**3. 'Hallyu 2.0' as a participatory process of cultural-digital hybridity**

The term 'Hallyu' (Korean Wave) was reportedly first used in 1997, during a time when the expansion of Korean cultural industries was limited to the countries of East Asia [14]. As mentioned in the introduction, Hallyu refers to a process that is both domestic and global, with the historic expansion of Korean content fandom progressing from national > regional > international.

There are generally understood to be two distinct phases of Hallyu, with the latest phase being referred to as Hallyu 2.0 or the New Korean Wave, which is understood to have commenced at some point between the late 2000s and early 2010s. This 2.0 version of the Korean Wave is distinguished from both its previous form and other cultural flows due to its identity as a 'Digital Wave', distinct for its "extensive digital technology integration" and the ways in which it "signals the multiple routes in cultural globalization and participatory audience engagement" [14].

#### **3.1 Media convergence and the social mediascape**

Jin and Yoon deploy the term 'social mediascape' to refer to the social and digital media environment within which Hallyu has been seamlessly integrated [36]. As a consequence of Hallyu's considerable integration into this social mediascape, "its scope and speed of circulation often far exceed that of the official cultural market" [14].

### *Creative Industry Strategies in a Globalized and Digitized Media Landscape: The South Korean… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.112902*

Related to this, 'media convergence' refers to: "the merging of different types of mass media such as Traditional Media, Print Media, Broadcast Media, New Media and the Internet as well as portable and highly interactive technologies through digital media platforms [37]". The smartphone represents arguably the most powerful symbol of media convergence in the modern era, due to the ways in which it provides seamless and simultaneous access to a wide range of media formats and content.

The interplay between media convergence and the social mediascape has played a defining role in the expansion of Hallyu through multiple channels. Domestic and global fans have consumed and disseminated Hallyu content via smartphones, apps, and social media platforms such as Facebook and YouTube, in tandem with native digital platforms from Korea. Social media has long been established as an incredibly powerful and efficient platform for the dissemination and growth of Hallyu content—virality, online word of mouth, and sophisticated algorithms have aided the popularity of Korean media [36]. This system of mass peer-to-peer communication bypasses the more traditional reliance on broadcast media, exemplifying what Lukács describes as "alternative (bottom-up) practices of media circulation" [38]. Social media has enabled Korean fans, diasporic Korean fans, and fans of other nationalities to converge, network, and collaborate in ways that have influenced the development of content and popular culture itself [39].

The growth of the app economy in Korea during the 2010s has intensified parallel to the intensified momentum of Hallyu 2.0. This app economy encompasses a wide range of economic activity, including app sales, advertising revenues, and transactions involving digital goods designed for app usage [40]. Within this context, two prominent instant mobile messaging apps, KakaoTalk and LINE, have become deeply embedded in the everyday lives of Korean users. KakaoTalk has emerged as the most popular messaging app within the Korean market, while LINE has achieved significant popularity in Korea and neighboring Japan. These platforms have become primary conduits for numerous applications and services [14].

KakaoTalk, launched in 2010 and operated by the Korean platform giant Kakao, rapidly attained widespread adoption in Korea, popular for its integrated provision of free instant messaging, social media features, and gaming services. KakaoTalk allows users to engage in person-to-person and group chats without any limitations on the number of participants, and without requiring registration procedures [36]. While KakaoTalk is predominantly utilized by Korean users and Korean diaspora, it has increasingly attracted overseas Hallyu fans, facilitating their engagement with Korean popular culture [41].

Another prominent instant mobile messaging app, LINE (operated by Korean search engine giant Naver), has gained significant popularity, being used by hundreds of millions smartphone users across various Asian countries, including Japan, Thailand, and Taiwan. Both KakaoTalk and LINE have played pivotal roles in disseminating the Hallyu phenomenon by facilitating information sharing and transmedia app activities amongst Asian users and the Asian diaspora. These activities include online gaming, accessing webcasts and posts by K-pop idols, and connecting with fellow Hallyu enthusiasts. Notably, these apps have also garnered attention from global users beyond the Asian diaspora, owing to their user-friendly interfaces, appealing design elements, and integration with other Korean games and music applications [14]. Notably, K-pop fans are increasingly utilizing these Korean-developed apps to establish more intimate and immediate connections with their favorite idols. Some K-pop idols actively employ the KakaoTalk and LINE platforms, alongside major social media platforms, to regularly update their fans, thereby attracting overseas

fans to engage with these platforms as well. As Jin et al. succinctly note: "These digital technologies have sometimes closely connected with popular culture and at other times individually played a key role in the realm of Hallyu. [14]." It thus becomes logical to make the case that Korea's digital technologies have evolved to become not only vehicles through which Hallyu is transmitted, but constituent components of Hallyu in their own right.

Further exemplifying this convergence, Afreeca TV, a P2P based streaming service, is a platform which in addition to retransmitting TV channels, allows users to upload and broadcast their own shows and videos. The platform has evolved to become a powerful base for independent content creators across a variety of genres and niche interests. The live chat and discussion board functions are also key features of the platform, often utilized by content creators, idols, influencers, and other medium-to-high profile figures as a platform for engagement with fans and/or the general public [42].

Another integral example of digitally driven audience participation in Hallyu is the phenomenon of 'fansubbing', by which fans will voluntarily provide subtitles translated into a number of languages, bypassing any cost or labor for content producers. While this does not impact large productions hosted on platforms such as Netflix, independent creators on platforms such as YouTube have benefitted from this type of Hallyu-inspired crowdsourcing. Also, the translation of non-drama/film content such as interviews, variety shows, and documentaries has long played a vital role in maintaining Hallyu momentum and growing the reach of its fandom around the world [43].

Digital technologies have empowered media consumers to simultaneously act as consumers, creators and disseminators of content both within and across borders. As McKelvie and Picard succinctly summarize [44], "the media space was previously controlled by media firms; however, it is today increasingly controlled by consumers. It is no longer a supply market but has become a demand market."
