**An Analysis of the Contribution of Community Wildlife Management Areas on Livelihood in Tanzania**

Abiud L. Kaswamila

*Department of Geography and Environmental Studies The University of Dodoma, Dodoma Tanzania* 

### **1. Introduction**

138 Sustainable Natural Resources Management

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Norberg, J., Peterson, G., and Pritchard, R. (2002) Resilience management in socialecological systems: a working hypothesis for a participatory approach. *Conservation Ecology* Vol. 6, 1, 14. [online] URL: http://www.consecol.org/vol6/iss1/art14/. Walker, B., and Salt, D. (2006) *Resilience thinking: sustaining ecosystems and people in a changing*  Community conservation strategies are eminently suited to help meet the Millennium Development Goal (MDGs), especially those related to eradicating poverty and ensuring environmental sustainability (Pathak *et al*. 2005). Indeed, they provide a bridge amongst these goals, which is otherwise weakly developed in most country policies and programmes (Kothari *et al*., 2000). A wide range of motivations can lead to establishment of community conserved areas; these include: Concern for wildlife protection; to secure sustainable access to livelihood resources; to obtain sustainable benefits from ecosystem benefits; to sustain religious, identity or cultural needs, to secure collective or community land tenure, to obtain security from threats, and to obtain financial benefits (*ibid.*). On the other hand, community conserved areas are critical from an ecological and social perspective in many ways e.g. help in conservation of critical ecosystem and threatened species, provide corridors and linkages, offer lessons in integrating customer and statutory laws, help communities in empowering themselves etc (IUCN, 2006).

A close look at various Community Based Conservation (CBC) practices in Africa suggests that while communities are now included in the politics of and policies of conservation, they remain peripheral to defining the ways in which conservation is perceived and nature managed (Kaswamila et al, 2010). That is, although conservation is expanding geographically, devolution and participation remain elusive or passive in nature. In Tanzania, after implementing Community-Based Conservation (CBC) programmes since early 1980s without providing tangible benefits to local communities living adjacent to the protected areas, the government in 2003 adopted a concept of establishing a new category of protected area, the Wildlife Management Areas – areas set aside by village governments to enable local communities to benefit from wildlife resources and at the same time conserve these areas which are crucial as wildlife migratory routes and/or dispersal areas.

This chapter evaluates the impact of the WMA initiative on livelihood and conservation in one of the first five WMAs to attain user rights – consumptive and non-consumptive user rights, the Burunge WMA. Specifically, it seeks to (i) Assess the WMAs financial impacts to

An Analysis of the Contribution of Community

realised and accepted by all (*ibid*).

Wildlife Management Areas on Livelihood in Tanzania 141

Policy and legislative changes in a number of eastern and southern African countries together with the dedicated efforts of certain non-governmental organisations and community-based organisations have seen the rise of Community Conservation Areas (CCAs) in the region over the last few decades (Holden *et al*., 2006; Kaswamila, 2006, Kaswamila *et al*., 2007). The devolution of rights to local communities has in a growing number of instances empowered them to manage the land and natural resources, including wildlife furthering regional and global conservation objectives whilst delivering opportunities for sustainable socio-economic development at local level (Holden *et al*., 2006). Impediments to this remain and include a lack of capacity and resources, conservative mindsets within certain conservation and government agencies, political instability, complex community dynamics, and insecure tenure regimes that continue to undermine the rights of local communities (*ibid*). However, as the success stories increase and lessons learned, the benefits that CCAs have to offer are being more broadly

In South Africa for example, in the era of apartheid years, the majority of people were effectively prevented from enjoying the benefits of formal conservation areas, often bearing the costs associated with removal and exclusion from parks (Holden *et al*., 2006). However, with the advent of democracy in 1994, in order to achieve the dual goals of biodiversity conservation and social justice, institutional restructuring was undertaken (particularly at the level of national park agency), and innovative legislative introduced. CCAs in southern Africa have been initiated as a sustainable economic revenue generating opportunity for the community (*ibid.*). Furthermore, they are often key corridors that link state protected areas,

In Namibia, efforts of a number of far-sighted conservationists and NGOs, with the support of the Ministry of environment and tourism, have resulted in the establishment of a number of successful community conservancies (NASCO, 2004). There are now 44 registered communal area conservancies covering more than 10,500,000 ha (*ibid*). Total income to these conservancies in 2005 was N \$ 20.1 million (appr. US \$ 3.1 million) (Holden *et al.*, 2006). Clear legal rights are given to community institutions, avoiding regional government structures and the need for such structures to further devolve authority. Rather than being defined by artificial units, which potentially force together people who would not normally co-operate, communities define themselves, enabling the development of cohesive social management units with incentives for individuals to cooperate (SASUG, 1997). Communities carry on their normal economic activities within a conservancy, and essentially wildlife and tourism become additional forms of land use (*ibid*.). The conservancy policy and legislation is flexible, with communities able to shape their conservancy according to local social and ecological conditions, and to choose their

In Botswana, despite the absence of strong rights over wildlife, by 2003, 47 communities comprising 44,000 people had formed trusts for the management of wildlife and natural resources (Arntzen *et al*. 2004). The total income to the trusts was more than BP 7.3 million or about US \$1 million (*ibid*.). CCAs in Botswana help to maintain large areas of land under wildlife outside protected areas and according to Arntzen *et al*., (2003) poaching levels are falling in these areas. However, in a number of areas, communities struggle to establish CCAs, because of lack of resources to do the necessary planning, and lack of support from government agencies. In Zimbabwe in 1989 the first two Communal Areas Management

increasing the ecological and economic viability of both (*ibid*.).

committees in a manner consistent with their own cultural norms (*Ibid*).

local communities (ii) Assess the contribution of the WMA on conservation of wildlife corridors and (iii) assess issues and problems which threaten the sustainability of the WMA

### **2. The study area**

Minjingu, Vilima Vitatu and Mwada villages adjacent to Tarangire National Park in north eastern Tanzania forms part of ten villages forming the Burunge WMA which cover about 280 km2; officially gazetted on 22nd July 2006. The main ethnic groups in the three villages are the pastoral Maasai and the agro-pastoral Mbugwe. Burunge WMA is of considerable value as it occupies the land and migration corridors between Tarangire National Park, Lake Manyara National Park, and the adjacent Manyara Ranch now known as the Tanzania Lands Conservation Trust (TLCT) under AWF management. The WMA hosts Lake Burunge, an important area for water birds such as greater and lesser flamingo and a range of ducks and shorebirds, and also hosts a large buffalo population that moves in and out of the Tarangire (Madulu *et al*., 2007). The study area is in a semi-arid with average annual precipitation of 750 mm/annum (Kaswamila, 2006). The rainfall pattern is bimodal, with short rains between May and June and long rains between November and January. The months of June through October are normally dry months.

Agriculture and livestock keeping are the main land uses in the study area and is practised by 94% of the population. Other activities include fishing, tourism related businesses (souvenirs, mat weavings) and other small businesses. Crops grown in the area are mainly sorghum, maize, cotton, simsim and groundnuts. Cotton used to be the main cash crop in the past (1970s), but has declined mainly due to its price fall in the world market (BDC, 2004). Other reasons for its decline are untimely payments after crop sale (selling on credit), poor extension services and high costs of agricultural inputs (*ibid*.). The crop production level is low mainly due to climatic limitations (semi-arid) conditions. The village particularly Minjingu and Vilima Vitatu have rich wildlife and tourist attractions such as Lake Burunge and several historical sites: *Nsanga ya Iwe and mwawe wa Nnda, Mawe ya nyani (*rock outcrops used by baboons*)*, *mbuyu wa Tembo* and green stones (BDC, 2004).

### **3. Community-based conservation in Africa**

The most important step needed to help Community Conservation Areas (CCAs) delivers their potential for conservation and livelihood security is difficult: and requires a shift in thought paradigms (Kothari, 2006). Professionals and practioners in the "formal" world of wildlife conservation need to expand their minds to respect the world's oldest conservationists, indigenous people and local communities (*ibid*). We need to recognise that CCAs are often not just "projects" that communities take up, but are very much a way of life, with grounding in history and tradition, even if many may actually be quite recent (*ibid*). And we also need to convince and lobby governments to provide this respect and recognition (*ibid*). Most of the planet's biological diversity is located in the tropical countries, primarily on indigenous territories (Kothari *et al*., 2000). Although the indigenous people inhabiting these lands and their traditional rights are being ignored, the fact is that "biodiversity" is well known by them and they have the customs and statutory rights to use and conserve it, as well as to protect their traditional rights.

local communities (ii) Assess the contribution of the WMA on conservation of wildlife corridors and (iii) assess issues and problems which threaten the sustainability of the WMA

Minjingu, Vilima Vitatu and Mwada villages adjacent to Tarangire National Park in north eastern Tanzania forms part of ten villages forming the Burunge WMA which cover about 280 km2; officially gazetted on 22nd July 2006. The main ethnic groups in the three villages are the pastoral Maasai and the agro-pastoral Mbugwe. Burunge WMA is of considerable value as it occupies the land and migration corridors between Tarangire National Park, Lake Manyara National Park, and the adjacent Manyara Ranch now known as the Tanzania Lands Conservation Trust (TLCT) under AWF management. The WMA hosts Lake Burunge, an important area for water birds such as greater and lesser flamingo and a range of ducks and shorebirds, and also hosts a large buffalo population that moves in and out of the Tarangire (Madulu *et al*., 2007). The study area is in a semi-arid with average annual precipitation of 750 mm/annum (Kaswamila, 2006). The rainfall pattern is bimodal, with short rains between May and June and long rains between November and January. The

Agriculture and livestock keeping are the main land uses in the study area and is practised by 94% of the population. Other activities include fishing, tourism related businesses (souvenirs, mat weavings) and other small businesses. Crops grown in the area are mainly sorghum, maize, cotton, simsim and groundnuts. Cotton used to be the main cash crop in the past (1970s), but has declined mainly due to its price fall in the world market (BDC, 2004). Other reasons for its decline are untimely payments after crop sale (selling on credit), poor extension services and high costs of agricultural inputs (*ibid*.). The crop production level is low mainly due to climatic limitations (semi-arid) conditions. The village particularly Minjingu and Vilima Vitatu have rich wildlife and tourist attractions such as Lake Burunge and several historical sites: *Nsanga ya Iwe and mwawe wa Nnda, Mawe ya nyani* 

The most important step needed to help Community Conservation Areas (CCAs) delivers their potential for conservation and livelihood security is difficult: and requires a shift in thought paradigms (Kothari, 2006). Professionals and practioners in the "formal" world of wildlife conservation need to expand their minds to respect the world's oldest conservationists, indigenous people and local communities (*ibid*). We need to recognise that CCAs are often not just "projects" that communities take up, but are very much a way of life, with grounding in history and tradition, even if many may actually be quite recent (*ibid*). And we also need to convince and lobby governments to provide this respect and recognition (*ibid*). Most of the planet's biological diversity is located in the tropical countries, primarily on indigenous territories (Kothari *et al*., 2000). Although the indigenous people inhabiting these lands and their traditional rights are being ignored, the fact is that "biodiversity" is well known by them and they have the customs and statutory rights to use

*(*rock outcrops used by baboons*)*, *mbuyu wa Tembo* and green stones (BDC, 2004).

months of June through October are normally dry months.

**3. Community-based conservation in Africa** 

and conserve it, as well as to protect their traditional rights.

**2. The study area** 

Policy and legislative changes in a number of eastern and southern African countries together with the dedicated efforts of certain non-governmental organisations and community-based organisations have seen the rise of Community Conservation Areas (CCAs) in the region over the last few decades (Holden *et al*., 2006; Kaswamila, 2006, Kaswamila *et al*., 2007). The devolution of rights to local communities has in a growing number of instances empowered them to manage the land and natural resources, including wildlife furthering regional and global conservation objectives whilst delivering opportunities for sustainable socio-economic development at local level (Holden *et al*., 2006). Impediments to this remain and include a lack of capacity and resources, conservative mindsets within certain conservation and government agencies, political instability, complex community dynamics, and insecure tenure regimes that continue to undermine the rights of local communities (*ibid*). However, as the success stories increase and lessons learned, the benefits that CCAs have to offer are being more broadly realised and accepted by all (*ibid*).

In South Africa for example, in the era of apartheid years, the majority of people were effectively prevented from enjoying the benefits of formal conservation areas, often bearing the costs associated with removal and exclusion from parks (Holden *et al*., 2006). However, with the advent of democracy in 1994, in order to achieve the dual goals of biodiversity conservation and social justice, institutional restructuring was undertaken (particularly at the level of national park agency), and innovative legislative introduced. CCAs in southern Africa have been initiated as a sustainable economic revenue generating opportunity for the community (*ibid.*). Furthermore, they are often key corridors that link state protected areas, increasing the ecological and economic viability of both (*ibid*.).

In Namibia, efforts of a number of far-sighted conservationists and NGOs, with the support of the Ministry of environment and tourism, have resulted in the establishment of a number of successful community conservancies (NASCO, 2004). There are now 44 registered communal area conservancies covering more than 10,500,000 ha (*ibid*). Total income to these conservancies in 2005 was N \$ 20.1 million (appr. US \$ 3.1 million) (Holden *et al.*, 2006). Clear legal rights are given to community institutions, avoiding regional government structures and the need for such structures to further devolve authority. Rather than being defined by artificial units, which potentially force together people who would not normally co-operate, communities define themselves, enabling the development of cohesive social management units with incentives for individuals to cooperate (SASUG, 1997). Communities carry on their normal economic activities within a conservancy, and essentially wildlife and tourism become additional forms of land use (*ibid*.). The conservancy policy and legislation is flexible, with communities able to shape their conservancy according to local social and ecological conditions, and to choose their committees in a manner consistent with their own cultural norms (*Ibid*).

In Botswana, despite the absence of strong rights over wildlife, by 2003, 47 communities comprising 44,000 people had formed trusts for the management of wildlife and natural resources (Arntzen *et al*. 2004). The total income to the trusts was more than BP 7.3 million or about US \$1 million (*ibid*.). CCAs in Botswana help to maintain large areas of land under wildlife outside protected areas and according to Arntzen *et al*., (2003) poaching levels are falling in these areas. However, in a number of areas, communities struggle to establish CCAs, because of lack of resources to do the necessary planning, and lack of support from government agencies. In Zimbabwe in 1989 the first two Communal Areas Management

An Analysis of the Contribution of Community

**4.4 Data analyses** 

Vilima Vitatu

SS=secondary education

**5. Results and discussion** 

Wildlife Management Areas on Livelihood in Tanzania 143

Most of the collected data were of qualitative nature and necessitated use of qualitative data analysis. In addition SPSS software was used in the analysis particularly data from household questionnaires. As for KAP data, the data were completely qualitative in nature and this necessitated the use of qualitative data analysis – intellectual interpretation which

The socio-economic characteristics of the population sample for the surveyed villages are presented in Table 1 below. Males formed more than two-third of the respondents and about 87% of the subjects were between 18 and 54 years of age. As for education, more than 90% had primary school education. This scenario indicates that illiteracy level is high.

M F 18-34 35-54 >54 NF PR SS

29 63 37 31 52 17 7 86 7

**Village N Gender (%) Age category (%) Education (%)** 

Minjingu 31 70 30 20 57 23 6 87 7

Mwada 29 72 28 21 79 0 4 86 10 Total 89 205 95 72 188 40 17 259 24 **Average 29.7 68.3 31.7 24 62.7 13.3 5.7 86.3 8**  Source: Field data, 2007 N=sample size M=male F=female NF=non-formal PR=primary education

**5.2 Status of WMA economic ventures and its contribution to people's livelihood** 

Village Name of economic venture Owner

enterprises (Shein), Maramboi tented lodge

investments are owned by investors from outside the villages forming the WMA.

Mwada Kibo safari (Oridoy tented lodge), Northern hunting

Minjingu Tarangire River camp, Maramboi tented lodge, Paradise campsite, Roika lodge

Vilima Vitatu Kibo photographic safaris, Northern hunting

In this study several ventures such as tented camps, photographic safaris, hunting enterprises, lodges etc. were identified (See Table 2). What can be deduced from these results is that all

> (native or non-native)

Non-native

Non-native

Non-native

was later supported with collected data from WMA stakeholders.

**5.1 Socio - economic profile of the respondents** 

Table 1. Socio-economic characteristics of the study villages

enterprises,

Table 2. Economic ventures within the WMA

Programme for Indigenous Resources (CAMPFIRE) were granted appropriate authority to manage their wildlife resources and by 2001 this figure had grown to 37 (Holden *et al*., 2006). Of these districts, 14 were wildlife producing districts (other districts focused on their natural resources) involving 94 communities with more than 70,000 communal area households benefiting from wildlife income, which amounted to more than US \$ 2 million (Taylor, 2006). The establishment of these CCAs has ensured more effective local management of natural and wildlife resources, whilst providing tangible benefits to communities (*ibid*.). Of 12 primary wildlife districts studied in 1999, three districts had wild land in excess of 90% of the district area, six had 50-70% wild land, and only three had less than 35% (*ibid*.). However, in recent years, habitat available for wildlife is diminishing in some areas because of population pressure and increased demand for agricultural land (*ibid.*).

Unfortunately, the devolution of full rights to the community level has not taken place and the decentralization process has stopped at the level of the district council (Jones, 2003). A significant proportion of wildlife income is retained at a district government level, thereby reducing financial incentive for such activities (*ibid.*). This is reflected in the outcome that the most successful CCAs are those where the district council has devolved authority over wildlife to the local level, providing the control over income and management decisionmaking (*ibid.*).

### **4. Methodology**

Several methods and techniques were used in the data collection. These included household questionnaire surveys; Knowledge, Attitude and Perception (KAP) analysis; discussion with village, district, and WMA officials; and physical site visits. The details of each aspect are described as follows:

### **4.1 Selection criteria of the study area**

The three villages, viz: Minjingu, Vilima Vitatu, and Mwada were picked based on the several criteria such as coverage of ethnic diversity, richness in wildlife (game), presence of business investors, and potentiality of human-wildlife conflicts.

### **4.2 Household questionnaire surveys**

Face-to-face semi-structured questionnaires comprising open and closed questions were administered to 89 households randomly sampled from the village register books. The sampling exercise was followed by training of field research assistants recruited from each village and pre-testing of the questionnaires. Only members of households aged above 18 years were picked. This age was thought by the author to be appropriate given the nature of the study in that they could provide relevant information regarding the WMA.

### **4.3 Physical site visits**

Site visits were undertaken in WMA villages to assess the implemented socio-economic projects, access to natural resources within the WMA areas, environmental degradation, human encroachment etc. Where necessary, photographs were taken to substantiate the observations made.

### **4.4 Data analyses**

142 Sustainable Natural Resources Management

Programme for Indigenous Resources (CAMPFIRE) were granted appropriate authority to manage their wildlife resources and by 2001 this figure had grown to 37 (Holden *et al*., 2006). Of these districts, 14 were wildlife producing districts (other districts focused on their natural resources) involving 94 communities with more than 70,000 communal area households benefiting from wildlife income, which amounted to more than US \$ 2 million (Taylor, 2006). The establishment of these CCAs has ensured more effective local management of natural and wildlife resources, whilst providing tangible benefits to communities (*ibid*.). Of 12 primary wildlife districts studied in 1999, three districts had wild land in excess of 90% of the district area, six had 50-70% wild land, and only three had less than 35% (*ibid*.). However, in recent years, habitat available for wildlife is diminishing in some areas because of population

Unfortunately, the devolution of full rights to the community level has not taken place and the decentralization process has stopped at the level of the district council (Jones, 2003). A significant proportion of wildlife income is retained at a district government level, thereby reducing financial incentive for such activities (*ibid.*). This is reflected in the outcome that the most successful CCAs are those where the district council has devolved authority over wildlife to the local level, providing the control over income and management decision-

Several methods and techniques were used in the data collection. These included household questionnaire surveys; Knowledge, Attitude and Perception (KAP) analysis; discussion with village, district, and WMA officials; and physical site visits. The details of each aspect are

The three villages, viz: Minjingu, Vilima Vitatu, and Mwada were picked based on the several criteria such as coverage of ethnic diversity, richness in wildlife (game), presence of

Face-to-face semi-structured questionnaires comprising open and closed questions were administered to 89 households randomly sampled from the village register books. The sampling exercise was followed by training of field research assistants recruited from each village and pre-testing of the questionnaires. Only members of households aged above 18 years were picked. This age was thought by the author to be appropriate given the nature of

Site visits were undertaken in WMA villages to assess the implemented socio-economic projects, access to natural resources within the WMA areas, environmental degradation, human encroachment etc. Where necessary, photographs were taken to substantiate the

the study in that they could provide relevant information regarding the WMA.

pressure and increased demand for agricultural land (*ibid.*).

making (*ibid.*).

**4. Methodology** 

described as follows:

**4.3 Physical site visits** 

observations made.

**4.1 Selection criteria of the study area** 

**4.2 Household questionnaire surveys** 

business investors, and potentiality of human-wildlife conflicts.

Most of the collected data were of qualitative nature and necessitated use of qualitative data analysis. In addition SPSS software was used in the analysis particularly data from household questionnaires. As for KAP data, the data were completely qualitative in nature and this necessitated the use of qualitative data analysis – intellectual interpretation which was later supported with collected data from WMA stakeholders.

### **5. Results and discussion**

### **5.1 Socio - economic profile of the respondents**

The socio-economic characteristics of the population sample for the surveyed villages are presented in Table 1 below. Males formed more than two-third of the respondents and about 87% of the subjects were between 18 and 54 years of age. As for education, more than 90% had primary school education. This scenario indicates that illiteracy level is high.


Source: Field data, 2007 N=sample size M=male F=female NF=non-formal PR=primary education SS=secondary education

Table 1. Socio-economic characteristics of the study villages

### **5.2 Status of WMA economic ventures and its contribution to people's livelihood**

In this study several ventures such as tented camps, photographic safaris, hunting enterprises, lodges etc. were identified (See Table 2). What can be deduced from these results is that all investments are owned by investors from outside the villages forming the WMA.


Table 2. Economic ventures within the WMA

An Analysis of the Contribution of Community

Wildlife Management Areas on Livelihood in Tanzania 145

Fig. 1. Burunge Tourist Centre under costruction. Photo by Gerson Mollel, 2011

According to field data, between 2007 and 2010, a total of TZS 137,700,704 (US \$ 137,700) (See Table 3 ) were realised from different sources mainly photographic safari, hunting (domestic and tourist), fishing, levy, lodges, and fines. Overall, income over years shows an increasing trend, the highest of about 32% recorded between 2008 and 2009. The increase between 2009 and 201o was 4%. Overall average income increase between 2007 and 2010 was 28%. Considering the overall income realised, the 11 villages forming the WMA (revenue divided equally among villages), the average village population of 3,000 people and average family size of 5 people; individuals and households realised TZS 4,173 (US \$ 4.1) and TZS 20, 865 (US \$ 20.9) per annum respectively. By all standards this contribution is insignificant if local communities are to use the income as an incentive to conserve.


Table 3. WMA realized income between 2007 and 2010

A study by Magiri (2011) in Ikoma-Natta (IKONA) WMA, revealed a significant income contribution of the initiative. Between 2007 and 2010, the WMA realized TZS 207,502,407 (US \$ 207,500). The five villages forming the WMA each received TZS 41 million (US \$ 41,000). Taking into account the average family size of 4 people and the village population of 2,500 people, individuals and households were able to realize TZS 16,400 (US \$ 16.4) and 65,600 (US \$ 65.6) respectively. This income was four times more than that which was realized by Burunge WMA.

Despite the low income contribution by Burunge WMA, the potential for increased revenue is potentially high. This can be achieved through improving contracts between investors and WMA; capacity building in enterprise management, book keeping, resource inventory and monitoring, village game scout training, and improvement of tourism facilities. Currently the AWF is constructing tourist centre (See Fig. 1).

According to field data, between 2007 and 2010, a total of TZS 137,700,704 (US \$ 137,700) (See Table 3 ) were realised from different sources mainly photographic safari, hunting (domestic and tourist), fishing, levy, lodges, and fines. Overall, income over years shows an increasing trend, the highest of about 32% recorded between 2008 and 2009. The increase between 2009 and 201o was 4%. Overall average income increase between 2007 and 2010 was 28%. Considering the overall income realised, the 11 villages forming the WMA (revenue divided equally among villages), the average village population of 3,000 people and average family size of 5 people; individuals and households realised TZS 4,173 (US \$ 4.1) and TZS 20, 865 (US \$ 20.9) per annum respectively. By all standards this contribution is insignificant if local communities are to use the income as an incentive to

2007 2008 2009 2010

Maramboi Lodge 0 2,260,000 2,680,000 3,220,000

Tourist hunting 13,389,555 13,389,555 14,,500,000 13,389,555 Fishing 315,000 6,000,000 7,600,000 6,000,000 Domestic hunting 0 1,200,000 1,800,000 2,600,000

Land rent 5,00,000 0 0 0

Table 3. WMA realized income between 2007 and 2010

the AWF is constructing tourist centre (See Fig. 1).

Fines 0 100,000 200,000 300,000 TOTAL 40, 471,594 26,289,555 34,730,000 36,209,555

A study by Magiri (2011) in Ikoma-Natta (IKONA) WMA, revealed a significant income contribution of the initiative. Between 2007 and 2010, the WMA realized TZS 207,502,407 (US \$ 207,500). The five villages forming the WMA each received TZS 41 million (US \$ 41,000). Taking into account the average family size of 4 people and the village population of 2,500 people, individuals and households were able to realize TZS 16,400 (US \$ 16.4) and 65,600 (US \$ 65.6) respectively. This income was four times more than that which was

Despite the low income contribution by Burunge WMA, the potential for increased revenue is potentially high. This can be achieved through improving contracts between investors and WMA; capacity building in enterprise management, book keeping, resource inventory and monitoring, village game scout training, and improvement of tourism facilities. Currently

0 2,260,000 2,680,000 3,220,000

0 1,080,000 1,670,000 2,080,000

91,374 0 3,600,000 5,400,000

21,675,665 0 0 0

conserve.

(TZS)

Source of income

Lake Burunge Tented Lodge

Uni Afrique Lodge

Others (non lodge)

Photographic

realized by Burunge WMA.

safari

Fig. 1. Burunge Tourist Centre under costruction. Photo by Gerson Mollel, 2011

An Analysis of the Contribution of Community

the revenue has not been used well (*ibid.*).

through tourism by Sinya or Ololosokwan (*ibid.*).

district council as it now.

Tarangire River

Northern

Paradise

Northern

Campsite

hunting

campsite

hunting

Wildlife Management Areas on Livelihood in Tanzania 147

In Sinya (Monduli District), located within the Greater Amboseli Ecosystem (Tanzania part), agreement between the village and a local eco-tourism company has led to increase of tourism income generated from bed-night fees. The income increased rapidly during the five years from 1999-2003, from US \$ 5,000 to \$ 19,000 *(ibid*.). The income has been used for conventional social service infrastructure priorities, notably construction of the primary school dormitory and maintenance of water supply machinery (*ibid.*). Nonetheless, while some revenue has clearly been invested in socially valuable community projects, much of

In Engare Sero (Ngorongoro District), the village hosts two campsites belonging to one tour foreign operator and a modest tented lodge belonging to another operator. But unlike in Sinya or Ololosokwan, neither of these developments had a contractual agreement between the tourist company and the village (Nelson, 2004). A company granted title by the village purchased land for the lodge outright, and the land for the two campsites was apparently settled and developed without any local authorization (*ibid.*). The owner of the two campsites pays nothing to the village while the tented camp pays a US \$ 5 bed-night fee, considerably less than most villages in the region earn. As a result the village has little stake in income produced by increasing number of tourists (*ibid.*). Estimates of earnings is estimated at US \$ 2,500 annually from payments made by lodge, only 5 to10% of that earned

The preceding discussion has shown that where local people obtain tangible benefits, these act as an incentive to conservation initiatives and vice versa. Also, community-partnership projects are better placed to trickle down benefits to local people. What is important is to devolve power to lower levels (local people). What the people need is to be equipped with enterprise management skills and clear and transparent contractual agreements. In the case of Burunge WMA the possible strategies to achieve a win-win situation could include capacity building to WMA staff (in enterprise management, contract negotiations and wildlife management); transparency in the use of realised funds; share of revenues among villages to consider status of human wildlife conflicts and richness of wildlife; and ensuring that investors are accountable to the WMA council and village leadership and not the

Village Company Employees Male Female Minjingu Maramboi lodge 8 8 0

 Kibo safaris 4 4 0 Vilima Vitatu Kibo safaris 1 1 0

 Maramboi lodge 4 4 0 Total 39 38 1 Table 5. Employment status of local communities within the Burunge WMA

6 6 0

10 10 0

3 2 1

3 3 0

### **5.3 Local people's perception on benefits**

Local communities were asked as to whether they are aware of the use of revenues paid to the WMA by investors and its uses in socio-economic development at village level. Results indicate that the funds were mainly used for provision of social services (construction of classrooms, dispensary and village government offices), payment for allowances to WMA staff during meetings and seminars, bursary to students, and in supplementing to village government revenues (See Table 4). On the other hand, different organizations and/or individuals made several indirect contributions. For example, AWF provided a motorbike, 16 pieces of desktop computers, constructed an office and installed electricity in the office. The organization also trained WMA officials, village councilors and VGS on different management aspects. However, due Babati District Council interference on WMA's management a motorbike and computers were sent to the district headquarters for use by district officials.


VGS= Village Game Scouts

Table 4. Social development projects initiated by investors within the WMA

Community-based conservation (CBC) benefit sharing schemes in the Tanzania shows mixed results. For example, between 1992 and 2003, Serengeti National Park (SNP) generated US \$ 31 million from tourism but only 1.6% was allocated to adjacent villages for socio-economic development projects (Kideghesho & Mokiti, 2003). Instead, a substantial amount was allocated to law enforcement (*ibid.*). Emerton & Mfunda (1999) in their studies in Western Serengeti; found that an individual household got an average of US \$ 2.5 per year from benefit sharing received indirectly through implementation of development projects. A study by Kaswamila (2003) in 10 villages adjacent to Kilimanjaro National Park, on the impact of Support for Community Initiated Project (SCIP), revealed that between 1994 and 2001 about US \$ 213, 000 was spent on socio-economic development projects in four districts (Moshi Rural, Rombo, Hai & Monduli). However, several weaknesses were observed: 70% of the projects were not priority projects to local communities; there were imbalances in fund allocation; and there was nepotism in disbursement of funds and lack of criteria in allocating funds to villages (*ibid.*). Where decision-making has been devolved to local people, however, for example through eco-tourism, it has been shown to deliver tangible benefits relative to "top-down" projects (e.g. hunting concessions).

Local communities were asked as to whether they are aware of the use of revenues paid to the WMA by investors and its uses in socio-economic development at village level. Results indicate that the funds were mainly used for provision of social services (construction of classrooms, dispensary and village government offices), payment for allowances to WMA staff during meetings and seminars, bursary to students, and in supplementing to village government revenues (See Table 4). On the other hand, different organizations and/or individuals made several indirect contributions. For example, AWF provided a motorbike, 16 pieces of desktop computers, constructed an office and installed electricity in the office. The organization also trained WMA officials, village councilors and VGS on different management aspects. However, due Babati District Council interference on WMA's management a motor-

bike and computers were sent to the district headquarters for use by district officials.

name

Northern Hunting

Roika 2005

AWF 2007

USAID 2007

2007

Kibo safaris 2006/07

Take-off year

Type of project Investor's

Table 4. Social development projects initiated by investors within the WMA

tangible benefits relative to "top-down" projects (e.g. hunting concessions).

Community-based conservation (CBC) benefit sharing schemes in the Tanzania shows mixed results. For example, between 1992 and 2003, Serengeti National Park (SNP) generated US \$ 31 million from tourism but only 1.6% was allocated to adjacent villages for socio-economic development projects (Kideghesho & Mokiti, 2003). Instead, a substantial amount was allocated to law enforcement (*ibid.*). Emerton & Mfunda (1999) in their studies in Western Serengeti; found that an individual household got an average of US \$ 2.5 per year from benefit sharing received indirectly through implementation of development projects. A study by Kaswamila (2003) in 10 villages adjacent to Kilimanjaro National Park, on the impact of Support for Community Initiated Project (SCIP), revealed that between 1994 and 2001 about US \$ 213, 000 was spent on socio-economic development projects in four districts (Moshi Rural, Rombo, Hai & Monduli). However, several weaknesses were observed: 70% of the projects were not priority projects to local communities; there were imbalances in fund allocation; and there was nepotism in disbursement of funds and lack of criteria in allocating funds to villages (*ibid.*). Where decision-making has been devolved to local people, however, for example through eco-tourism, it has been shown to deliver

Construction of 3 classrooms (Nkaiti Secondary School) and desalinization of water – Minjingu village

Capacity building (training of WMA officials, councilors and VGS) – on enterprise management,

security and resources management

Vitatu (Mdori) village

to Vilima Vitatu

VGS= Village Game Scouts

education)

Construction of village government house at Vilima

Provision of I motorbike and 16 pieces of computers

Education sponsorship for 2 students (secondary

**5.3 Local people's perception on benefits** 

In Sinya (Monduli District), located within the Greater Amboseli Ecosystem (Tanzania part), agreement between the village and a local eco-tourism company has led to increase of tourism income generated from bed-night fees. The income increased rapidly during the five years from 1999-2003, from US \$ 5,000 to \$ 19,000 *(ibid*.). The income has been used for conventional social service infrastructure priorities, notably construction of the primary school dormitory and maintenance of water supply machinery (*ibid.*). Nonetheless, while some revenue has clearly been invested in socially valuable community projects, much of the revenue has not been used well (*ibid.*).

In Engare Sero (Ngorongoro District), the village hosts two campsites belonging to one tour foreign operator and a modest tented lodge belonging to another operator. But unlike in Sinya or Ololosokwan, neither of these developments had a contractual agreement between the tourist company and the village (Nelson, 2004). A company granted title by the village purchased land for the lodge outright, and the land for the two campsites was apparently settled and developed without any local authorization (*ibid.*). The owner of the two campsites pays nothing to the village while the tented camp pays a US \$ 5 bed-night fee, considerably less than most villages in the region earn. As a result the village has little stake in income produced by increasing number of tourists (*ibid.*). Estimates of earnings is estimated at US \$ 2,500 annually from payments made by lodge, only 5 to10% of that earned through tourism by Sinya or Ololosokwan (*ibid.*).

The preceding discussion has shown that where local people obtain tangible benefits, these act as an incentive to conservation initiatives and vice versa. Also, community-partnership projects are better placed to trickle down benefits to local people. What is important is to devolve power to lower levels (local people). What the people need is to be equipped with enterprise management skills and clear and transparent contractual agreements. In the case of Burunge WMA the possible strategies to achieve a win-win situation could include capacity building to WMA staff (in enterprise management, contract negotiations and wildlife management); transparency in the use of realised funds; share of revenues among villages to consider status of human wildlife conflicts and richness of wildlife; and ensuring that investors are accountable to the WMA council and village leadership and not the district council as it now.


Table 5. Employment status of local communities within the Burunge WMA

An Analysis of the Contribution of Community

**5.6 Constraints associated with establishment of WMA** 

conservationists and local communities will escalate.

cash income and in crop production.

Wildlife Management Areas on Livelihood in Tanzania 149

The identified costs can be categorized into four main groups i.e. human-wildlife conflicts, land-use conflicts, denial of use of forest, non-forest products, environmental degradation and land scarcity. Human-wildlife Conflicts (HWCs) is a significant and growing conservation problem around the world, the direct and indirect costs of wildlife (i.e. damage to crops, livestock, human lives) provide incentives for rural people to kill wildlife and reduce the quantity and quality of wildlife habitats (Nyhus *et al*., 2005; Thirgood, 2005). Similar situation was observed in the study area. During PRA session youths in Vilima Vitatu HWC identified crop raids, diseases transmission from wildlife to livestock as constraint to local communities and that if not checked antagonism between

Land-use conflicts was also aired as a cost particularly between nomadic Barabaig and farmers during pasture stress periods (dry season); investors and livestock keepers for grazing land; livestock keepers and farmers over cattle paths-normally in crop land - tense during wet season; and between conservationists (e.g. Tarangire National Park) and local communities over boundaries. Local communities have been complaining for a long time now that Tarangire National Park has taken part of their land particularly the gemstone rich Sarame Mountain. A win-win situation can only be achieved if these conflicts are addressed. Denial to harvest forest and non-forest products from the WMA was also seen as a cost. The village by-laws prohibit local communities to enter into the conserved area without permission from the village government. This has made local communities unable to freely access forest (poles, timber, charcoal etc.) and non-forest (grass, honey, wildlife etc.) as they used to do before the area attained the WMA status. Denial of local communities to harvest forest products has accelerated deforestation in areas outside the WMA. This is due to the fact that firewood is the only source of domestic energy and the only place to fell trees are those outside the WMA. In addressing the problem of resource access within the WMA, the village governments should set aside special days to allow local communities to harvest dead trees and/or medicinal plants under the supervision of VGS. A long-term solution is to advocate the establishment of community forests in each village or households to have forest lots around their farms which could save the multi-purpose role of provision of firewood/timber and also act as farm boundaries. During the field study deforestation through clearing of land for construction of investors sites (residential, business premises, infrastructure development, and firewood - as source of domestic energy) were evident.

In addition, the establishment of WMA led to loss of agricultural and/or grazing land. However, the losses of land were on unequal proportion. For example, among the eleven villages forming the WMA, Vilima Vitatu, Sangaiwe and Mwada lost 65%, 27% and 19% of their total land respectively. The livelihood implication for this loss is the decline in both

In focusing what the WMA means to the local people a Venn diagram as a PRA tool was used to rank various institutions against their role(s) in contributing to people's livelihood.

**5.7 Importance of WMA relative to other institutions in people's livelihood** 

### **5.4 Employment by investment companies**

Study results indicate that a total of 39 people were employed (permanent and casual) by seven investment companies as cooks and security guards in Minjingu and Vilima Vitatu (See Table 5). Of these employees, 97% were males with an average monthly wage of TZS. 90,000. Out of the total employees 50% come from villages forming Burunge WMA. The gains from employment in one way or another plays a role in poverty alleviation at household level. In addition, the presence of the WMA has made it possible to recruit some local communities in different ways. For example, the WMA in 2008 recruited an office attendant on permanent basis and is currently paying WMA officials and VGS allowances. VGS allowances are valued at TZS 50,000 (US \$ 50) per month.

### **5.5 General impacts of WMA on livelihood**

Local communities were asked to mention both positive and negative impacts of Burunge WMA. Perceived positive included employment, transport assistance to needy people, contribution towards overall village income, conservation, reduced poaching, bursary to students and provision of social services. However, in Minjingu most respondents could not see any positive impact. The non-appreciation of the contribution of WMA in Minjingu could probably be explained by the fact that the village has already submitted her intention to withdrawal from the WMA since 2007.

When asked to mention WMA negative impacts they identified loss of land, poor relationship with WMA staff, resource use restrictions and failure to pay salaries in time. Other negative impacts were increased land use conflicts, trypanosomiasis infection to livestock (Tsetse fly), crop and livestock depredation by wild animals, and deforestation for firewood, charcoal (See Fig. 3), timber for house construction and for medicinal purposes. All these can be described as costs associated with WMA establishment.

Fig. 3. Charcoal furnace within WMA. Photo by Author, 2007

Study results indicate that a total of 39 people were employed (permanent and casual) by seven investment companies as cooks and security guards in Minjingu and Vilima Vitatu (See Table 5). Of these employees, 97% were males with an average monthly wage of TZS. 90,000. Out of the total employees 50% come from villages forming Burunge WMA. The gains from employment in one way or another plays a role in poverty alleviation at household level. In addition, the presence of the WMA has made it possible to recruit some local communities in different ways. For example, the WMA in 2008 recruited an office attendant on permanent basis and is currently paying WMA officials and VGS allowances.

Local communities were asked to mention both positive and negative impacts of Burunge WMA. Perceived positive included employment, transport assistance to needy people, contribution towards overall village income, conservation, reduced poaching, bursary to students and provision of social services. However, in Minjingu most respondents could not see any positive impact. The non-appreciation of the contribution of WMA in Minjingu could probably be explained by the fact that the village has already submitted her intention

When asked to mention WMA negative impacts they identified loss of land, poor relationship with WMA staff, resource use restrictions and failure to pay salaries in time. Other negative impacts were increased land use conflicts, trypanosomiasis infection to livestock (Tsetse fly), crop and livestock depredation by wild animals, and deforestation for firewood, charcoal (See Fig. 3), timber for house construction and for medicinal purposes.

All these can be described as costs associated with WMA establishment.

Fig. 3. Charcoal furnace within WMA. Photo by Author, 2007

**5.4 Employment by investment companies** 

**5.5 General impacts of WMA on livelihood** 

to withdrawal from the WMA since 2007.

VGS allowances are valued at TZS 50,000 (US \$ 50) per month.

### **5.6 Constraints associated with establishment of WMA**

The identified costs can be categorized into four main groups i.e. human-wildlife conflicts, land-use conflicts, denial of use of forest, non-forest products, environmental degradation and land scarcity. Human-wildlife Conflicts (HWCs) is a significant and growing conservation problem around the world, the direct and indirect costs of wildlife (i.e. damage to crops, livestock, human lives) provide incentives for rural people to kill wildlife and reduce the quantity and quality of wildlife habitats (Nyhus *et al*., 2005; Thirgood, 2005). Similar situation was observed in the study area. During PRA session youths in Vilima Vitatu HWC identified crop raids, diseases transmission from wildlife to livestock as constraint to local communities and that if not checked antagonism between conservationists and local communities will escalate.

Land-use conflicts was also aired as a cost particularly between nomadic Barabaig and farmers during pasture stress periods (dry season); investors and livestock keepers for grazing land; livestock keepers and farmers over cattle paths-normally in crop land - tense during wet season; and between conservationists (e.g. Tarangire National Park) and local communities over boundaries. Local communities have been complaining for a long time now that Tarangire National Park has taken part of their land particularly the gemstone rich Sarame Mountain. A win-win situation can only be achieved if these conflicts are addressed.

Denial to harvest forest and non-forest products from the WMA was also seen as a cost. The village by-laws prohibit local communities to enter into the conserved area without permission from the village government. This has made local communities unable to freely access forest (poles, timber, charcoal etc.) and non-forest (grass, honey, wildlife etc.) as they used to do before the area attained the WMA status. Denial of local communities to harvest forest products has accelerated deforestation in areas outside the WMA. This is due to the fact that firewood is the only source of domestic energy and the only place to fell trees are those outside the WMA. In addressing the problem of resource access within the WMA, the village governments should set aside special days to allow local communities to harvest dead trees and/or medicinal plants under the supervision of VGS. A long-term solution is to advocate the establishment of community forests in each village or households to have forest lots around their farms which could save the multi-purpose role of provision of firewood/timber and also act as farm boundaries. During the field study deforestation through clearing of land for construction of investors sites (residential, business premises, infrastructure development, and firewood - as source of domestic energy) were evident.

In addition, the establishment of WMA led to loss of agricultural and/or grazing land. However, the losses of land were on unequal proportion. For example, among the eleven villages forming the WMA, Vilima Vitatu, Sangaiwe and Mwada lost 65%, 27% and 19% of their total land respectively. The livelihood implication for this loss is the decline in both cash income and in crop production.

### **5.7 Importance of WMA relative to other institutions in people's livelihood**

In focusing what the WMA means to the local people a Venn diagram as a PRA tool was used to rank various institutions against their role(s) in contributing to people's livelihood.

An Analysis of the Contribution of Community

Gender discrimination in

WMA management under village

Suggestions Minjingu

Table 7. Suggestions to make BurungeWMA sustainable

Understandings (MoUs) or contracts specifying this requirement.

populations in the study area have informal and primary school education.

Wildlife Management Areas on Livelihood in Tanzania 151

Vilima Vitatu

(n=29) Mwada (n=29)

(n=31)

Follow rules and regulations 40 0 0

employment 7 0 0 Improve cooperation 48 14 5 Increase salaries 5 0 0 Involve locals in decision making 0 34 10 Improved contracts 0 38 40

government 0 9 10 Employ youths and locals 0 5 5 Awareness education 0 0 10 Improve VGS allowances 0 0 10 New land use plan 0 0 10

Generic suggestions to enable Burunge WMA to become sustainable include improvement of relationship among WMA main stakeholders at village level, i.e. local communities, investors, and WMA staff; involvement local communities in major issues affecting their day to day life; WMA management to be under village management committees; and slack contract agreements. Furthermore, they suggested that efforts should be made to ensure that income trickle down to household and/or individual level. One local community said: "*I don't have children and therefore I don't benefit from the WMA and therefore I don't have an incentive to conserve*". What can be deduced from this statement is that, it is only when households or individuals benefit that local communities are likely to conserve. Others could be increased employment of local communities by WMA investors particularly for jobs which don't demand high skills. A provision need to be in place in Memorandum of

As for contract, the investor among others is required to promote the WMA, to ensure that 60% of the employees come from villages forming the WMA, and to provide social services to villages forming the WMA. In addition, EIA is mandatory before take-off of any development project, investor has to address soil and water conservation and/or conserve the areas ecology and payment of deposit a certain amount of money (in dollars) as a collateral depending on the amount of money invested. However, the collateral value is not indicated. Other requirements are: contract duration of three years and termination of contract requires 3 months notice. Most of these requirements have not been fulfilled by the investors. Another technical weakness is on signing of the agreement. The District Game Officer has been signing contracts on behalf of the WMA. It is suggested that signatories should come from the WMA management and should be written in a user-friendly language (Kiswahili) instead of English which requires a certain level of education. About 94% of the

Results from Vilima Vitatu village which involved three groups of people (youths, adults, elders) indicate that WMA as an institution was lowly ranked relative to other institutions (See Tables). The WMA was rated fourth by elders, 6th by youths and could not be mentioned (had no role) by adults. This suggests that the role of the WMA in improving people's standard of living is still unclear. The institutions with impacts in order of importance were schools, churches and mosques. The possible reasons for ranking high these institutions could be the quality of services provided by these institutions which trickle down to individuals or households.


Source: Field data (2008)

Table 6. Perceived Institutional ranking in Vilima Vitatu

Different reasons were given as to why for example school, dispensary and churches and/or mosques ranked high. This ranking shows how they perceive education as a very important tool in combating poverty indirectly. For the dispensary, it is for its crucial role in saving people's lives while churches and/or mosques are crucial in reducing or avoiding sinful behaviours.

### **5.8 Suggestions to make WMA effective and sustainable**

Local communities and WMA leaders were further probed on mechanisms required to be in place to make Burunge WMA effective and sustainable. The most important suggestions given include improved relationship among investors, local communities and WMA staff, the need to involve local communities in major decisions affecting their livelihood, improvement of business contracts, need for investors to follow village rules and regulation, awareness education and empowerment of local communities in running Burunge WMA (See Table 7).

Results from Vilima Vitatu village which involved three groups of people (youths, adults, elders) indicate that WMA as an institution was lowly ranked relative to other institutions (See Tables). The WMA was rated fourth by elders, 6th by youths and could not be mentioned (had no role) by adults. This suggests that the role of the WMA in improving people's standard of living is still unclear. The institutions with impacts in order of importance were schools, churches and mosques. The possible reasons for ranking high these institutions could be the quality of services provided by these institutions which

Different reasons were given as to why for example school, dispensary and churches and/or mosques ranked high. This ranking shows how they perceive education as a very important tool in combating poverty indirectly. For the dispensary, it is for its crucial role in saving people's lives while churches and/or mosques are crucial in reducing or avoiding sinful

Local communities and WMA leaders were further probed on mechanisms required to be in place to make Burunge WMA effective and sustainable. The most important suggestions given include improved relationship among investors, local communities and WMA staff, the need to involve local communities in major decisions affecting their livelihood, improvement of business contracts, need for investors to follow village rules and regulation, awareness education and empowerment of local communities in running Burunge WMA

1. Primary school 2. Dispensary 3. Church/mosque 4. Mweka camp

1. Primary school 2. Church/mosque 3. Water sources 4. Dispensary 5. Burunge WMA 6. Mweka camp 7. Hunting block

Elders Adults Youths

trickle down to individuals or households.

4. Burunge WMA-two students sponsored in 2007 (form 1 to 6), school construction and

Development Project (PADEP) – agriculture development and savings and credits e.g. Village Cooperative Banks (VICOBA), SACCOS and livestock production/keeping 6. Mweka camp (security and environmental

Table 6. Perceived Institutional ranking in Vilima Vitatu

**5.8 Suggestions to make WMA effective and sustainable** 

5. NGOs (Land Management Program (savings and credit services); Farm Africa (savings and credits/improved livestock

credit); Participatory Agriculture

1. Primary school 2. Dispensary 3. Church/mosque

education)

behaviours.

(See Table 7).

Source: Field data (2008)

teaching aids/equipment


Table 7. Suggestions to make BurungeWMA sustainable

Generic suggestions to enable Burunge WMA to become sustainable include improvement of relationship among WMA main stakeholders at village level, i.e. local communities, investors, and WMA staff; involvement local communities in major issues affecting their day to day life; WMA management to be under village management committees; and slack contract agreements. Furthermore, they suggested that efforts should be made to ensure that income trickle down to household and/or individual level. One local community said: "*I don't have children and therefore I don't benefit from the WMA and therefore I don't have an incentive to conserve*". What can be deduced from this statement is that, it is only when households or individuals benefit that local communities are likely to conserve. Others could be increased employment of local communities by WMA investors particularly for jobs which don't demand high skills. A provision need to be in place in Memorandum of Understandings (MoUs) or contracts specifying this requirement.

As for contract, the investor among others is required to promote the WMA, to ensure that 60% of the employees come from villages forming the WMA, and to provide social services to villages forming the WMA. In addition, EIA is mandatory before take-off of any development project, investor has to address soil and water conservation and/or conserve the areas ecology and payment of deposit a certain amount of money (in dollars) as a collateral depending on the amount of money invested. However, the collateral value is not indicated. Other requirements are: contract duration of three years and termination of contract requires 3 months notice. Most of these requirements have not been fulfilled by the investors. Another technical weakness is on signing of the agreement. The District Game Officer has been signing contracts on behalf of the WMA. It is suggested that signatories should come from the WMA management and should be written in a user-friendly language (Kiswahili) instead of English which requires a certain level of education. About 94% of the populations in the study area have informal and primary school education.

An Analysis of the Contribution of Community

No. 1. IIED, London.

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Kideghesho, J.R. & Mokiti, T.C.T (2003). "Serengeti Shall Never Die" Can the Ambition be

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When one of the investor was asked to comment on the contract he had this to say:

*"The duration of the contract (of 3 years) is too short as it exposes the investor in risk particularly in a situation where the WMA decides to terminate the contract. Again a three month notice for terminating an agreement is too short".* 

As a way forward to make the WMA sustainable, the WMA leaders pleaded for the government and other actors to assist in training WMA management in contracts and contract management and for the government to devolve power to the WMA in running their day to day activities. "we could not have lost our computers and a motor-bike had we been free from interference from above" lamented one of the WMA staff who preferred anonymity. The other area requiring immediate attention is paramilitary training to Village Game Scouts (VGS) and availability of patrol gears particularly guns, motor-bikes and/or bicycles. The number of trained VGS is currently nine. This number is very low compared to the WMA coverage of 280 km2 implying a VGS-Area ratio of 1: 31 km2 which is extremely very low. Due to lack of reliable transport, they bank on transport provided by Tarangire National Park and/or hired bicycles.

### **6. Conclusion and recommendations**

After almost five years of operation (2006-2011) the WMA has shown a great potential towards improving local peoples livelihood, ecological conservation, and biodiversity conservation in the study area. However, despite the observed successes, the initiative still has numerous challenges such as lack of transparency in revenue uses, slack contracts, nonempowerment of local communities in decision-making, and absence of regulations and implementation strategies to operationalise the new 2009 wildlife Act.

The study recommends:


### **7. References**

BDC (2004). A Proposal for Joint LAMP-AWF Community Based Conservation Activities in Babati District. Babati District Council, Arusha.

*"The duration of the contract (of 3 years) is too short as it exposes the investor in risk particularly in a situation where the WMA decides to terminate the contract. Again a three month notice for* 

As a way forward to make the WMA sustainable, the WMA leaders pleaded for the government and other actors to assist in training WMA management in contracts and contract management and for the government to devolve power to the WMA in running their day to day activities. "we could not have lost our computers and a motor-bike had we been free from interference from above" lamented one of the WMA staff who preferred anonymity. The other area requiring immediate attention is paramilitary training to Village Game Scouts (VGS) and availability of patrol gears particularly guns, motor-bikes and/or bicycles. The number of trained VGS is currently nine. This number is very low compared to the WMA coverage of 280 km2 implying a VGS-Area ratio of 1: 31 km2 which is extremely very low. Due to lack of reliable transport, they bank on transport provided by Tarangire

After almost five years of operation (2006-2011) the WMA has shown a great potential towards improving local peoples livelihood, ecological conservation, and biodiversity conservation in the study area. However, despite the observed successes, the initiative still has numerous challenges such as lack of transparency in revenue uses, slack contracts, nonempowerment of local communities in decision-making, and absence of regulations and

 Initial capital investment to WMAs to assist in resources inventory and in human resources capacity development. This can be done by the District Councils, Tanzania National Parks (TANAPA), Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority (NCAA), NGOs

Strengthening the WMA national umbrella organisation to oversee and promote WMA

BDC (2004). A Proposal for Joint LAMP-AWF Community Based Conservation Activities in

Babati District. Babati District Council, Arusha.

 Review of the 2002 WMA guidelines to be in line with the new wildlife Act of 2009 Reduce unnecessary and bureaucratic procedures in establishing WMAs. This can be achieved through streamlining the procedures of establishing WMAs by simplifying the steps (e.g. preparation of land use plans, General management Plans and Strategic Plans). The District Councils should set land use planning among their top budgetary priorities.

implementation strategies to operationalise the new 2009 wildlife Act.

 The need for having in place WMA regulations and implementation strategy Devolving power to local communities to address issues and problems of WMAs The need for waging awareness education on the importance of the WMA for both

When one of the investor was asked to comment on the contract he had this to say:

*terminating an agreement is too short".* 

National Park and/or hired bicycles.

The study recommends:

**6. Conclusion and recommendations** 

conservation and development

(local and international) and CBOs

activities in the country

**7. References** 


**8** 

*1Tanzania 2Norway* 

**Assessment of Livestock Loss Factors** 

Diseases have been documented to be responsible for high loss in livestock production in sub-Saharan Africa (Gifford-Gonzalez, 2000). Historically, diseases have been the factor delaying the introduction of cattle-based economies by as much as one thousand years after the first appearance of small livestock in both eastern and southern Africa (Gifford-Gonzalez, 2000). Diseases that frequently are fatal to livestock production (especially cattle) in sub-Saharan Africa include wildebeest-derived Malignant Catarrhal Fever (MCF), East Coast Fever (ECF), Foot and Mouth Diseases (FMD), worms (helminthes), Rift Valley Fever (RVF), rinderpest, anthrax as well as trypanosomiasis (Kock, 2003; Thomson et al., 2003). Livestock diseases have economical consequences on livestock husbandry at two levels; 1) at the national and local level, the diseases are responsible for direct loss due to mortality or indirectly through lowered production and/or the cost of treatment and prevention (Perry et al., 2002; Kock, 2003). 2) At a global level diseases may affect any opportunity for export of livestock and livestock products between regions or continents, jeopardizing the

Because of negative attitudes of livestock keepers towards wild carnivores, they often claim wild carnivores being responsible for losses of livestock despite the severe impact of diseases (Mwangi, 1997; Rasmussen, 1999). However, several other factors as theft, drought and poor livestock husbandry may equally cause significant livestock loss (Ogada et al., 2003). The high price received for livestock in livestock auctions, make theft a lucrative business. In Africa theft may increase with the number of animals the household own, because it may be difficult to notice a loss of one or a few animals in a group of several hundred individuals. Moreover, livestock theft may vary with season or between years. During the rainy season, it may be easy to follow the tracks the stolen animal has left behind to the destination. The night with a full moon may not be conducive for livestock raiders because it is possible for livestock keepers to observe that livestock are missing in the night holding enclosure from the household living quarters. In some areas outside Africa,

exchange of products for foreign currency (Kock, 2003; OIE, 2003).

**1. Introduction** 

 **in the Western Serengeti, Tanzania** 

*2Department of Biology, Norwegian University for Science* 

J. W. Nyahongo1 and E. Røskaft2 *1The University of Dodoma, Dodoma,* 

 *and Technology (NTNU), Realfagbygget* 

*Centre for Advanced Study, Oslo,* 


J. W. Nyahongo1 and E. Røskaft2

*1The University of Dodoma, Dodoma, 2Department of Biology, Norwegian University for Science and Technology (NTNU), Realfagbygget Centre for Advanced Study, Oslo, 1Tanzania 2Norway* 

### **1. Introduction**

154 Sustainable Natural Resources Management

Pathak, N., Bhatt, S. & Roe, D. (2005). Conservation with social justice: The role of

SASUG (1997). Community wildlife management in southern Africa: A regional review.

Taylor, R.D. (2006). Case study: Communal Areas Management Programme for Indigenous

Thirgood, S., Woodroffe, R., & Rabinowitz, A. (2005). The Impact of Human-wildlife

poverty and governance. IUCN, SOUTH Africa, Pretoria.

London.

Africa sustainable use specialist group.

UK: Cambridge University Press.

community conserved areas in meeting the MDGs. In: Satterthwaite, D., &Bigg, T (Eds.). How to make poverty history: The central role of the local organisations in meeting the MDG. International Institute for Environment and Development,

Evaluation Eden Series, Working paper no. 11. IUCN Regional office for southern

Resources (CAMPFIRE) Zimbabwe. Prepared for the USAID=FRAME project: case studies on successful southern African NRM initiatives and their impacts on

Conflict on Human Lives and Livelihoods. In R. Woodroffe; S. Thirgood & A. Rabinowitz (Eds.), *People and wildlife: conflict or existence*? (pp. 13-26). Cambridge,

> Diseases have been documented to be responsible for high loss in livestock production in sub-Saharan Africa (Gifford-Gonzalez, 2000). Historically, diseases have been the factor delaying the introduction of cattle-based economies by as much as one thousand years after the first appearance of small livestock in both eastern and southern Africa (Gifford-Gonzalez, 2000). Diseases that frequently are fatal to livestock production (especially cattle) in sub-Saharan Africa include wildebeest-derived Malignant Catarrhal Fever (MCF), East Coast Fever (ECF), Foot and Mouth Diseases (FMD), worms (helminthes), Rift Valley Fever (RVF), rinderpest, anthrax as well as trypanosomiasis (Kock, 2003; Thomson et al., 2003). Livestock diseases have economical consequences on livestock husbandry at two levels; 1) at the national and local level, the diseases are responsible for direct loss due to mortality or indirectly through lowered production and/or the cost of treatment and prevention (Perry et al., 2002; Kock, 2003). 2) At a global level diseases may affect any opportunity for export of livestock and livestock products between regions or continents, jeopardizing the exchange of products for foreign currency (Kock, 2003; OIE, 2003).

> Because of negative attitudes of livestock keepers towards wild carnivores, they often claim wild carnivores being responsible for losses of livestock despite the severe impact of diseases (Mwangi, 1997; Rasmussen, 1999). However, several other factors as theft, drought and poor livestock husbandry may equally cause significant livestock loss (Ogada et al., 2003). The high price received for livestock in livestock auctions, make theft a lucrative business. In Africa theft may increase with the number of animals the household own, because it may be difficult to notice a loss of one or a few animals in a group of several hundred individuals. Moreover, livestock theft may vary with season or between years. During the rainy season, it may be easy to follow the tracks the stolen animal has left behind to the destination. The night with a full moon may not be conducive for livestock raiders because it is possible for livestock keepers to observe that livestock are missing in the night holding enclosure from the household living quarters. In some areas outside Africa,

farmers who keep livestock and practice crop production. Many of the farmers harvest natural resources inside the protected areas for domestic consumption. For instance, during the dry season, livestock keepers illegally graze and water their livestock in the protected areas (Nyahongo et al., 2005). In addition, illegal hunting within the protected areas is well documented and illegal bushmeat hunters may sell the illegally obtained meat to generate income (Arcese et al., 1995; Campbell & Hofer, 1995; Loibooki et al., 2002; Nyahongo et al.,

Fig. 1. Map of the western Serengeti showing the sampled villages.

The current study was conducted between April and December 2006. Households were selected in the following four villages; Robanda, Nyamakendo, Nattambiso and Kowak. The first three villages were within 10 km from the boundary of the park while Kowak village was located about 80 km from the park. Households were selected randomly according to household lists in the villages. For practical reasons (livestock counting time), we omitted household with more than 200 individual cattle, goats or sheep because

2005; Holmern et al., 2007a).

**3. Data collection** 

livestock theft has been considered a significant rural crime (WASDA, 2007). Drought may affect livestock directly by reducing the available food and water; hence animals may easily succumb to diseases. Indirectly, drought is normally associated with famine which drives the livestock keepers to trade some individuals to buy food.

The level of livestock depredation may intentionally be exaggerated to attract public attention and/or to mask effects of poor livestock management (Nabane, 1995; Infield, 1996; Nabane, 1996). Such negative attitudes towards carnivores due to perceived levels of predation have been cited as a challenging issue in both wildlife conservation and rural development (Woodroffe, 2000). Conflicts between humans and wild carnivores have been well documented in different parts of the world (Røskaft et al., 2003; Treves & Karanth, 2003; Treves et al., 2004; Røskaft et al., 2007). This conflict has resulted in direct persecution of carnivores to get rid of them close to human settlements (Mills & Hofer, 1998; Woodroffe & Frank, 2005), and resulted in a general dislike of such animals. For example, American citizens do not like wolves *Canis lupus* and coyotes *C. latrans* (Kellert, 1985). Likewise, sheep farmers in Norway show negative attitudes towards large carnivores (Kaltenborn et al., 1998; Vittersø et al., 1998; Kaltenborn et al., 1999; Røskaft et al., 2007). In some parts of Africa, similar negative attitudes towards carnivores have been reported (Lindsey et al., 2005; Kaltenborn et al., 2006; Holmern et al., 2007b). Livestock keepers in Africa have been reported to kill and poison carnivores to reduce the perceived conflict over livestock depredation (Stuart et al., 1985; Berry, 1990; Holekamp & Smale, 1992).

The aim of this study was to assess the factors responsible for livestock loss in households in villages outside the western parts of Serengeti National Park, Tanzania. Specifically the contribution of diseases, theft, depredation and loss in grazing fields due to poor management were assessed.

### **2. Methods**

### **2.1 Study area**

Serengeti National Park (SNP) is situated west of Rift Valley. The western border is close to Lake Victoria while the northern edge borders Kenya (Fig. 1). The central part of SNP was designated as a game reserve in 1929. In 1940 hunting was banned and in 1951 it was declared a national park. The borders have been modified as the park expanded. In 1981 Serengeti was inscribed as a World Heritage Site. The park covers 14 763 km2 and is the core of the Serengeti ecosystem that includes Ngorongoro Conservation Area, Maswa Game Reserve, Ikorongo-Grumeti Game Reserves and Loliondo Game Controlled Area, in Tanzania as well as the Maasai Mara Natural Reserve in Kenya.

The study was conducted in four villages (Robanda, Nyamakendo, Nattambiso and Kowak) surrounding western Serengeti (Fig. 1). These villages currently suffer from the conflict between conservation priorities of the park and priorities of local communities (Hofer et al., 1996; Loibooki et al., 2002). This is a section of the Serengeti ecosystem that extends westward to Lake Victoria with a relatively high human population density (i.e. 70 people/km2; growing at a rate of 2.5 % per annum between 1988 and 2002, (URT, 2002). The majority of local communities along the boundaries of western Serengeti are subsistence

livestock theft has been considered a significant rural crime (WASDA, 2007). Drought may affect livestock directly by reducing the available food and water; hence animals may easily succumb to diseases. Indirectly, drought is normally associated with famine which drives

The level of livestock depredation may intentionally be exaggerated to attract public attention and/or to mask effects of poor livestock management (Nabane, 1995; Infield, 1996; Nabane, 1996). Such negative attitudes towards carnivores due to perceived levels of predation have been cited as a challenging issue in both wildlife conservation and rural development (Woodroffe, 2000). Conflicts between humans and wild carnivores have been well documented in different parts of the world (Røskaft et al., 2003; Treves & Karanth, 2003; Treves et al., 2004; Røskaft et al., 2007). This conflict has resulted in direct persecution of carnivores to get rid of them close to human settlements (Mills & Hofer, 1998; Woodroffe & Frank, 2005), and resulted in a general dislike of such animals. For example, American citizens do not like wolves *Canis lupus* and coyotes *C. latrans* (Kellert, 1985). Likewise, sheep farmers in Norway show negative attitudes towards large carnivores (Kaltenborn et al., 1998; Vittersø et al., 1998; Kaltenborn et al., 1999; Røskaft et al., 2007). In some parts of Africa, similar negative attitudes towards carnivores have been reported (Lindsey et al., 2005; Kaltenborn et al., 2006; Holmern et al., 2007b). Livestock keepers in Africa have been reported to kill and poison carnivores to reduce the perceived conflict over livestock

The aim of this study was to assess the factors responsible for livestock loss in households in villages outside the western parts of Serengeti National Park, Tanzania. Specifically the contribution of diseases, theft, depredation and loss in grazing fields due to poor

Serengeti National Park (SNP) is situated west of Rift Valley. The western border is close to Lake Victoria while the northern edge borders Kenya (Fig. 1). The central part of SNP was designated as a game reserve in 1929. In 1940 hunting was banned and in 1951 it was declared a national park. The borders have been modified as the park expanded. In 1981 Serengeti was inscribed as a World Heritage Site. The park covers 14 763 km2 and is the core of the Serengeti ecosystem that includes Ngorongoro Conservation Area, Maswa Game Reserve, Ikorongo-Grumeti Game Reserves and Loliondo Game Controlled Area, in

The study was conducted in four villages (Robanda, Nyamakendo, Nattambiso and Kowak) surrounding western Serengeti (Fig. 1). These villages currently suffer from the conflict between conservation priorities of the park and priorities of local communities (Hofer et al., 1996; Loibooki et al., 2002). This is a section of the Serengeti ecosystem that extends westward to Lake Victoria with a relatively high human population density (i.e. 70 people/km2; growing at a rate of 2.5 % per annum between 1988 and 2002, (URT, 2002). The majority of local communities along the boundaries of western Serengeti are subsistence

the livestock keepers to trade some individuals to buy food.

depredation (Stuart et al., 1985; Berry, 1990; Holekamp & Smale, 1992).

Tanzania as well as the Maasai Mara Natural Reserve in Kenya.

management were assessed.

**2. Methods 2.1 Study area**  farmers who keep livestock and practice crop production. Many of the farmers harvest natural resources inside the protected areas for domestic consumption. For instance, during the dry season, livestock keepers illegally graze and water their livestock in the protected areas (Nyahongo et al., 2005). In addition, illegal hunting within the protected areas is well documented and illegal bushmeat hunters may sell the illegally obtained meat to generate income (Arcese et al., 1995; Campbell & Hofer, 1995; Loibooki et al., 2002; Nyahongo et al., 2005; Holmern et al., 2007a).

Fig. 1. Map of the western Serengeti showing the sampled villages.

### **3. Data collection**

The current study was conducted between April and December 2006. Households were selected in the following four villages; Robanda, Nyamakendo, Nattambiso and Kowak. The first three villages were within 10 km from the boundary of the park while Kowak village was located about 80 km from the park. Households were selected randomly according to household lists in the villages. For practical reasons (livestock counting time), we omitted household with more than 200 individual cattle, goats or sheep because

Robanda Nyamakendo Nattambiso Kowak Overall

Cattle 46

21.6 (12.2)

 Newborn 10.3 21.3 16.2 5.9 15.1 10.8 9.3 16.1 18.5 5.3 11.8 11.1 7.7 16.1 14.2 Bought 1.7 1.1 0.8 3.3 3.6 1.2 2.3 2.4 2.0 0.9 2.3 2.2 2.1 2.4 1.6

Diseases 3.4 4.3 5.4 2.6 6.5 2.4 5.1 10.1 5.5 3.1 7.1 6.7 3.5 7.0 5.0

 Depredation 0.4 0.3 1.5 0.1 0.7 1.2 0.1 1.8 0.7 0.3 4.7 5.6 0.2 1.9 2.2 Theft 0 0 0.1 0.2 0.1 1.2 0.1 0.1 0.1 0.2 0.3 0.3 0.1 0.1 0.4

 Sold 2.1 3.2 4.6 4.6 5.8 2.4 2.8 2.4 1.4 1.3 3.5 4.4 2.7 3.7 3.2 Slaughtered 0.4 1.1 0.8 0.5 1.4 1.2 0.5 3.0 2.0 0.1 2.3 2.2 0.4 2.0 1.6

Table 1. Mean number of livestock per household and proportion of livestock loss or gain causes (livestock loss causes: diseases, loss in the bush (poor management while grazing), depredation and theft; livestock gain: newborn and bought/paid as dowry; household

Overall, the mean numbers of livestock that were depredated was higher in Kowak village (about 80 km from the park boundary) than in villages that were close to the park boundary (Nattambiso, Nyamakendo and Robanda) (Kruskal-Wallis, H = 14.52, df = 3, p = 0.002, Kowak: rank = 252, n = 156, Nattambiso: rank = 223.6, n = 119, Nyamakendo: rank = 211.7, n = 123, Robanda: rank = 225.8, n = 62). However, the difference among species that were depredated among villages was not statistically significant (Cattle: p = 0.09, Goat: p = 0.113, Sheep: p = 0.119). In all livestock depredation events spotted hyena *Crocuta crocuta* was the

Mean number of cattle that died of diseases differed significantly among the villages (Kruskal-Wallis, H = 17.07, df = 3, p = 0.001). Furthermore, the difference in mean number of cattle that were stolen among villages was almost significant (Kruskal-Wallis, H = 7.12, df = 3, p = 0.068). The remaining cattle loss causes did not differ significantly among villages (p >

Loss causes in goats did not differ significantly among the four villages (p > 0.076 for all cases). However, for sheep, loss due to diseases and poor management differed significantly among the villages (Kruskal-Wallis, H = 9.10, df = 3, p = 0.028 and H = 8.85, df = 3, p = 0.031,

Goats 45

16.8 (15.0)

0.4 0 1.5 0.2 1.4 0 0.5 1.2 1.4 0.4 1.2 1.1 0.4 0.9 1.0

5.3 13.5 3.1 1.0 2.8 3.6 2.5 -0.1 9.4 0.8 -5.0 -7.0 2.4 2.8 2.3

Sheep 28

14.6 (14.7) Cattle 50

22.5 (22.1) Goats 51

8.5 (11.7) Sheep 54

> 20.5 (16.8)

9.0 (11.8) Cattle Goats Sheep

12.1 (11.2) 11.2 (15.8)

Livestock numbers and loss/gain

> Cattle 37

23.4 (17.2)

0.09 for all cases).

Goats 10

9.4 (6.0) Sheep 15

13.0 (22.9) Cattle 49

15.2 (12.9)

Note: % means the percentage of the total livestock per village.

**5.2 Comparison of livestock loss causes among villages** 

only carnivore reported to be responsible for livestock killing.

expenditure: sold and slaughtered for meat)

Goats 49

13.9 (12.2) Sheep 26

 8.3 (14.0)

N

Mean numbers (± SD)

Livestock gain (%)

Livestock loss (%)

 Loss in the bush

Household expenditure (%)

Mean recruitment (%)

it was difficult to count the animals each time. January, February and March 2006 were spent in the villages to introduce researchers to livestock keepers and to establish baseline data on livestock numbers per selected household. Livestock owners were informed about the essence of this study and were assured that the data was only collected for research purpose and not for other purposes like baseline data for setting livestock levels by the government. After recording the baseline data (i.e. initial numbers of livestock per selected household), we appointed enumerators. Enumerators were recording any livestock that died due to diseases, were lost while grazing in the field (hereafter referred to as poor management), those which were stolen or were depredated. In addition they recorded livestock that were slaughtered. The gain of livestock recorded included newborn calves, bought or paid as dowry. While enumerators were collecting data on a daily basis, the researchers visited each household after every three months to recount the animals in order to cross check the data that enumerators collected. This was due to the fact that a researcher was also doing some questionnaire surveys in the area. Furthermore, livestock owners were asked about the livestock status during the past three months. Livestock were either counted in the morning before being sent out for grazing (normally 2 to 3 km away from the night holding enclosures) or in the evening when they were brought back to the night holding enclosures. The counting rate was 15 to 20 households per day and we spent one week in each village.

All livestock were prized according to matured livestock because market prices for livestock are only set for mature animals. This allowed us to be able to calculate the mean cost of livestock loss causes per household per year.

### **4. Statistical analyses**

All analyses were performed using SPSS 16 statistical package. Non-parametric statistics were applied to test differences among the loss factors.

### **5. Results**

### **5.1 Causes of livestock gain and loss**

Mean household livestock and the subsequent costs or benefits in monetary terms for the current values of livestock species in each village are summarized in Tables 1 and 2.

Regardless of household locality, various loss causes affected livestock differently (cattle: Friedman test, 2 = 233.7, df = 3, n = 182, p < 0.001; goats: Friedman test, 2 = 134.1 df = 3, n = 155, p < 0.001; sheep: Friedman test, 2 = 81.3, df = 3, n = 123, p < 0.001, Fig. 2). Furthermore, mean number of cattle and goats sold per household was higher than the number slaughtered (cattle: Wilcoxon sign rank test, Z = -7.24, n = 182, p < 0.001; goats: Wilcoxon sign rank test, Z = -3.214, n = 155, p = 0.001) but this was not the case for sheep (Wilcoxon sign rank test, Z = -0.70, n = 123, p = 0.484). In all households, new born calves, and not animals that were bought or paid as dowry, was the significant source of replenishment of livestock numbers (cattle: Wilcoxon sign rank test, Z = -8.54, n = 182, p < 0.001; goats: Wilcoxon sign rank test, Z = -8.38, n = 155, p < 0.001; Sheep: Wilcoxon sign rank test, Z = -7.56, n = 123, p < 0.001).

158 Sustainable Natural Resources Management

it was difficult to count the animals each time. January, February and March 2006 were spent in the villages to introduce researchers to livestock keepers and to establish baseline data on livestock numbers per selected household. Livestock owners were informed about the essence of this study and were assured that the data was only collected for research purpose and not for other purposes like baseline data for setting livestock levels by the government. After recording the baseline data (i.e. initial numbers of livestock per selected household), we appointed enumerators. Enumerators were recording any livestock that died due to diseases, were lost while grazing in the field (hereafter referred to as poor management), those which were stolen or were depredated. In addition they recorded livestock that were slaughtered. The gain of livestock recorded included newborn calves, bought or paid as dowry. While enumerators were collecting data on a daily basis, the researchers visited each household after every three months to recount the animals in order to cross check the data that enumerators collected. This was due to the fact that a researcher was also doing some questionnaire surveys in the area. Furthermore, livestock owners were asked about the livestock status during the past three months. Livestock were either counted in the morning before being sent out for grazing (normally 2 to 3 km away from the night holding enclosures) or in the evening when they were brought back to the night holding enclosures. The counting rate was 15 to 20 households

All livestock were prized according to matured livestock because market prices for livestock are only set for mature animals. This allowed us to be able to calculate the mean cost of

All analyses were performed using SPSS 16 statistical package. Non-parametric statistics

Mean household livestock and the subsequent costs or benefits in monetary terms for the

Regardless of household locality, various loss causes affected livestock differently (cattle: Friedman test, 2 = 233.7, df = 3, n = 182, p < 0.001; goats: Friedman test, 2 = 134.1 df = 3, n = 155, p < 0.001; sheep: Friedman test, 2 = 81.3, df = 3, n = 123, p < 0.001, Fig. 2). Furthermore, mean number of cattle and goats sold per household was higher than the number slaughtered (cattle: Wilcoxon sign rank test, Z = -7.24, n = 182, p < 0.001; goats: Wilcoxon sign rank test, Z = -3.214, n = 155, p = 0.001) but this was not the case for sheep (Wilcoxon sign rank test, Z = -0.70, n = 123, p = 0.484). In all households, new born calves, and not animals that were bought or paid as dowry, was the significant source of replenishment of livestock numbers (cattle: Wilcoxon sign rank test, Z = -8.54, n = 182, p < 0.001; goats: Wilcoxon sign rank test, Z = -8.38, n = 155, p < 0.001; Sheep: Wilcoxon sign rank

current values of livestock species in each village are summarized in Tables 1 and 2.

per day and we spent one week in each village.

livestock loss causes per household per year.

**5.1 Causes of livestock gain and loss** 

test, Z = -7.56, n = 123, p < 0.001).

were applied to test differences among the loss factors.

**4. Statistical analyses** 

**5. Results** 


Note: % means the percentage of the total livestock per village.

Table 1. Mean number of livestock per household and proportion of livestock loss or gain causes (livestock loss causes: diseases, loss in the bush (poor management while grazing), depredation and theft; livestock gain: newborn and bought/paid as dowry; household expenditure: sold and slaughtered for meat)

### **5.2 Comparison of livestock loss causes among villages**

Overall, the mean numbers of livestock that were depredated was higher in Kowak village (about 80 km from the park boundary) than in villages that were close to the park boundary (Nattambiso, Nyamakendo and Robanda) (Kruskal-Wallis, H = 14.52, df = 3, p = 0.002, Kowak: rank = 252, n = 156, Nattambiso: rank = 223.6, n = 119, Nyamakendo: rank = 211.7, n = 123, Robanda: rank = 225.8, n = 62). However, the difference among species that were depredated among villages was not statistically significant (Cattle: p = 0.09, Goat: p = 0.113, Sheep: p = 0.119). In all livestock depredation events spotted hyena *Crocuta crocuta* was the only carnivore reported to be responsible for livestock killing.

Mean number of cattle that died of diseases differed significantly among the villages (Kruskal-Wallis, H = 17.07, df = 3, p = 0.001). Furthermore, the difference in mean number of cattle that were stolen among villages was almost significant (Kruskal-Wallis, H = 7.12, df = 3, p = 0.068). The remaining cattle loss causes did not differ significantly among villages (p > 0.09 for all cases).

Loss causes in goats did not differ significantly among the four villages (p > 0.076 for all cases). However, for sheep, loss due to diseases and poor management differed significantly among the villages (Kruskal-Wallis, H = 9.10, df = 3, p = 0.028 and H = 8.85, df = 3, p = 0.031,

calves per household were worth TSh 304,050 (US\$ 202.7). When the effect of livestock loss causes were pooled, diseases were responsible for TSh 124,500 (US\$ 83) per household, while wild carnivores caused TSh 18,900 (US\$ 12.6) per household. On average, the value of livestock sold per household was TSh 86,700 (US\$ 57.8). Livestock losses due to theft and poor management were TSh 21,600 (US\$ 14.4) while animals slaughtered for meat were worth TSh 24,750 (US\$ 16.5) per household. Each village cost-benefit analysis of each loss or

**(%)**

**Nattambiso Kowak** 

Note: Solid black column represent cattle; column with dotted represent goat and open column

Fig. 2. Overall livestock population dynamics (loss and gain) in four villages recorded from

**Nyamakendo**

**Kowak**

Loss/gain factors

**(%)**

**Robanda Nyamakendo** 

gain causes is summarized in Table 2.

**Robanda**

**Nattambiso**

Loss/gain factors

represent sheep

April to December 2006.

**(%)**

**(%)**

respectively), while theft and depredation on livestock did not differ among the four villages (p > 0.118 for all cases).

### **5.3 Comparison of livestock loss causes among livestock species**

Generally, regardless of distance from the park boundary, mean number of livestock species that were sold, slaughtered for food and that were killed by spotted hyenas differed significantly between livestock species (sold: Kruskal-Wallis, H = 10.82, df = 2, p = 0.005; slaughtered: Kruskal-Wallis, H = 17.09, df = 2, p < 0.001; predated: Kruskal-Wallis, H = 14.01, df = 2, p = 0.001). Households sold more cattle (mean rank = 248.5) than goats (mean rank = 231.4) or sheep (mean rank = 202.7). However, households slaughtered more goats for food (mean rank = 249.6) than sheep (mean rank = 243.2) or cattle (mean rank = 205.6). In contrast, sheep were more frequently killed by spotted hyenas (mean rank = 246.6) than goats or cattle (goat: mean rank = 241.1; cattle: mean rank = 210.6). The remaining loss causes did not differ significantly among species (p > 0.151).


Note: Mean local market price of one cattle in the study area was US\$ 80, and for goat/sheep was US\$ 20 in 2006, (the prices were for mature animals).

Table 2. Cost and benefit implications of livestock loss and/or gain causes (US \$)

### **5.4 Economic significance of livestock loss or gain causes**

In total, the mean economic value of livestock that households from four villages owned was TSh 3,181,500 (US\$ 2121) (sum of cattle, goats and sheep per household) and newborn

respectively), while theft and depredation on livestock did not differ among the four

Generally, regardless of distance from the park boundary, mean number of livestock species that were sold, slaughtered for food and that were killed by spotted hyenas differed significantly between livestock species (sold: Kruskal-Wallis, H = 10.82, df = 2, p = 0.005; slaughtered: Kruskal-Wallis, H = 17.09, df = 2, p < 0.001; predated: Kruskal-Wallis, H = 14.01, df = 2, p = 0.001). Households sold more cattle (mean rank = 248.5) than goats (mean rank = 231.4) or sheep (mean rank = 202.7). However, households slaughtered more goats for food (mean rank = 249.6) than sheep (mean rank = 243.2) or cattle (mean rank = 205.6). In contrast, sheep were more frequently killed by spotted hyenas (mean rank = 246.6) than goats or cattle (goat: mean rank = 241.1; cattle: mean rank = 210.6). The remaining loss

Robanda Nyamakendo Nattambiso Kowak Overall values (US\$)

1872.0 188.0 260.0 1216.0 278.0 166.0 1728.0 336.0 292.0 1800.0 170.0 180.0 1654.0 243.0 224.0

Cattle Goats Sheep Cattle Goats Sheep Cattle Goats Sheep Cattle Goats Sheep Cattle Goats Sheep

 Newborn 192.8 40.0 42.1 71.7 42.0 17.9 160.7 54.1 54.0 95.4 20.1 20.0 130.1 39.1 33.5 Bought 31.8 2.1 2.1 40.1 10.0 2.0 39.7 33.9 5.8 16.2 3.9 4.0 31.9 12.5 3.5

Disease 63.6 8.1 14.0 31.6 18.1 4.0 88.1 10.1 16.1 55.8 12.1 12.1 59.8 12.1 11.6

Theft 0 0 0.3 2.4 0.3 2.0 1.7 0.3 0.3 3.6 0.5 0.5 1.9 0.3 0.8

Sold 39.3 6.0 12.0 55.9 16.1 4.0 48.4 8.1 4.1 23.4 5.9 7.9 41.8 9.0 7.0

Note: Mean local market price of one cattle in the study area was US\$ 80, and for goat/sheep was US\$

In total, the mean economic value of livestock that households from four villages owned was TSh 3,181,500 (US\$ 2121) (sum of cattle, goats and sheep per household) and newborn

Table 2. Cost and benefit implications of livestock loss and/or gain causes (US \$)

**5.4 Economic significance of livestock loss or gain causes** 

7.5 0.6 3.9 1.2 1.9 2.0 1.7 6.0 2.0 5.4 8.0 10.1 4.0 4.1 4.5

7.5 0 3.9 2.4 3.9 0 8.6 4.0 4.1 7.2 2.0 2.0 6.4 2.5 2.5

7.5 6.0 2.1 6.1 3.9 2.0 8.6 10.1 5.8 1.8 3.9 4.0 6.0 6.0 4.5

**5.3 Comparison of livestock loss causes among livestock species** 

causes did not differ significantly among species (p > 0.151).

villages (p > 0.118 for all cases).

Livestock numbers and loss/gain

Mean value of livestock

Livestock gain values (US\$)

Livestock loss (US\$)

 Depredation

 Loss in the bush

Household expenditure (US\$)

Slaughtered

20 in 2006, (the prices were for mature animals).

calves per household were worth TSh 304,050 (US\$ 202.7). When the effect of livestock loss causes were pooled, diseases were responsible for TSh 124,500 (US\$ 83) per household, while wild carnivores caused TSh 18,900 (US\$ 12.6) per household. On average, the value of livestock sold per household was TSh 86,700 (US\$ 57.8). Livestock losses due to theft and poor management were TSh 21,600 (US\$ 14.4) while animals slaughtered for meat were worth TSh 24,750 (US\$ 16.5) per household. Each village cost-benefit analysis of each loss or gain causes is summarized in Table 2.

Loss/gain factors

Loss/gain factors

Note: Solid black column represent cattle; column with dotted represent goat and open column represent sheep

Fig. 2. Overall livestock population dynamics (loss and gain) in four villages recorded from April to December 2006.

boundaries (Mwangi, 1997). However, as Woodroffe (2000) puts it, behavioral plasticity of certain carnivore species facilitate their adaptive adjustment to an increasingly precarious lifestyle in proximity to human, a fact that was reported for spotted hyenas in the Maasai Mara ecosystem (Boydston et al., 2003). Thus, we cannot conclude that the spotted hyenas reported at the distant villages commuted from Serengeti or were resident to the village

Analyses of our data suggests that cattle are kept to solve household needs that require relatively huge amounts of money while goats and sheep are kept to tackle small household needs and/or are slaughtered to provide meat protein to the household. This might be due to the fact that the economic value of one cattle is equivalent to about four goats or sheep. These ideas are supported by comparing the number of cattle, goats and sheep that were slaughtered and those that were sold. The proportions of cattle slaughtered were far less

Variables like available water and grazing land, weather, market prices of meat (that could lead to elevated theft rate), and animal population dynamics in the villages and in the protected areas adjacent to village areas, diseases occurrence, may, as the variables included in the analyses, show considerable between year variations. These confounding variables, which cannot be controlled for in a snap shot study like the present one, might have influenced the data we collected. For instance, death of livestock due to diseases may increase with drought or with rain intensity and duration, which cannot be precisely compared within a year because intensity of rain and duration of rain seasons may differ in different areas each year in Tanzania affecting pasture quality and available water for animals. Drought may also influence the number of livestock sold to buy food, because crop production in the country largely depends on rain. Weather, on the other hand may influence the survival of new born calves or may influence the level of depredation. Woodroffe and Frank (2005) observed that rate of livestock depredation by large carnivores increased with increasing rainfall. Exclusion of households with more than 200 animals might have further led to an underestimation of livestock loss because more death from disease (due to density dependent danger of infectious diseases), livestock depredation, theft and loss due to poor management in the grazing field may be expected to increase with

The results from this study show that diseases are the major cause of livestock loss in villages surrounding SNP and that the levels of loss do not vary much among households in the western Serengeti. In contrast, livestock depredation by spotted hyena was relatively low, although it was relatively higher for goats and sheep in household at the most distant village. Likewise, poor management and theft that can be managed at household level causes livestock losses as well. However, at the household level, a single depredation event

Livestock depredation may be higher in the areas with high human activities, which encourage wildlife managers, conservationists and wildlife ecologists to think deeply about livestock depredation along the gradient of distance from the park and the future

than those sold by households in the study villages (Table 1, Fig 2).

an increase in livestock numbers.

may cause a serious economic loss.

conservation of the carnivores along the same gradient.

**7. Conclusion** 

areas.

### **6. Discussion**

The results of this study suggest that diseases are responsible for higher livestock loss than any other cause within and among villages. However, sheep loss due to diseases and poor management differed significantly among the villages. Mean number of cattle and goats sold was higher than the number slaughtered in all villages. In all households, new born calves were the most significant source of replenishment of livestock numbers. Livestock species that were sold, slaughtered for food and killed by spotted hyenas differed significantly between species whereof goats and sheep were more frequently slaughtered for food than cattle.

Disease is the major factor responsible for livestock loss in sub-Saharan Africa (Gifford-Gonzalez, 2000). This factor alone, although not recognized by farmers in Africa (Mwangi, 1997), was responsible for a loss of US\$ 83.5 per household during the nine months study period. When this figure is compared to the average annual cash income per household in the western Serengeti (US\$ 140, (Borge, 2003), loss because of diseases were responsible for 59.6 % of the average annual household income in the target villages. On average, diseases contributed 5.1 times more of livestock loss than depredation. This observation is consistent with previous studies in the same area when farmers were requested to rank major factors of livestock loss (Nyahongo, 2004). Livestock keepers may not observe the direct effect of diseases on their livestock production due to the fact that sick animals may be slaughtered and used as food or sold to neighbors while carnivores often consume all edible parts of a kill, leaving nothing for human consumption. Moreover, diseases often kill a larger number of new born calves than adults (Nyahongo, pers. Obs, 2006). Livestock keepers may not observe this as an important loss because the capital investment in terms of veterinary services, feeding or grazing time and/or output in terms of meat or money (when sold) is relatively much lower for new-born calves than for adults. Moreover, due to poor livestock management records, livestock keepers may not be able to know how many livestock they loose to diseases within a specific period of time. Most of the household in this study did not keep any record showing their number of livestock, new born or even the last time animals were treated and the costs implication. In contrast, when a predator breaks into the livestock enclosures, usually at night (Nyahongo, 2004; Kolowski & Holekamp, 2006; Holmern et al., 2007b) it may kill several adult animals which may result in serious economic consequences for the livestock keepers. However, since the compensation scheme that may offset some of the costs are always lacking in Tanzania, negative attitudes towards carnivores may have developed among farmers, which have resulted in retaliatory killing practices of carnivores in or close to village proximities (Holekamp & Smale, 1992; Ogada et al., 2003; Dickman, 2005; Frank et al., 2005; Graham et al., 2005; Holmern et al., 2007b).

A relatively higher number of sheep and goats were depredated by spotted hyena in the village that was located furthest away from the park boundary. This suggests that even in open areas with high anthropogenic activities, there are still some refuges for some large carnivores like spotted hyenas. This observation suggests a need of including a section in the current wildlife policy to accommodate the protection of wildlife in anthropogenic dominated areas. For instance, certain carnivore species such as spotted hyenas have the ability to commute up to 80 km (Hofer & East, 1993) allowing them to forage even in villages located far from the protected areas. The findings of the present study is inconsistent with the idea that high depredation is always highest close to reserves boundaries (Mwangi, 1997). However, as Woodroffe (2000) puts it, behavioral plasticity of certain carnivore species facilitate their adaptive adjustment to an increasingly precarious lifestyle in proximity to human, a fact that was reported for spotted hyenas in the Maasai Mara ecosystem (Boydston et al., 2003). Thus, we cannot conclude that the spotted hyenas reported at the distant villages commuted from Serengeti or were resident to the village areas.

Analyses of our data suggests that cattle are kept to solve household needs that require relatively huge amounts of money while goats and sheep are kept to tackle small household needs and/or are slaughtered to provide meat protein to the household. This might be due to the fact that the economic value of one cattle is equivalent to about four goats or sheep. These ideas are supported by comparing the number of cattle, goats and sheep that were slaughtered and those that were sold. The proportions of cattle slaughtered were far less than those sold by households in the study villages (Table 1, Fig 2).

Variables like available water and grazing land, weather, market prices of meat (that could lead to elevated theft rate), and animal population dynamics in the villages and in the protected areas adjacent to village areas, diseases occurrence, may, as the variables included in the analyses, show considerable between year variations. These confounding variables, which cannot be controlled for in a snap shot study like the present one, might have influenced the data we collected. For instance, death of livestock due to diseases may increase with drought or with rain intensity and duration, which cannot be precisely compared within a year because intensity of rain and duration of rain seasons may differ in different areas each year in Tanzania affecting pasture quality and available water for animals. Drought may also influence the number of livestock sold to buy food, because crop production in the country largely depends on rain. Weather, on the other hand may influence the survival of new born calves or may influence the level of depredation. Woodroffe and Frank (2005) observed that rate of livestock depredation by large carnivores increased with increasing rainfall. Exclusion of households with more than 200 animals might have further led to an underestimation of livestock loss because more death from disease (due to density dependent danger of infectious diseases), livestock depredation, theft and loss due to poor management in the grazing field may be expected to increase with an increase in livestock numbers.

### **7. Conclusion**

162 Sustainable Natural Resources Management

The results of this study suggest that diseases are responsible for higher livestock loss than any other cause within and among villages. However, sheep loss due to diseases and poor management differed significantly among the villages. Mean number of cattle and goats sold was higher than the number slaughtered in all villages. In all households, new born calves were the most significant source of replenishment of livestock numbers. Livestock species that were sold, slaughtered for food and killed by spotted hyenas differed significantly between species whereof goats and sheep were more frequently slaughtered

Disease is the major factor responsible for livestock loss in sub-Saharan Africa (Gifford-Gonzalez, 2000). This factor alone, although not recognized by farmers in Africa (Mwangi, 1997), was responsible for a loss of US\$ 83.5 per household during the nine months study period. When this figure is compared to the average annual cash income per household in the western Serengeti (US\$ 140, (Borge, 2003), loss because of diseases were responsible for 59.6 % of the average annual household income in the target villages. On average, diseases contributed 5.1 times more of livestock loss than depredation. This observation is consistent with previous studies in the same area when farmers were requested to rank major factors of livestock loss (Nyahongo, 2004). Livestock keepers may not observe the direct effect of diseases on their livestock production due to the fact that sick animals may be slaughtered and used as food or sold to neighbors while carnivores often consume all edible parts of a kill, leaving nothing for human consumption. Moreover, diseases often kill a larger number of new born calves than adults (Nyahongo, pers. Obs, 2006). Livestock keepers may not observe this as an important loss because the capital investment in terms of veterinary services, feeding or grazing time and/or output in terms of meat or money (when sold) is relatively much lower for new-born calves than for adults. Moreover, due to poor livestock management records, livestock keepers may not be able to know how many livestock they loose to diseases within a specific period of time. Most of the household in this study did not keep any record showing their number of livestock, new born or even the last time animals were treated and the costs implication. In contrast, when a predator breaks into the livestock enclosures, usually at night (Nyahongo, 2004; Kolowski & Holekamp, 2006; Holmern et al., 2007b) it may kill several adult animals which may result in serious economic consequences for the livestock keepers. However, since the compensation scheme that may offset some of the costs are always lacking in Tanzania, negative attitudes towards carnivores may have developed among farmers, which have resulted in retaliatory killing practices of carnivores in or close to village proximities (Holekamp & Smale, 1992; Ogada et al., 2003; Dickman,

2005; Frank et al., 2005; Graham et al., 2005; Holmern et al., 2007b).

A relatively higher number of sheep and goats were depredated by spotted hyena in the village that was located furthest away from the park boundary. This suggests that even in open areas with high anthropogenic activities, there are still some refuges for some large carnivores like spotted hyenas. This observation suggests a need of including a section in the current wildlife policy to accommodate the protection of wildlife in anthropogenic dominated areas. For instance, certain carnivore species such as spotted hyenas have the ability to commute up to 80 km (Hofer & East, 1993) allowing them to forage even in villages located far from the protected areas. The findings of the present study is inconsistent with the idea that high depredation is always highest close to reserves

**6. Discussion** 

for food than cattle.

The results from this study show that diseases are the major cause of livestock loss in villages surrounding SNP and that the levels of loss do not vary much among households in the western Serengeti. In contrast, livestock depredation by spotted hyena was relatively low, although it was relatively higher for goats and sheep in household at the most distant village. Likewise, poor management and theft that can be managed at household level causes livestock losses as well. However, at the household level, a single depredation event may cause a serious economic loss.

Livestock depredation may be higher in the areas with high human activities, which encourage wildlife managers, conservationists and wildlife ecologists to think deeply about livestock depredation along the gradient of distance from the park and the future conservation of the carnivores along the same gradient.

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### **8. Acknowledgements**

The current study was funded by NORAD through the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, Tanzania and was a part of the Tanzania Wildlife Research Institute (TAWIRI), Norwegian Institute for Nature Research (NINA) and Norwegian University for Science and Technology (NTNU) project called Biodiversity and Human Wildlife Interface in Western Serengeti. We acknowledge the financial support from the Norwegian Peace Corps and the Quota Programme Scheme (NORAD). We thank Commission for Science and Technology (COSTECH) and Tanzania National Parks (TANAPA) for granting permissions to the foreign researchers to work in Serengeti National Park. We thank T. Holmern and B. Stokke for their valuable comments during the preparation of the manuscript. Finally, we thank village leaders and our field assistants who in one way or the other contributed to this important task.

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### *Edited by Abiud Kaswamila*

Natural resources conservation is one of the dilemmas currently facing mankind in both developed and the developing world. The topic is of particular importance for the latter, where the majority depend on terrestrial ecosystems for livelihood; more than one billion people live in abject poverty earning less than a dollar per day; more than 3.7 billion suffer from micronutrient deficiency and more than 800 million suffer from chronic hunger. Population increase, resource use conflicts, technological advancements, climate change, political doldrums, and unsustainable use and harvesting of resources have all put more pressure on natural resources leading to land degradation and poverty. To achieve a win-win situation, we need to change our mindset by thinking outside the box through advocating integrated and holistic approaches in managing our natural resources. This book presents a variety of sustainable strategies and/or approaches including use of GIS and Remote Sensing technologies, decision support system models, involvement of stakeholders in major decisions regarding use of natural resources, community level initiatives, and use of surveillance and monitoring mechanisms.

Sustainable Natural Resources Management

Sustainable Natural

Resources Management

*Edited by Abiud Kaswamila*

Photo by natasaadzic / iStock