**10. Conclusion**

The present paper has shown, firstly, how the systemic process of the reorganisation of the labour market has followed a strategy of the dominant economic power and at the same time the inability of the European political elites to secure the sustainability of this model of social state whose victories are now being reversed. From the strategy of flexibilization to the huge growth in precariousness it was but a small step. Workers' rights, safety at work, recognition and professional status that bestowed dignity for decades, the sense of progress and of future that justified access to better living conditions and encouraged the indebtedness of millions of middle class families (and even manual workers), in a short period of time seem to have "vanished in thin air" without having time to slow the process or even to become aware of the real risks involved.

European citizens were quick to understand and successive international studies showed that the subjective attitudes indicated a growing concern, mistrust and discontentment with life, with the working conditions and with the functioning of institutions in general, with the emphasis being placed on the political and legal systems. The collective apprehension with the reduction in public investments and the withdrawal of or reductions in finances in public service, particularly in health and education, are some of the aspects that have given rise to greater degrees of dissatisfaction in many countries in Europe. Whether on the subjective level, or whether in relation to working conditions and access to employment, educated young people, as we have seen in this chapter, are those most affected by the changes taking place in the economies. As for Portugal, which has been under greater scrutiny here, the increase in precariousness and unemployment has been more pronounced for the young, with approximately half of these to be found in precarious situations and for whom unemployment is around 35%, which means much more than double the national average.

Signs of indifference on the part of citizens in relation to political activity and to democratic institutions have already been making themselves felt to an alarming extent since the turn of the century. But the experience of the last few years, with the constant worsening of the economic and financial crisis, particularly the deficit and the pressure of the markets, has hit the living conditions of millions of Portuguese especially hard, abruptly robbing them of their expectations and their future. This also reflected the return of the "material" values. That is to say, once again, the "post-material" values that surpassed the old "economicist" struggles in the sixties are now staying behind vis-à-vis "materialistic" goals, except that the new uprisings do not forget issues like environment, gender, human rights. The point is that now new inequalities and forms of violence come together with the increasing of new oppressions, despotic powers and exploitation inside jobs.

which are quite fluid and volatile, that move and circulate, like links in a transmission chain of energy, enablers of socio-political dynamism. This is a language in which the meaning from contestation to radicalism of the discourse exalts "conflict" and antagonisms – "the other 1% against 'us', the 99%!!" – and constitutes the principal binding agent, but the aesthetics, the shades and sounds, the exotic clothes, the creative slogans, the more or less exuberant colours reveal the festive, playful and cathartic side of demonstrations where a youthful dynamic is evident, even if it does attract other age groups. As one of the young members of the indignants said in Madrid , "I am 57 years old. Today, at last, it feels like I'm

The present paper has shown, firstly, how the systemic process of the reorganisation of the labour market has followed a strategy of the dominant economic power and at the same time the inability of the European political elites to secure the sustainability of this model of social state whose victories are now being reversed. From the strategy of flexibilization to the huge growth in precariousness it was but a small step. Workers' rights, safety at work, recognition and professional status that bestowed dignity for decades, the sense of progress and of future that justified access to better living conditions and encouraged the indebtedness of millions of middle class families (and even manual workers), in a short period of time seem to have "vanished in thin air" without having time to slow the process

European citizens were quick to understand and successive international studies showed that the subjective attitudes indicated a growing concern, mistrust and discontentment with life, with the working conditions and with the functioning of institutions in general, with the emphasis being placed on the political and legal systems. The collective apprehension with the reduction in public investments and the withdrawal of or reductions in finances in public service, particularly in health and education, are some of the aspects that have given rise to greater degrees of dissatisfaction in many countries in Europe. Whether on the subjective level, or whether in relation to working conditions and access to employment, educated young people, as we have seen in this chapter, are those most affected by the changes taking place in the economies. As for Portugal, which has been under greater scrutiny here, the increase in precariousness and unemployment has been more pronounced for the young, with approximately half of these to be found in precarious situations and for whom unemployment is around 35%, which means much more than double the national average.

Signs of indifference on the part of citizens in relation to political activity and to democratic institutions have already been making themselves felt to an alarming extent since the turn of the century. But the experience of the last few years, with the constant worsening of the economic and financial crisis, particularly the deficit and the pressure of the markets, has hit the living conditions of millions of Portuguese especially hard, abruptly robbing them of their expectations and their future. This also reflected the return of the "material" values. That is to say, once again, the "post-material" values that surpassed the old "economicist" struggles in the sixties are now staying behind vis-à-vis "materialistic" goals, except that the new uprisings do not forget issues like environment, gender, human rights. The point is that now new inequalities and forms of violence come together with the increasing of new

17! Onward: this is for everybody!".

or even to become aware of the real risks involved.

oppressions, despotic powers and exploitation inside jobs.

**10. Conclusion** 

Of course economic crisis, the violent austerity measures, with the growing unemployment and the expansion of poverty (including in the middle class segments) contributed decisively to the new discontents. People are becoming increasingly impatient and mistrustful of national and European politicians, and over the last year, they have started to protest. On the one hand, we are witnessing large mobilisations of trade unions, organised, above all, by groups in the public sector and in the area of education, and a general strike (the second in two years), organized by the two main trade union confederations, CGTP and UGT (ordinarily rivals), by the end of November 2011. On the other hand, the initiatives of those involved in the "precarious" movements are proliferating, organised by indignant young people in the absence of opportunities to get a dignified job, and after having invested in academic careers at the universities. From having an individualist, consumerist and indifferent attitude, from the search for individual solutions that led them to reject politics, from the evolution of the old activism (of the 1970s) to recent indifference, young Portuguese people, similar to the Spanish, English, French, Greek, Americans and even those who organised the Arab Spring, are showing signs of wanting to have a voice and to return to assert a collective will. To shout out their protests and return to politics.

Some of the protagonists in the present day movements protesting against precariousness and austerity that have hit some of the peripheral countries of Europe - the the "Inflexible precarious", the "FERVE-Fed up with green receipts", the "Intermittents of the show", and "May Day" –, are examples of maverick voices, of a larger dynamic irreverence, which have linked up with other groups and movements like the "Campers", the "Indignants" and more recently "Occupy Wall Street", "Occupy London" actions that are multiplying around the world, like the one that took place on 15th October in an admirable demonstration of vitality, of efficiency of the social networks and of cyberspace and the irreverent imagination of the present generation. Work, as the central sphere of social cohesion and integration, is the main target of this social regression unfolding in this context of crisis and austerity. But it should continue as the binding agent that can bring together distinct and traditionally divided logics of mobilisation. It is the struggle for the right to work and (through labour) for social and human rights (at work) that could bring together, on the one side, the trade unions and the precarious and, on the other side, the indignant movements that are proliferating in the country, in Europe and all around the world. Facing more urgent and primary needs, struggling against the "austeritarian" abolishing of a large set of labour rights, the aesthetic discourse loose mobilization capacity compared to those needs, but the new cultural identities of the precarious youth seems to be redefined on the grounds of both cultural and economic dimensions.
