, to bring down the tyranny and corrupt governments which had been in power for decades. In a word, they were fighting for democracy, which might signify a willingness to assimilate Western political models despite the fact that representative democracies themselves were ailing. In other words, all this seems paradoxical given that the spread of democratic values, the struggle for social justice and the Islamic countries desire for freedom took place at precisely the moment when Europe was falling headlong into a terrible economic and financial crisis, putting at risk the solidity of the democratic regimes and threatening to put an end to the *Welfare state*

that had exercised so much fascination on different peoples from around the world.

of political power continued to prosper after the fall of the respective dictatorships.

"another world is possible!" (Santos, 2006).

With all of its peculiarities, the West built liberal democracies, but the excess of consumerism that neoliberal globalisation and financial capitalism spread throughout the world has had disruptive effects, such as famine, unemployment and a whole host of threats to safety and well-being. From these derived new forms of protest and activism, above all organised by the youngest and better educated, and they increasingly used new information and communication technologies (ICTs). Ever since the experience of the EZLN (the Zapatist Army in Chiapas) and the mythical commander Marcos, new and irreverent appeals to fight against hegemonic globalisation have been constantly put forward (Santos, 2005 e 2006). The protests challenging the World Trade Organisation (WTO) summit in Seattle in 1999, demonstrating against neoliberalism, enviromental destruction, and the growing hunger and misery in the world, saw hundreds of NGOs and grassroots movements concentrated in that city to show that citizenship can indeed have a voice and that participative democracy was not dead (Costa, 2006; 2010). It was the beginning of a new cycle of protests that started the so called "alter-globalisation" protest, bringing together a huge group of organisations that used computer networks and the Internet as their preferred means of contact. Cyberactivism became part of the routine of students and activists of all different types and the many initiatives of the World Social Forum promoted on various continents after the meeting in Porto Alegre (in 2003) announced a new agenda and gave a voice to trends of thought and grassroots movements in defense of participative democracy and crying out for

The speed at which information spread and the visibility of the images of the events in real time exponentially increased the copycat effect. But the fuse only catches light when it contains sufficient gunpowder. The social causes that underlie the Arab revolutions are obviously not the same as those underlying the discontent in Western Europe. In the first case political democracy does not exist. In the second case, political democracy let itself become corrupted and was incapable of converging with economic democracy. The defence of social cohesion, which formerly was secured by the social state, is on the verge of a breakdown. We will do well not to forget that Europe is a puzzle of extremely unequal pieces which cannot be put together. In the late-developing European democracies of the southern countries (Portugal, Spain and Greece) the historical experiences of state authoritarianism left deep scars, and the brutality of the police forces and the centralisation

that we think still retain a significant place as collective memory in terms of heritage for today's generations. It is now necessary for us to discuss possible connections between a range of experiences that have taken place extremely recently and on various continents. Since March 2011, the world has witnessed a new wave of rebellions and movements that have affected countries and cultures, including those where only but a short time ago any idea of political change was unimaginable. The so-called "Arab Spring" revealed to an astonished West a wave of movements founded at the heart of extremely repressive Islamic regimes, many of which have given rise to political revolutions whose outcomes are still unknown but where the desire for liberty and democracy are crucial. Although social climate and the forms of protest – in Tunisia, Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Yemen and Libya – have, in theory, few similarities with the situation in Europe and the Western world, there are at least three aspects that these movements have in common with those that have very recently been sweeping across public squares and cities in the West: (1) the fact that they have, above all, been organised by educated young people; (2) the central concern of the protesters with the difficulties in finding employment and social justice; and (3) the use of Internet as their main tool for both organization and public condemnations, as well as using satellite communications.

It is fundamental to be attentive to the human and affective dimension of the many personal and social experiences – of conflict and harmony with the other – that are also ingredients of ill-will and discomfort, which express the inability of society to offer acceptance and safety and also the incessant search for sharing, for discovery and for recognition, like the atmospheres of thousands of young people in hundreds of squares like, to take an example, Tahrir Square in Cairo (Coelho, 2011). Certain segments, ethnic minorities, marginal and disrespected cultures, young people that resist aseptic integration into a society sometimes lacking in humanity constitute a diverse range of grievances that push them onto the bustling streets and for short periods of time into the rebellious emancipation that drives change in society. The young and old go through these "collective experiences of conflict", about which Carlos Gadea says that "they seem to arise from the ingredient of violence, a consequence of the participants who get together in limited social circles of practical implication in the world and feel that they cannot see themselves as being governed due to a lack of 'socialisation' in the 'structure of opportunities' that were created" (Gadea, 2011: 94).

When on 19th December 2010 the young Tunisian Mohamed Bouazizi set himself alight in front of a municipal office in his home town, Sidi Bouzid, in protest against the humiliation meted out by the authorities, who had confiscated his vegetables and produce which he had decided to sell, without having a permit, in his wheelbarrow, nobody could have imagined the contagious power that would be unleashed by this spark. It triggered a revolt that quickly spread to various countries and, in less than a year after this incident, had brought down a number of governments and in some cases (Tunisia, Egypt, Libya) gave rise to violent political revolutions. With levels of social inequality and significant unemployment (despite varying poverty rates), these countries are characterised by extremely young populations, the majority of them with half the population under 25 years of age and having a good level of education.

Contrary to a number of stereotypes that have taken root since 11th September 2001 relating to the "clash of civilisations" and which expose the ridicule aimed at "the Arab street" – where, according to many Western commentators, it is only possible to imagine

that we think still retain a significant place as collective memory in terms of heritage for today's generations. It is now necessary for us to discuss possible connections between a range of experiences that have taken place extremely recently and on various continents. Since March 2011, the world has witnessed a new wave of rebellions and movements that have affected countries and cultures, including those where only but a short time ago any idea of political change was unimaginable. The so-called "Arab Spring" revealed to an astonished West a wave of movements founded at the heart of extremely repressive Islamic regimes, many of which have given rise to political revolutions whose outcomes are still unknown but where the desire for liberty and democracy are crucial. Although social climate and the forms of protest – in Tunisia, Algeria, Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Yemen and Libya – have, in theory, few similarities with the situation in Europe and the Western world, there are at least three aspects that these movements have in common with those that have very recently been sweeping across public squares and cities in the West: (1) the fact that they have, above all, been organised by educated young people; (2) the central concern of the protesters with the difficulties in finding employment and social justice; and (3) the use of Internet as their main tool for both organization and public condemnations, as well as

It is fundamental to be attentive to the human and affective dimension of the many personal and social experiences – of conflict and harmony with the other – that are also ingredients of ill-will and discomfort, which express the inability of society to offer acceptance and safety and also the incessant search for sharing, for discovery and for recognition, like the atmospheres of thousands of young people in hundreds of squares like, to take an example, Tahrir Square in Cairo (Coelho, 2011). Certain segments, ethnic minorities, marginal and disrespected cultures, young people that resist aseptic integration into a society sometimes lacking in humanity constitute a diverse range of grievances that push them onto the bustling streets and for short periods of time into the rebellious emancipation that drives change in society. The young and old go through these "collective experiences of conflict", about which Carlos Gadea says that "they seem to arise from the ingredient of violence, a consequence of the participants who get together in limited social circles of practical implication in the world and feel that they cannot see themselves as being governed due to a lack of 'socialisation' in the 'structure of opportunities' that were created" (Gadea, 2011: 94). When on 19th December 2010 the young Tunisian Mohamed Bouazizi set himself alight in front of a municipal office in his home town, Sidi Bouzid, in protest against the humiliation meted out by the authorities, who had confiscated his vegetables and produce which he had decided to sell, without having a permit, in his wheelbarrow, nobody could have imagined the contagious power that would be unleashed by this spark. It triggered a revolt that quickly spread to various countries and, in less than a year after this incident, had brought down a number of governments and in some cases (Tunisia, Egypt, Libya) gave rise to violent political revolutions. With levels of social inequality and significant unemployment (despite varying poverty rates), these countries are characterised by extremely young populations, the majority of them with half the population under 25 years of age and having

Contrary to a number of stereotypes that have taken root since 11th September 2001 relating to the "clash of civilisations" and which expose the ridicule aimed at "the Arab street" – where, according to many Western commentators, it is only possible to imagine

using satellite communications.

a good level of education.

fundamentalist and anti-Western slogans being shouted – the young people of these countries have orchestrated the surprising downfall of dictators. "In the space of a few weeks, the myth of the passivity of the Arab people and their unsuitability for democracy had been blown sky-high (Gresh, 2011: 9). The Arab Spring deserved huge exposure in Western countries, the populations of which appeared to have been caught by surprise, and all the more so given the wave of indignation was, primarily, to bring down the tyranny and corrupt governments which had been in power for decades. In a word, they were fighting for democracy, which might signify a willingness to assimilate Western political models despite the fact that representative democracies themselves were ailing. In other words, all this seems paradoxical given that the spread of democratic values, the struggle for social justice and the Islamic countries desire for freedom took place at precisely the moment when Europe was falling headlong into a terrible economic and financial crisis, putting at risk the solidity of the democratic regimes and threatening to put an end to the *Welfare state* that had exercised so much fascination on different peoples from around the world.

The speed at which information spread and the visibility of the images of the events in real time exponentially increased the copycat effect. But the fuse only catches light when it contains sufficient gunpowder. The social causes that underlie the Arab revolutions are obviously not the same as those underlying the discontent in Western Europe. In the first case political democracy does not exist. In the second case, political democracy let itself become corrupted and was incapable of converging with economic democracy. The defence of social cohesion, which formerly was secured by the social state, is on the verge of a breakdown. We will do well not to forget that Europe is a puzzle of extremely unequal pieces which cannot be put together. In the late-developing European democracies of the southern countries (Portugal, Spain and Greece) the historical experiences of state authoritarianism left deep scars, and the brutality of the police forces and the centralisation of political power continued to prosper after the fall of the respective dictatorships.

With all of its peculiarities, the West built liberal democracies, but the excess of consumerism that neoliberal globalisation and financial capitalism spread throughout the world has had disruptive effects, such as famine, unemployment and a whole host of threats to safety and well-being. From these derived new forms of protest and activism, above all organised by the youngest and better educated, and they increasingly used new information and communication technologies (ICTs). Ever since the experience of the EZLN (the Zapatist Army in Chiapas) and the mythical commander Marcos, new and irreverent appeals to fight against hegemonic globalisation have been constantly put forward (Santos, 2005 e 2006). The protests challenging the World Trade Organisation (WTO) summit in Seattle in 1999, demonstrating against neoliberalism, enviromental destruction, and the growing hunger and misery in the world, saw hundreds of NGOs and grassroots movements concentrated in that city to show that citizenship can indeed have a voice and that participative democracy was not dead (Costa, 2006; 2010). It was the beginning of a new cycle of protests that started the so called "alter-globalisation" protest, bringing together a huge group of organisations that used computer networks and the Internet as their preferred means of contact. Cyberactivism became part of the routine of students and activists of all different types and the many initiatives of the World Social Forum promoted on various continents after the meeting in Porto Alegre (in 2003) announced a new agenda and gave a voice to trends of thought and grassroots movements in defense of participative democracy and crying out for "another world is possible!" (Santos, 2006).

Labour Relations and Social Movements in the 21st Century 275

already mentioned *Geração à Rasca* – "Desperate Generation" that took place in Lisbon and other Portuguese cities on the 12th March 2011 (named as M12M), and organised by a small group of young people through the social network, Facebook, had an unprecedented impact and took the majority of observers by surprise. Approximately 300,000 people marched through Portuguese cities, the majority in the capital. "Precariousness they want, rebels they will get!" was one of the slogans shouted the most. Despite the youthful dynamism of the protests, the demonstrators were notably diverse, from older citizens frustrated with the emancipatory promises of the revolution of April 1974, to middle-aged people made unemployed with the closures and relocations of companies, to those disposed of by the public sector, etc. The discontentment with the political parties and representative democracy were clearly visible: "A united people don't need a party!" was another slogan

In addition to employment, the need for security, the despair of families in trying to pay their debts and the risk of not only the usual sections of the less qualified but also important sections of the middle class falling overwhelmingly into poverty, we can now add – Portugal, Ireland and Greece being prominent cases – the frightening increase in austerity measures, abrupt cuts in salaries, and sharp increases in taxes and unemployment rates. The severity of the crisis and the discretionary manner in which European governments have loaded the sacrifices onto the workers and the public sector, scandalously sparing the banks, the economic elite and speculators of all types, can only lead to the increase in protests. Those camped in the *Puerta del Sol* in Madrid, and in various Spanish cities that followed in the month of May– M15M – adopted some of the features of the Portuguese movement, demanding better jobs, greater justice in the distribution of wealth and more democracy. From "Democracy Now!" to the "The indignant generation", through to "Occupy Wall Street", the objectives and phrases displayed before the watching media not only reflect the enormous diversity of the participants but also the actual vagueness of their objectives. In any event, the utopia, the idealism, the dream, the radicalism and the enormous variety of "demands" and ambitions, some more legitimate than others, always go hand in hand with youth movements. In this respect, the second decade of the 21st Century does not appear to differ a great deal from the 1960s. In the "Camps" of Puerta del Sol you can see various proposals of the indignants: «*real politics now*!»; «*they do not, they do not, they do not represent us»*; «*Spain is different, not indifferent»*; «*side a side b: we want to change the record»*; «*They are the captain*, *we are the sea»*; «*I love democracy, but you are absent»*; «*There is still the rest of the month* 

*left when my salary ends»*; «*violence is earning 600 Euros!»* (Velasco, 2011).

"The aims may be incoherent, but the common threads are clear. The protests that have mushroomed in over 900 cities in 80-plus countries over the past few days have voiced few practical demands, and in some cases they actually avoid making any. Participants favour the general over the specific. They think need matters more than greed. They like decisions by consensus, distrust elites and feel that capitalism's pains and gains are unfairly shared. Beyond that, the horizon clouds." *(The Economist,* October, 22nd 2011, p. 70). This passage sums up well the range of objectives and motivations that mobilised the millions, who on the 15th October 2011, participated in a unique global action that spread to all continents. At this point we can pinpoint the more innovative character of the present movements. Operating through social networks and reaching "dissident" social circles that are far beyond the "core groups" that in each context act as organising pivots, these are groups

shouted in the Avenida da Liberdade.

Social movements can leave the stage for long periods but the previous experiences can very often act as germs that grow again from time to time, that is, memory tends to cater for an inspiring and enriching heritage in each cycle of movements. The events of December 2008 in Athens and other Greek cities (triggered after the killing of a teenager by police) served to illustrate the tensions existing in this country since the period of dictatorship and throughout the neoliberal restructuring at the beginning of the 1990s. "… in the eruption of December 2008 and during the previous ruptures, this depositioning of the social in relation to its political abstraction (representation and state) was not articulated into a coherent social alternative. It was articulated as a violent, non-directional (or rather multi-directional) 'realignment' of the political with the social terrains of the dismantled previous structures, forced into being by 'the street'" (Giovanopoulos and Dalakoglou, 2011: 111). In 2009 and 2010, the student movement which was against the Bologna model of education, took some radical action in certain Spanish cities such as Valencia and Barcelona, and challenged the commodified conception of the new model of organisation for university programmes, the risk of draining funds from public universities and, in essence, the organisation of this model according to a global logic dictated by global capital interest (Santos, 2004 and 2011).

In Portuguese society, the student movement only had real political significance in the country in the now distant years of the 1960s, and had taken on particular characteristics at the beginning of this decade in Lisbon and, at the end of the same decade (after May 1968), at the University of Coimbra. "In the 1960s, in particular, the University of Coimbra became the focus for a series of intense student protests taking place under a political regime with fascist characteristics, which repressed not only students but also democratic public opinion that were demanding democracy and calling for the end of the colonial war. On the one hand, universities in Portugal were extremely elitist, but, on the other hand, they were politically active and thereby helping to extend democratic consciousness all across society" (Estanque, 2010). With the implementation of democracy in Portugal social movements were notable for the dynamism of the workers and the plurality of popular forms that came about during the Carnation Revolution (1974-75) and which led young people and students to spread the diverse ideologies of the left and the far-left, but the working class vanguard was always on the horizon. There followed a period of little youth protest, which evolved into the activism of the 1970s (Cardina, 2008) and from there to the greater individualism and indifference of the 1980s which lasted until the recent past (Estanque and Bebiano, 2007). Only in the middle 1990s the university students showed again their uprising, this time related to the increasing fees in public universities, yet the first essay to assault public education in Europe (Drago, 2005).

Social movements strongly reemerged recently in the West, particularly in Europe. As previously mentioned, the Arab Spring has helped to trigger the most recent protests and sociopolitical activism. But the essential reasons are, as we indicated at the beginning, related to the labour market and the profound transformation that this has undergone in the last two decades. It can be said that the trend towards precariousness and individualisation, swept along by the neoliberal programme and the undermining of social rights, has led the younger generations to behave, firstly, in a consumerist fashion, then in an apathetic and depoliticised manner and, finally, with the increase in precariousness and unemployment, leading to fear and withdrawal. After the political and ideological convictions have been exhausted, it seemed that only individual solutions were left. The huge demonstration of the

Social movements can leave the stage for long periods but the previous experiences can very often act as germs that grow again from time to time, that is, memory tends to cater for an inspiring and enriching heritage in each cycle of movements. The events of December 2008 in Athens and other Greek cities (triggered after the killing of a teenager by police) served to illustrate the tensions existing in this country since the period of dictatorship and throughout the neoliberal restructuring at the beginning of the 1990s. "… in the eruption of December 2008 and during the previous ruptures, this depositioning of the social in relation to its political abstraction (representation and state) was not articulated into a coherent social alternative. It was articulated as a violent, non-directional (or rather multi-directional) 'realignment' of the political with the social terrains of the dismantled previous structures, forced into being by 'the street'" (Giovanopoulos and Dalakoglou, 2011: 111). In 2009 and 2010, the student movement which was against the Bologna model of education, took some radical action in certain Spanish cities such as Valencia and Barcelona, and challenged the commodified conception of the new model of organisation for university programmes, the risk of draining funds from public universities and, in essence, the organisation of this model according to a global logic dictated by global capital interest (Santos, 2004 and 2011). In Portuguese society, the student movement only had real political significance in the country in the now distant years of the 1960s, and had taken on particular characteristics at the beginning of this decade in Lisbon and, at the end of the same decade (after May 1968), at the University of Coimbra. "In the 1960s, in particular, the University of Coimbra became the focus for a series of intense student protests taking place under a political regime with fascist characteristics, which repressed not only students but also democratic public opinion that were demanding democracy and calling for the end of the colonial war. On the one hand, universities in Portugal were extremely elitist, but, on the other hand, they were politically active and thereby helping to extend democratic consciousness all across society" (Estanque, 2010). With the implementation of democracy in Portugal social movements were notable for the dynamism of the workers and the plurality of popular forms that came about during the Carnation Revolution (1974-75) and which led young people and students to spread the diverse ideologies of the left and the far-left, but the working class vanguard was always on the horizon. There followed a period of little youth protest, which evolved into the activism of the 1970s (Cardina, 2008) and from there to the greater individualism and indifference of the 1980s which lasted until the recent past (Estanque and Bebiano, 2007). Only in the middle 1990s the university students showed again their uprising, this time related to the increasing fees in public universities, yet the first essay to assault public

Social movements strongly reemerged recently in the West, particularly in Europe. As previously mentioned, the Arab Spring has helped to trigger the most recent protests and sociopolitical activism. But the essential reasons are, as we indicated at the beginning, related to the labour market and the profound transformation that this has undergone in the last two decades. It can be said that the trend towards precariousness and individualisation, swept along by the neoliberal programme and the undermining of social rights, has led the younger generations to behave, firstly, in a consumerist fashion, then in an apathetic and depoliticised manner and, finally, with the increase in precariousness and unemployment, leading to fear and withdrawal. After the political and ideological convictions have been exhausted, it seemed that only individual solutions were left. The huge demonstration of the

education in Europe (Drago, 2005).

already mentioned *Geração à Rasca* – "Desperate Generation" that took place in Lisbon and other Portuguese cities on the 12th March 2011 (named as M12M), and organised by a small group of young people through the social network, Facebook, had an unprecedented impact and took the majority of observers by surprise. Approximately 300,000 people marched through Portuguese cities, the majority in the capital. "Precariousness they want, rebels they will get!" was one of the slogans shouted the most. Despite the youthful dynamism of the protests, the demonstrators were notably diverse, from older citizens frustrated with the emancipatory promises of the revolution of April 1974, to middle-aged people made unemployed with the closures and relocations of companies, to those disposed of by the public sector, etc. The discontentment with the political parties and representative democracy were clearly visible: "A united people don't need a party!" was another slogan shouted in the Avenida da Liberdade.

In addition to employment, the need for security, the despair of families in trying to pay their debts and the risk of not only the usual sections of the less qualified but also important sections of the middle class falling overwhelmingly into poverty, we can now add – Portugal, Ireland and Greece being prominent cases – the frightening increase in austerity measures, abrupt cuts in salaries, and sharp increases in taxes and unemployment rates. The severity of the crisis and the discretionary manner in which European governments have loaded the sacrifices onto the workers and the public sector, scandalously sparing the banks, the economic elite and speculators of all types, can only lead to the increase in protests. Those camped in the *Puerta del Sol* in Madrid, and in various Spanish cities that followed in the month of May– M15M – adopted some of the features of the Portuguese movement, demanding better jobs, greater justice in the distribution of wealth and more democracy. From "Democracy Now!" to the "The indignant generation", through to "Occupy Wall Street", the objectives and phrases displayed before the watching media not only reflect the enormous diversity of the participants but also the actual vagueness of their objectives. In any event, the utopia, the idealism, the dream, the radicalism and the enormous variety of "demands" and ambitions, some more legitimate than others, always go hand in hand with youth movements. In this respect, the second decade of the 21st Century does not appear to differ a great deal from the 1960s. In the "Camps" of Puerta del Sol you can see various proposals of the indignants: «*real politics now*!»; «*they do not, they do not, they do not represent us»*; «*Spain is different, not indifferent»*; «*side a side b: we want to change the record»*; «*They are the captain*, *we are the sea»*; «*I love democracy, but you are absent»*; «*There is still the rest of the month left when my salary ends»*; «*violence is earning 600 Euros!»* (Velasco, 2011).

"The aims may be incoherent, but the common threads are clear. The protests that have mushroomed in over 900 cities in 80-plus countries over the past few days have voiced few practical demands, and in some cases they actually avoid making any. Participants favour the general over the specific. They think need matters more than greed. They like decisions by consensus, distrust elites and feel that capitalism's pains and gains are unfairly shared. Beyond that, the horizon clouds." *(The Economist,* October, 22nd 2011, p. 70). This passage sums up well the range of objectives and motivations that mobilised the millions, who on the 15th October 2011, participated in a unique global action that spread to all continents. At this point we can pinpoint the more innovative character of the present movements. Operating through social networks and reaching "dissident" social circles that are far beyond the "core groups" that in each context act as organising pivots, these are groups

Labour Relations and Social Movements in the 21st Century 277

Of course economic crisis, the violent austerity measures, with the growing unemployment and the expansion of poverty (including in the middle class segments) contributed decisively to the new discontents. People are becoming increasingly impatient and mistrustful of national and European politicians, and over the last year, they have started to protest. On the one hand, we are witnessing large mobilisations of trade unions, organised, above all, by groups in the public sector and in the area of education, and a general strike (the second in two years), organized by the two main trade union confederations, CGTP and UGT (ordinarily rivals), by the end of November 2011. On the other hand, the initiatives of those involved in the "precarious" movements are proliferating, organised by indignant young people in the absence of opportunities to get a dignified job, and after having invested in academic careers at the universities. From having an individualist, consumerist and indifferent attitude, from the search for individual solutions that led them to reject politics, from the evolution of the old activism (of the 1970s) to recent indifference, young Portuguese people, similar to the Spanish, English, French, Greek, Americans and even those who organised the Arab Spring, are showing signs of wanting to have a voice and to

return to assert a collective will. To shout out their protests and return to politics.

cultural and economic dimensions.

Afrontamento.

*trabalho.* São Paulo: Boitempo.

**11. References** 

Some of the protagonists in the present day movements protesting against precariousness and austerity that have hit some of the peripheral countries of Europe - the the "Inflexible precarious", the "FERVE-Fed up with green receipts", the "Intermittents of the show", and "May Day" –, are examples of maverick voices, of a larger dynamic irreverence, which have linked up with other groups and movements like the "Campers", the "Indignants" and more recently "Occupy Wall Street", "Occupy London" actions that are multiplying around the world, like the one that took place on 15th October in an admirable demonstration of vitality, of efficiency of the social networks and of cyberspace and the irreverent imagination of the present generation. Work, as the central sphere of social cohesion and integration, is the main target of this social regression unfolding in this context of crisis and austerity. But it should continue as the binding agent that can bring together distinct and traditionally divided logics of mobilisation. It is the struggle for the right to work and (through labour) for social and human rights (at work) that could bring together, on the one side, the trade unions and the precarious and, on the other side, the indignant movements that are proliferating in the country, in Europe and all around the world. Facing more urgent and primary needs, struggling against the "austeritarian" abolishing of a large set of labour rights, the aesthetic discourse loose mobilization capacity compared to those needs, but the new cultural identities of the precarious youth seems to be redefined on the grounds of both

AAVV (2009), *Dois anos a FERVEr: retratos da luta, balanço da precariedade.* Porto:

Alvarez, Sonia; Dagnino, Evelina; Escobar, Arturo (2000) *Cultura Política nos Movimentos* 

Antunes, Ricardo (1999), *Os Sentidos do Trabalho. Ensaio sobre a afirmação e a negação do* 

*Sociais Latino-Americanos.* Belo Horizonte: Editora UFMG. Alves, Giovanni (2009), *A Condição de Proletaridade.* Londrina: Praxis. Amin, Ash (ed.) (1994), *Post-fordism: a reader*. Cambridge: Blackwell.

which are quite fluid and volatile, that move and circulate, like links in a transmission chain of energy, enablers of socio-political dynamism. This is a language in which the meaning from contestation to radicalism of the discourse exalts "conflict" and antagonisms – "the other 1% against 'us', the 99%!!" – and constitutes the principal binding agent, but the aesthetics, the shades and sounds, the exotic clothes, the creative slogans, the more or less exuberant colours reveal the festive, playful and cathartic side of demonstrations where a youthful dynamic is evident, even if it does attract other age groups. As one of the young members of the indignants said in Madrid , "I am 57 years old. Today, at last, it feels like I'm 17! Onward: this is for everybody!".
