Cassava on Global Perspective Food Security and Circular Economy

#### **Chapter 1**

## Is Cassava the Next Magic Solution to World Hunger and Energy Crisis? The Indonesian Experience

*Tristam Pascal Moeliono and Koerniatmanto Soetoprawiro*

#### **Abstract**

This chapter addresses, from a legal (state law) perspective, the issue regarding the feasibility of using cassava as alternate staple food beside rice for the Indonesian people or, in the context of energy crisis, as source for biofuel. To do that, written formal law touching upon sustainable development, agriculture, food sovereigntysecurity and other relevant law and regulations will be perused and analyzed. Focus shall be given on the symbolic meaning of written laws and how government officials interpret and further develop it into policies. The main argument here is that while there are local-regional initiatives and even start up policies to develop cassava as flex crop, lessening Indonesian people dependence on rice as staple food, or magic solution to world hunger or as raw material for biofuel, those steps have not yet become part of the formal law and possessing symbolic effect.

**Keywords:** cassava, food security-sovereignty, staple food, Indonesia, mass hunger

#### **1. Introduction**

All countries, including Indonesia, being aware that they cannot avoid dealing with climate change, should also take into consideration the (direct-indirect) consequence of this global phenomenon: such as food crisis, mass hunger, rising sea levels, and all other socioeconomic problems that arise along with it. All these issues have mentioned as part of the SDGs and discussed extensively at the G-10 in Bali (2022). These global problems become worse in the face of armed conflicts (internal-international) occurring in many parts of the world, lastly the open war between Ukraine and Russia, February 24, 2022. The last named successfully disrupt the global production chain of instant noodles and other food products made from wheat flour.

Regardless, mass nationwide food crisis, whatever the cause, has the potential and in fact had led to the downfall of successive government regimes. In fact, Indonesia has experienced widespread nation scale food crises several times and each time it leads to political-social unrest and even the ruling governments downfall. In the 1960s, the regimes bad economic policies leading in fact to food insecurity and widespread hunger mostly in rural areas trigger social unrest and

become the driving motivation behind the Three Demands of the People (*Tri Tuntutan Rakyat*).1 Among other, in addition to the attempted and failed coup in 1965, it causes the Soekarno's government loss of legitimacy. The New Order regime, replacing the Soekarno's regime, prided itself to being able to reach and sustain rice self-sufficiency in the early 1980, falls also due to the impact if nationwide economic crises—causing food insecurity and lack of affordability—ending in a political crisis in the 1997–1998. Apparently providing and securing food becomes one of the main responsibilities of any government wishing to retain political power and legitimacy. Failure to do so, maintaining food security, which sometimes is understood to be interchangeable with food sovereignty, will affect the legitimacy of government to rule.

This chapter explores the Indonesian state cq. government response to the real possibility of food crises. The authors will search, trace, and look at policies, programs, and laws (providing the legal basis to such policies and programs) pertaining to the promotion of cassava as a flex crop, an alternative food source to rice—the Indonesian people supposedly main staple food—and which may be processed into biofuel, expected to help the general population decrease its dependence to unrenewable carbon-based energy sources.

For starters, the crop, cassava, has been known and used as alternative food source or supplement to rice and corn throughout Indonesia and has also been promoted as a flex crop, meeting various human needs outside being a food source. Based on general observation alone, cassava's shoots and tubers in processed form were and still are utilized by people in various regions as side dishes or street food, especially on the island of Sumatera, Java-Bali, and other outer islands, among others the famous Bubur Manado (tinutuan) from North Sulawesi. Their shoots have also been processed as modified cassava flour (mocaf). The waste may albeit in an experimental or non-industrial scale has been processed into biofuel.

#### **2. Research method**

The research method used here to tackle the issue raised is a legal perspective or juridical approach. Meaning that formal legal sources (laws, government regulations, ministerial regulations, in short state law) as text will be analyzed. For matters related to Indonesian agriculture and food provision, a systematic analysis of the legal framework had been performed by Koerniatmanto [1] and his legal scholar approach will serve as the foundation to look at the general legal framework related to agriculture and from reading the legal text attempt to discern the changing (if any) policies related to food sovereignty and security, impacting the choice of prioritizing certain crops over the other. On the other hand, any written-formal legal text, albeit interesting from a lawyer viewpoint, may not reveal much. To compensate, legal text in the Indonesian context can and should also be viewed in its wider context. A socio-legal approach will be used here as well. Borrowing from García-Villegas approach, state

<sup>1</sup> Three demands of the Indonesian people comprising of (1) disband the communist party, (2) clean the cabinet from ministers affiliated to the communist party, and lastly (3): lower food and other consumption good prices (1966). The Tritura declaration was drafted on the initiative of students with the support of the military, intending to eradicate communism from Indonesia.

*Is Cassava the Next Magic Solution to World Hunger and Energy Crisis? The Indonesian… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109834*

law (and all other formal source of law) is to be understood as a political battle for the right meaning of legal text2 :

Taking into consideration the above issue, specifically the author peruses and discusses existing laws, regulation or policy statements, or public statements of government officials serving as policy guidelines in the food sector and look at how and when cassava is being considered in terms of food sovereignty or food security or the stated government goal of providing and securing the availability and adequacy of nine basic commodities. This approach may allow us to take a quick look at how the government think and speak of the possibility and feasibility of developing cassava as a flex crop and what programs, policies, or government action plans result from it. The perspective used will also borrow from Tania Li's insight [4] when she traces the persistence of the state's will to secure societal prosperity through various development programs including those that are internationally sponsored. Her approach, on the other hand, seems to disregard the existing legal framework, the official language of the government and bureaucracy. To compensate, the author also borrows from Jaqueline Vel's works [5–7] addressing the issue how development ideas behind any policy or programs intended to increase society's welfare can turn into commodities in the context of global production chain.

#### **3. Paper outline**

The first part of this chapter takes a quick look at the findings regarding cassava's potential as staple food (substituting rice) or as an alternative food source. Relevant policies made by international bodies regarding food sovereignty or security or sustainable development will be traced to the extent these have been adopted and translated into national law regulations at the national–local level. In particular, attention will be given on how the provincial government of West Java responds to the call to hail cassava as flex crop, solution to end hunger, or rising energy demand in Indonesia. Here fact shows that this province for long serving as the national rice basket (now being renamed food estates) experienced rising rate of wet paddy field conversion to other uses. The conclusion ends with a summary about how the presence or absence of national-provincial government policies and regulations or at least agriculture improvement programs relates to the success or failure of marketing cassava as the new hype.

#### **4. Cassava as prime commodity or raw material for biofuel?**

Most urban-rural people in Indonesia, experienced cassava-tapioca-cassava plant [*Manihot Esculenta*], especially its tubers, as processed food, served as a snack or even street food. The leaves, cooked in various ways, are used as salad or mixed with other ingredients served as side dish. The rest, non-edible parts, or waste product can be processed for animal (sheep-goats) fooder.

<sup>2</sup> García-Villegas [2]. A different notion of symbolic effect of the law is put forward by Bart van Klink. He argues that: (…) the notion of symbolic effets acquires a rather broad meaning here: it covers all the effect that can be traced back to the understanding of one or more legal norms—thus not only effects on a symbolic level (the legal terminology is disseminated, attitudes are changed, awareness of non-legal behavior is increased, etc.) but also those on the "real" level of action (norms addresses may act differently after understanding the law) [p. 137] in Bart van Klink [3].

In some areas, as an exception, processed cassava root is used as a staple food. It was recorded, for example, that people in Cirendeu, a small village in a remote part of West Java, during the colonial period, opted to refuse eating rice as staple food and chose instead to rely on cassava. This was done as a social movement protesting the Dutch colonial government policy of making rice the staple food of the indigenous population. Producing and consuming cassava become a symbol of resistance. During the Japanese occupation (1942–1945), the occupying army mostly confiscated the rice harvest for their own consumption and left village people around central Java and Yogyakarta—surroundings without enough food to survive. The indigenous population were forced to turn to cassava and innovate. What they did, in the end, was mixing cassava with rice, a combination, named Tiwul.

The result was that, even today, food made from cassava products, at least in central-east Java, is considered only for poor people. The rich or well to do prefer rice and show their higher social-economic status that way. Cassava was thus not considered to be on par with rice, a symbol of the well to do segment of the population. This said taken into consideration the exception of Cirendeu people mentioned above and the fact that in the formal-informal market's in a number of regions in Indonesia, cassava products (raw or processed) can be found being offered for sale but again, not as staple food.

Notable is also that, during the Dutch Indies period, Japanese *inter regnum* (1942–1945), and post-independence (1945 to present), cassava was never cultivated on a large scale and only incidentally as a commercial crop. In general, speaking only for Java-Madura-Bali, cassava plantations covering large area are never to be found. That is in contrast to wet/dry rice or paddy fields surrounding small hamlets. Cassava is up to present planted on small plot of land not suitable for rice fields or deliberately planted as hedges or in small plots of land behind houses in rural areas. One big issue, endangering food security (at least sustainable rice production) in Indonesia now is the high rate of conversion of rice fields to other uses. Data show that (**Table 1**) 3 :

With some rare exception in certain provinces (as the number shows above for Papua, West Papua, North Mollucas, South and South East Sulawesi, South Kalimantan, East Nusa Tenggara, Bangka-Belitung and Lampung, which must be compensated with loss of forest land), the alarming trend is the decrease of wet rice (paddy fields), which may lead to a disruption in the rice food supply chain or national food (rice) sovereignty-security. The trend does not stop at 2015. In 2020, the Minister of Agriculture acknowledges the continuing annual decrease of wet rice field throughout Indonesia.4 Reportedly Ministry of Agriculture, Dr. Ir. Suswono, MMA, stated that up to 2025, the demand for food estates may reach 13.17 million ha. (…) From existing agricultural land (70 million ha), only 45 million is efficiently used. (…) rice-paddy fields are declining with the rate of 50/70 thousand hectaresannually as compared to the making of new rice fields, estimated to 20–40 thousand hectares-annually.

Facing with that threat, the government responded by issuing Presidential Regulation 59/2019 re. control of land use conversion.5 This regulation is the legal basis for the establishment Tim Pelaksana Pengendalian Alih Fungsi Lahan Sawah

<sup>3</sup> Rate of agricultural land conversion; The Central Statistic Bureau official website, https://www.bps. go.id/indicator/53/179/1/luas-lahan-sawah.html. Data for 2014 is temporary estimation.

<sup>4</sup> Anonimus, Kementan akui lahan sawah berkurang 650 ha ribu ha per tahun, 17 januari 2020 https:// www.antaranews.com/berita/1254488/kementan-akui-lahan-sawah-berkurang-650-ribu-ha-per-tahun.

<sup>5</sup> Presidential Regulation 59/2019 re. control of land use conversion.


#### *Is Cassava the Next Magic Solution to World Hunger and Energy Crisis? The Indonesian… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109834*

#### **Table 1.**

*Rice field conversion per province.*

(ad hoc team authorized to control the wet rice field conversion) headed by the Director General of Land and Spatial Control and Order at the Ministry of Agrarian Affairs and Spatial Planning/National Land Agency (ATR/BPN; Direktur Jenderal Pengendalian dan Penertiban Tanah dan Ruang Kementerian Agraria dan Tata Ruang/ Badan Pertanahan Nasional). Nonetheless, all this effort seems to be in vain as the government fails to employ the monetary incentive-disincentive mechanism6 to induce regional governments or farm-land owners not to convert productive wet-rice fields. On the other hand, the regional government, specifically those who want to industrialize, are more prone to side with investors and allow productive farm land to be converted into industrial estates.

In addition, the same government also enact and enforce Law 11/2020 (job creation law, replaced by Government Regulation in Lieu of Law no. 2/2002) containing a ruling enabling the government to convert farm or agricultural land (including those productive wet-rice paddy fields found in the so-called food estates (*lumbung pangan*)) of Indonesia in the name of public interest and the realization of national strategic development projects (*pembangunan proyek strategis nasional*). The Law 11/2020 added these new criteria for land acquisition in the public interest as found listed in Law 2/2012 re. land acquisition for development in the public interest.7 Here, two different policies, protection of productive agricultural land and support more economically and profitable land use, seem to be conflicting.

In any case, spatial and land allocation for cassava was and is never an issue, considering the relative unimportance of the crop in terms of food sovereignty or security. In comparison, by looking at existing government policies, rules and regulations regarding the procurement, supply and maintenance of reserves for the so-called 9 basic commodities, similar remarks may be made. These are rice, sago, and corn; sugar; vegetables and fruits; beef and chicken; cooking oil and margarine; milk; egg; kerosene or natural gas for household-domestic use. The task to manage this state responsibility is entrusted to the State Logistic Agency (*Badan Urusan Logistik/ BULOG)*. 8 It is telling the absence from the list of staple food (rice, sago, corn), cassava (as raw food or processed: modified cassava flour).

Apparently, BULOG's task refers to guaranteeing the availability and even affordability of those nine basic commodities by controlling the supply and demand. The importance of this government intervention in the market of nine commodities should be understood in terms of the state interest in securing food sovereignty or security. Both concepts used interchangeable in existing laws-regulations and government policies. In any case, it is widely believed that disturbances in the market (availability and affordability) may lead to social-economic unrest, which threaten national political stability. The importance of securing the price stability of nine basic

<sup>6</sup> This system as to be implemented is found regulated in Art.38–43 Law 41/2009 (re. protection of Sustainable Agrricultural land (*Perlindungan Lahan Pertanian Pangan Berkelanjutan*)) and Government Regulation 12/2012 re. incentive to protect sustainable agricultural land *(Insentif Perlindungan Lahan Pertanian Pangan Berkelanjutan*).

<sup>7</sup> See: Ardiansyah Fadli, UU Cipta Kerja Izinkan Alih Fungsi Lahan Sawah, Ini Kriterianya, Kompas. com—22/02/2021. Cf. Sinuwun, Kebutuhan Lahan Untuk Pangan Capai 13,17 Juta Ha, https://pertanian. kulonprogokab.go.id/detil/10/kebutuhan-lahan-untuk-pangan-capai-1317-juta-ha. (14/12/2022).

<sup>8</sup> Established by Presidential Decree No. 114/U/KEP/1967 as amended several times, and lastly by Presidential Decree No. 3/2002 the Board has been disbanded. In replacement, the defunct board is resurrected as a general corporation (*perusahaan umum*) by Governemtn Regulation 7/2003 re. Establishment of the General Corporatiaon BULOG.

#### *Is Cassava the Next Magic Solution to World Hunger and Energy Crisis? The Indonesian… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109834*

commodities is a hard lesson the Old Order (1965–1967) and New Order (1997/1999) government experienced. The insecurity of those nine commodities is one of the contributing factors leading to the government collapse.

A similar picture emerges on the unimportance of cassava in relation to the effort to seek alternative-renewable energy source (biofuel). Though outside the BULOG's scope of responsibility, the State (or other government agency) is entrusted with similar task: availability and affordability of energy source: natural oil and gas, coal and at present biofuel. The last named influences the support the government offers to big palm oil plantation companies throughout Indonesia. This fact may for a part explain the government dilemma of choosing—alternately—between maintaining subsidized natural oil and gas (for public and household use) and balancing the national budget by reducing or eliminating fuel subsidies. That said in the face of the undeniable fact that Indonesia national natural oil and gas reserve is declining fast, and Indonesia is now already a net importer of these energy source.9 This fact may also explain the rush in recent years to explore the potential and development of another source of biofuel beside palm oil (a flexible crop), including Jathropha which unfortunately proved to be an utter failure.10

The successful processing and development of palm oil as a raw material for biofuel has encouraged the development of large-scale oil palm plantations at the outer islands: Sumatra, Kalimantan, Sulawesi to Papua. The express expectation is that sustainable production may continuously supply basic materials, which in turn may be processed as biofuel, either for domestic consumption or for export commodity, substituting or eliminating dependence to petroleum or coal. In comparison, cassava products or even its waste are not yet known, or popularized as was Jathropha in the past, to be a potential material for biofuel, produced on a large-industrial scale. The language used to describe cassava is as a crop having the potential or to be developed in the future for other multiple uses. For example, it is expressly stated that11 :

*Two types of biofuels being developed in Indonesia are: gasohol E-10, and biodiesel (B-10).* **Ethanol may be be procured by extracting cassava, a crop thriving all around Indonesia***. While diesel oil is procured from palm oil, castor oil and coconut oil. Analysis conducted by BPPT stated that the market price of biodiesel B-10 is around Rp. 2.930 per liter, or Rp. 160, which is higher than the price of gasoline as subsidized by the government. The future advantage of producing biofuels is then the opportunity to reduce or even eliminate government subsidies, since addition of Rp. 160 may be acceptable.*

In support of the above argument, reference can be made to the ongoing research on the potency of cassava waste (non-consumables) as raw material for ethanol (biofuel). In one abstract of a scientific journal from 2019 is mentioned [9]:

<sup>9</sup> Press release of the Ministry of Energy and Minerals (*KEMENTERIAN ENERGI DAN SUMBER DAYA MINERAL, SIARAN PERS NOMOR: 028.Pers/04/SJI/2021*, dated 19 Januari 2021. As announced by the Minister: Indonesia natural oil reserve may last 9.5 years, and natural gas reserve may last a little bit longer: 19.9 years (from the present). To meet domestic energy consumption, Indonesia soon will become a netexporter of non-renewable energy.

<sup>10</sup> Promode Kant and Shuirong Wu [8]. They wrote about and focus on India's experience. But the analysis and findings may well be applicable to Indonesia' experiment with Jathropa.

<sup>11</sup> Anonimus, Pengembangan Biofuel, April 17, 2018, https://www.bpdp.or.id/Pengembangan-Biofuel.

*Cassave barks, as bio-waste, have the potential to be processed as energy source in the form of ethanol. Bioethanol may be procured through micro-organism fermentation. The result of which is glucose level of 9.9% with highest ethanol of 6.00 % if fermented 8 days.*

The quotations above indicate the government low attention, at least at that period, 2018–2019, to cassava products as alternate staple food or raw material for biofuel. In other words, cassava, while being discussed in scientific circles as having the potential,12 has not yet been taken seriously. In support of this observation, a quick peruse on legal materials or existing government projects or programs related to cassava, performed on line, showing minimal or casual attention to cassava as commercial crop, indicates the same. Is there any change to this attitude now?

#### **5. Real and concrete threat of mass hunger or energy crisis?**

Indonesia cannot but pay close attention to the impact of climate change, global warming, rising sea level, the potential extinction of various plants and endangered animals. Thus, not surprisingly the government decides to sign and ratify the Paris Convention.13 The policies, rules, and regulation developed or coming out of the decision to become a party to this international treaty are mostly focused on reducing carbon emission and developing programs to reduce or contain deforestation. The focus on protecting the remaining tropical rainforest (and its endemic biodiversity) seems to be a rational choice given that these are considered common heritage of mankind. On the other hand, as a developing nation, Indonesia is adamant to utilize to the fullest its natural resources based on the nation's sovereign right to explore and exploit its natural resources.

The REDD and REDD+14 are developed as G to G cooperation under the pretext of implementing parts of the Paris Convention. The basic idea seems to be that to reduce

<sup>12</sup> Montagnac et al. [10]. It is argued by the authors that: Cassava is a drought-tolerant, staple food crop grown in tropical and subtropical areas where many people are afflicted with undernutrition, making it a potentially valuable food source for developing countries. Cassava roots are a good source of energy, while the leaves provide protein, vitamins, and minerals. However, cassava roots and leaves are deficient in sulfur-containing amino acids (methionine and cysteine) and some nutrients are not optimally distributed within the plant. But compare with: Stephenson et al. [11].

<sup>13</sup> Law 16/2016, Ratification of the Paris Agreement to The United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (adopted 9 May 1992, enter into force: 4 November 2016). Today, 194 Parties (193 States plus the European Union) have joined the Paris Agreement. The Agreement sets long-term goals to guide all nations: substantially reduce global greenhouse gas emissions to limit the global temperature increase in this century to 2 degrees Celsius while pursuing efforts to limit the increase even further to 1.5 degrees; review countries' commitments every 5 years; provide financing to developing countries to mitigate climate change, strengthen resilience, and enhance abilities to adapt to climate impacts. See: The Paris Agreement, https://www.un.org/en/climatechange/paris-agreement.

<sup>14</sup> Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation (REDD) dan REDD+ Reducing Emissions from Deforestation and Forest Degradation, role of conservation, sustainable management of forest and enhancement of forest carbon stocks in developing countries (REDD +). Periksa: Pertanyaan Seputar REDD+ dan Implementasi REDD+ di Indonesia, http://ditjenppi.menlhk.go.id/berita-ppi/33 beranda/1804-faq.html. Bdgkan: REDD+, http://ditjenppi.menlhk.go.id/kcpi/index.php/aksi/redd.

*Is Cassava the Next Magic Solution to World Hunger and Energy Crisis? The Indonesian… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109834*

or stop carbon emission, states should cooperate and may trade quota. Arguably this kind of cooperation between developing and developed countries—in trading carbon emission quotas—are considered manifestation of the principle of common but differentiated responsibility.15

Paris Convention specifically addresses environmental problems stemming from global warming, climate change, rising sea levels, etc. But the impact or consequence thereof are not directly addressed. To know more about that, the list of global issues mentioned in the Millennium Development Goals and Sustainable Development Goals should be perused.16 At the theoretical level, the solution to these global problems is said for nation-states to follow the precepts of sustainable development, a huge abstract and general idea found enshrined in the Stockholm Declaration 1972, Agenda 21, the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development, and the Statement of principles for the Sustainable Management of Forests.17

The option to adopt the basic principles of sustainable development, balancing the need to push economic growth with environment protections and other socialeconomic concerns, as a national policy or guiding principle, moreover, has for long been taken. The principles have been the guiding principle found in laws embodying national planning (The People's Consultative Assembly Decree on Broad Guidelines of State Policy, National-Provincial and District development plannings: short-, midand long term), basic laws relating to environmental protection, such as Law 24/1982 re. environmental management as amended by Law 32/2009 re. environmental protection and management), and the spatial planning law (Law 24/1992 as amended by Law 26/2007 and partially amended by Law 11/2020 re. Job Creation).18 The last-named law, practically embodying the government policy on national economy, focusses not on the issue of hunger (food security or sovereignty) but more on the threat posed by unemployment-poverty due to Indonesian losing its competitive edge

<sup>15</sup> The concept of Common but Differentiated Responsibilities (CBDR) was enshrined as Principle 7 of the Rio Declaration at the first Rio Earth Summit in 1992. The declaration states: "In view of the different contributions to global environmental degradation, States have common but differentiated responsibilities. The developed countries acknowledge the responsibility that they bear in the international pursuit of sustainable development in view of the pressures their societies place on the global environment and of the technologies and financial resources they command." Similar language exists in the Framework Convention on Climate Change; parties should act to protect the climate system "on the basis of equality and in accordance with their common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities." The principle holds that although all countries are responsible for the development of global society, each has a different set of capabilities that they can contribute to this project. See: POLICY BRIEF AND PROPOSALS: COMMON BUT DIFFERENTIATED RESPONSIBILITIES INTERNATIONAL MOVEMENT ATD FOURTH WORLD.

<sup>16</sup> See: United Nations, Transforming Our World: The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, available at: https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/content/documents/21252030%20Agenda%20for%20 Sustainable%20Development%20web.pdf.

<sup>17</sup> Adopted by more than 178 Governments at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) held in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, 3 to 14 June 1992. Available at: https://sustainabledevelopment.un.org/outcomedocuments/agenda21.

<sup>18</sup> Law 11/2020 re. job creation law *(cipta kerja).*

in attracting foreign investment, that is compared with its close neighbors (ASEAN countries or within the Asia Pacific region).19

The above general law (addressing broad issues) may be compared to how the lawmakers perceived the issue of food availability. Law 18/202120 (rescinding Law 7/1996 re. food (*pangan*) have as its purpose securing food sovereignty, understood as the state's and nation's right to autonomously determine its food policy for the people and granting the people the right to determine their own food system, in accordance with local food potential. Thus, the end goal is food autonomy: the state and nation's ability to produce a variety of foods and attaining food security.21 But then again, it should be noted that during the deliberation of the law before the parliament, the focus was more on: (a) meaning of food sovereignty, (b) position of imports to support food availability, (c) national food institution establishment, and (d) halal food issues.22 The good news is that the above Law on food is going to be revised and the Parliament had already begun to recognize the need to amend said law in the context of capacity building of small- and medium-scale farmers.23 Simply stated the law should be read and revised in conjunction with Law 19/2013 re.24 protection and capacity building of farmers (*perlindungan dan pemberdayaan petani*), Law 13/201025 on Horticulture *(Horticultura*) and lastly Law 22/2019 re. agriculture system (*sistem budidaya pertanian*).26

This perspective on what to prioritize (economic growth above all else) may well be a dominant factor influencing how sustainable development (and Millennium Goals or SDGs) is understood and being realized in Indonesia. Regardless, the main purpose of this law apparently is to ease doing business by using a package of rulesregulation intended to deregulate and de-bureaucratize the government. But this law should be read in conjunction with 3 other laws (embodying government official policy on that field), i.e., empowerment of small-, middle-scale economic enterprises, taxation law and lastly the law, providing the legal basis for the development of the new capital city at Kalimantan. Arguably the last-named policy (relocate the capital city) is made purportedly to ease environmental pressure put so long on the current capital city (Jakarta) and Java island, which house approximately 80% of the Indonesian population on 20% of the whole land mass comprising Indonesia.

In contrast, the general threat of shortage of food, mass hunger, or other possible impact of global warming has not been responded with the making of nationwide policies

<sup>25</sup> Law 13/2010 on Horticulture *(Horticultura*).

<sup>19</sup> Declared conditionally inconstitutional by the Constitutional Court by its judgment No. 91/PUU-XVIII/2020. The condition stipulated was that the Government within 2 years revised the Law following the formal procedure of law making. At the end of the two-year period, the President decides to circumvent this procedural barrier (going through the long process of bringing the draft through the parliament) by issuance of the Government Regulation in lieu of Law on Job Creation (*Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-Undang 2/2002 tentang Cipta Kerja*).

<sup>20</sup> Law 18/2021 (rescinding Law 7/1996) re. food *(pangan*).

<sup>21</sup> Article 1 (2,3,4). Elaborated further in Government (implementing) Regulation 17/2015 on Food Security and Nutrition and GR 86/2019 on food security (keamanan pangan).

<sup>22</sup> Achmad Suryana et al. [12].

<sup>23</sup> Revised by the Parliament. See: DPR: LAPORAN PEMANTAUAN DAN PENINJAUAN UNDANG-UNDANG NOMOR 18 TAHUN 2012 TENTANG PANGAN: https://www.dpr.go.id/doksetjen/dokumen/ persipar-Laporan-AKD-Buku-Laporan-Badan-Legislasi-DPR-RI-thd-Pemantauan-dan-Peninjauan-Undang-Undang-Nomor.-18-Tahun-2012-tentang-Pangan-1631075526.pdf.

<sup>24</sup> Law 19/2013 re. protection and capacity building of farmers (*perlindungan dan pemberdayaan petani).*

<sup>26</sup> Law 22/2019 re. agriculture system *(sistem budidaya pertanian*).

*Is Cassava the Next Magic Solution to World Hunger and Energy Crisis? The Indonesian… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109834*

or rules-regulations. The impression emerges that the one solution offered by the government is support continuing economic growth. That is not to say that the government, or at least academians, does not pay attention to the possibility of global warming resulting in threat to food security or sovereignty. For example, in the concern has been raised27:

*The Dean of the Agriculture Faculty of GajahMada University-Yogyakarta, Ir Jaka Widada, MP, PhD, refers to FAO's statement reporting the possibility of mass hunger in 2050. This prediction is very real for the world and Indonesia. World population growth which at that year is expected to reach 10 billion people is one of the triggers. Another factor is climate change.*

As to be read from the above quotation, climate change has not been considered serious enough a threat. What is more urgent, but it is predicted to be years away, is how to provide and secure food for the world-national growing population.

Arguably FAO does not fully focus on climate change but more on food security, which uses two different measurement: Prevalence of Undernourishment (PoU) and the Prevalence of moderate or severe food insecurity in the population, based on the Food Insecurity Experience Scale (FIES).28 Both criteria are used as stick yard to measure the extent SDG2 goals has been meeting, i.e. a world without hunger, food insecurity, and malnutrition. Regardless, policies or programs developed in the context of attaining food security mention cassava more as a footnote. Note that FAO would be expected to spend too much time and effort in discussing the merits of cassava as the solution to world hunger.

This said considering that FAO official website,29 expressly mentions the Country Programming Framework (CPF) which sets out four government priority areas to guide FAO partnership and support with the Government of Indonesia (GoI), i.e.:

*Priority area 1. Support disaster risk reduction and improved resilience to climate change; Priority Area 2. Sustainable natural resource management for crops, livestock, forestry, and fisheries; Priority area 3. Improved agricultural productivity, value chain development and competitiveness and Priority area 4. Strengthen the enabling Policy, Legal and Institutional Environment to Improve Livelihoods, Food Security and Nutrition.*

A different and more important issue is how both criteria as developed by FAO and other programs may be used and translated into food or agricultural policies at the national level. Reading the official website of the Ministry of Agriculture, a thought on a global strategy existing or to be followed in the future can be discerned30:

*All agricultural development programs being carried out has as purpose not only to secure availability of food nationwide but is directed at improving farmers welfare [statement of Agung Hendriadi, head of the Food Security Agency (Badan Ketahanan Pangan]. The Minstry of Agriculture strategy for agricultural development and attaining national food* 

<sup>27</sup> Nograhany Widhi Koesmawardhani Pakar UGM Nilai 3 Negara Ini Siap Hadapi Bencana Kelaparan, Indonesia?—detikEdu, Rabu, 30 Nov 2022: https://www.detik.com/edu/edutainment/d-6435425/ pakar-ugm-nilai-3-negara-ini-siap-hadapi-bencana-kelaparan-indonesia.

<sup>28</sup> Hunger and food insecurity, https://www.fao.org/hunger/en/.

<sup>29</sup> FAO in Indonesia, Programmes and Projects, https://www.fao.org/indonesia/programmes-and-projects/en/.

<sup>30</sup> Anonimus, Kebijakan Pangan Untuk Sejahterakan Petani, 12/10/2017 https://www.pertanian.go.id/hom e/?show=news&act=view&id=2290.

*security is by implementing various breakthrough (programs), such as procurement of 180 thousand units of agricultural machinery and equipment, rehabilitation of existing irrigation networks covering 3.05 million ha, increase crop index, developing agricultural insurance (675 ha), increase meat production through SIWAB project (all female livestock should be made pregnant), construction of 3771 units of long storage/dam-irrigation trenches, procurement of superior seeds (rice, corn, soybeans, chilies, onions and others), controlling strategic food imports and stabilizing food prices through TTI (Toko Tani Indonesia; Indonesian Farmer Store). These policies (breakthroughs) has produced positive results and this serves as the basis for future policies intending to enable Indonesia, develop food estate and become the world bread basket in 2045 (lumbung pangan dunia).*

Aside from the difficulty of ascertaining whether policies mentioned above had been implemented with good result or are going to be implemented as breakthrough, what is striking is that all those goals (past or future) are not made based on calculation of PoU or FIES. The explicit strategy seems to be empowering small-scale farmers with the end goal Indonesia should, in the future, become the world bread basket. Except broad guidelines or programs found hidden between the wordings found in laws, rules and regulations issued by the government or various ministries, it is difficult to find any express reference to policies or programs made based on hard data as prescribed by the FAO. Or it may well be worded not in legal language.

It is telling though that the same FAO awarded the Indonesian government with: Acknowledgment for Achieving Agri-food System Resiliency and Rice Self-Sufficiency during 2019–2021 through the Application of Rice Innovation Technology. This proves again that in terms of food sufficiency, sustainable rice production is and continues to be prioritized.31

In any case, apparently, the issue of world or national hunger does not fall under the scope of authority of the Ministry of Agriculture. Instead, this issue and how to solve falls under the scope of responsibility of the Ministry of Health, as may be observed following news (including rules and regulations issued from time to time by the Ministry) on hunger and malnutrition. A specific public health issue is tackled by the Directorate General of Maternal and Child Health and Nutrition Development (*Dirjen Bina Gizi dan Kesehatan Ibu dan Anak/KIA*) Ministry of Health32 or managed by cross sections—divisions of the local government as happened in Yogyakarta.33 Mentioned that three different government agencies (health, agriculture-food security, and maritime and fishing) are to work together to manage the problem how to prevent hunger and malnutrition.

While it might not be fully correct, it can be safely assumed that at present there is no specific program, in the field of agriculture development or related to food security-sovereignty targeting cassava as prime agricultural commodity or proposing the development of this crop as alternate food source (substituting rice) or as product

<sup>31</sup> Anonimus, Berhasil Swasembada Beras, Indonesia Raih Penghargaan dari IRRIOleh Humas,14 Agustus 2022. https://setkab.go.id/berhasil-swasembada-beras-indonesia-raih-penghargaan-dari-irri/.

<sup>32</sup> See for instance: Herman/YUD, Kemkes: 80 Persen Penduduk Indonesia Kelaparan, 2015, https://www.beritasatu.com/news/298864/kemkes-80-persen-penduduk-indonesia-kelaparan. It is quoted: Directorate General of Maternal-Child Health and Nutrition Development (Dirjen Bina Gizi dan Kesehatan Ibu dan Anak, Minstry of Health (*Kementerian Kesehatan*), Anung Sugihanto argued that Indonesia at present face relative hunger. The disturbing fact is that only 20% of Indonesian population may secure the necessary 1.600 calory per day. Most of the Indonesian people only have access to or daily consume callories lower than this minimum.

<sup>33</sup> Sustainable Development Goals: Mengakhiri Kelaparan, http://bappeda.jogjaprov.go.id/dataku/sdgs/ detail/2-mengakhiri-kelaparan.

*Is Cassava the Next Magic Solution to World Hunger and Energy Crisis? The Indonesian… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109834*

industrially feasible to be processed into biofuel. These being important to determine whether the hope pinned on cassava (as flex crop) may be feasible realized, in contrast to what happened to the dream of cultivating Jathropha at industrial level to solve the problem of energy shortage.34 It may also be possible that all the talk or discussion emerging about the potential of cassava, to end world hunger or alternate source of biofuel, will become a serial of government or private development projects—development projects to be sponsored by government loans and international donors. Or it may become a part of continuing government effort to do something good for society's welfare, the many failure of which described eloquently by Tania Li? That in consideration of the fact that cassava along with other edible plants (corn-palm oil, etc.) are being discussed, introduced, and promoted as flex crop. Meaning crop with multiple uses (food, feed, fuel, fiber, industrial material, etc.) that can be easily and flexibly inter-changed and therefore are attractive for investors because the flexibility allows investors to be flexible in deciding what to produce and sell based on price signals, vis à vis in diversifying markets for their investment while dealing with a single crop.35

#### **6. Is cassava going to be upgraded: being potential to necessary and feasible?**

At the same time, a significant trend emerges indicating the rising attention given to the future potential of cassava (especially its tubers) both as a food source (staple food) and more importantly as raw material to be processed into biofuels or for other industrial needs (processed into ethanol).36 In response to the positive reports on the potential of sorghum and especially cassava as food source (lessening dependency on rice), the Minister of Defense, Prabowo Subianto, proposed, at the Global Food Security Forum in Nusa Dua Bali, Sunday (13/11), the development of cassava as main food commodity of the future. The question here is then why should the Indonesian Defense Minister proposed this idea, what cassava to do with defense issues? A quick answer to this kind of queries was offered by a political and intelligence communication observer, Susaningtyas Nefo Handayan. She argued that37:

*Food security is a key component of the People's Defense and Security System (system pertahanan dan keamanan rakyat semesta). The history of the struggle for the independence of the Republic of Indonesia proves that, in each battle to do so, logistical resilience is a determining factor.*

She further argues that therefore it was a right decision of the President to appoint the Ministry of Defense as the leading sector handling the issue of food crisis. The incumbent Minister of Defense in that context stated38:

<sup>37</sup> Anonimus: Dukung Pernyataan Menhan Prabowo, Pengamat: Ketahanan Pangan Bagian dari Sishankamrata, 17 november 2022, https://indonesiadefense.com/

dukung-pernyataan-menhan-prabowo-pengamat-ketahanan-pangan-bagian-dari-sishankamrata/.

<sup>38</sup> Anonimus, Bahas Singkong di G20, Prabowo: Indonesia Bisa Sediakan Pangan untuk 8 Miliar Orang di Dunia, 15 november 2022, https://headtopics.com/id/article-headline-31697658.

<sup>34</sup> See: Hengky Wijaya [13].

<sup>35</sup> Hengky Wijaya ([13], p. 1).

<sup>36</sup> Anonimus, Sorgum & Mocaf: Perkuat Ketahanan Pangan, Trubus, 636, November2022/LIII.: 9–13. Cassava harvest period is 6–12 months and around 500,000–1,000,000 ha of land is needed for cassava and sorghum to be able to function as alternative substitutes for wheat (averaging 10 million tons per year.

*Our goal is (for Indonesia in the future) to be able to feed 8 billion people (…) the government's task is to ensure the availability and affordability of food to achieve the target of zero hunger. This target is mentioned as number two in the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).*

The Minister of Defense, Prabowo Subianto, before the G20 forum held in Bali (2022) also confidently asserted that39:

*(…) cassava is the most efficient crop as it could produce 250,000 calories while only needing 65 cubic meters (cbm) of water per tonne, which was far less than rice, which needed 1139 cbm, wheat needing 954 cbm and maize needing 815 cbm. (…) Indonesia can become the foremost producer of cassava. […] Cassava is now a strategic food crop. (…) Indonesia is currently producing instant noodles and pasta from cassava. On top of that, cassava could also be processed into bioethanol, alcohol, vitamins, bioplastics, glue, explosives and cattle feed while being 100 percent gluten-free with a low glycemic index, high in iron and calcium.*

The above idea arguably should be read in conjunction with the incumbent President's plan to make Central Kalimantan (Kapuas and Pulang Pisau) the bread basket of Indonesia intended to replace Java which lost this position as this island experience massive loss of agricultural land due to rapid urbanization and industrialization. Available land in Kalimantan, considered to be still in abundance and underdeveloped, should be cultivated as food estate, strengthening the national food security in the context of national sovereignty. The development plan or program is designed as a cooperation between the Ministry of Defense, Ministry of Public Works and Housing (PUPR),40 Ministry of Agriculture, Ministry of Environment and Forestry and Ministry of State (owned) Corporations (BUMN). The Ministry of Environment and Forestry has the responsibility to assure the smooth harmonization of this program with other programs purporting to restore wetlands.41 As for the reason why the President appoints the Minister of Defense as the program coordinator42 :

<sup>39</sup> As reported by Deni Ghifari, Tempeh, cassava "the answer" to staple-food insecurity, the Jakarta post, Nov. 15, 2022, https://asianews.network/tempeh-cassava-the-answer-to-staple-food-insecurity/.

<sup>40</sup> See: Government Regulation (*peraturan pemerintah*) 20/2006 re. irrigation. In this regulation, we can find the statement that food security should be realized by maintaining a sustainable irrigation system, from development to operation, service irrigation networks. This task is entrusted to the Public Work and Housing Ministry (*Pekerjaan Umum dan Perumsahan Rakyat/PUPR*).

<sup>41</sup> Anonimus, Menhan didampingi Wamenhan Temui Menteri LHK Bahas Kelanjutan Program Food Estate, WIRA melalui Edisi bulan Juli–Agutus 2020 Nomor 2, available at https://www.kemhan.go.id/ wp-content/uploads/2021/06/WIRAbaru2020INDkecil.pdf. As for wetlands restoration, the note to be made is that efforts to restore Indonesia's tropical peatlands have been accelerated by the establishment of the Peatland Restoration Agency in early 2016 by Government Regulation 1/2016. The restoration action policy includes the rewetting, ion, and revitalization of local livelihood (known as the 3Rs). At the ministerial level, the restoration of peat ecosystems is regulated by the Ministry of Environment and Forestry Regulation Number 16/2017, which set out the technical guidelines for restoration of peatland ecosystem. It is intended to provide technical guidance for the national government, regional/provincial governments, communities (including indigenous people), and those responsible for businesses and or activities in restoring the function of peat-mangrove ecosystems. Tri Wira Yuwati et al. [14]. For further information on the Agency, visit: https://brgm.go.id/.

<sup>42</sup> As quoted from Chandra Gian Asmara [15].

*Is Cassava the Next Magic Solution to World Hunger and Energy Crisis? The Indonesian… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109834*

*Defence does not only cover the responsibility of procurement and managing the availability and readiness of weaponry for the armed forces (alat utama system senjata tentara nasional Indonesia, alutista), but also food security.*

Given that response, arguably what has been the basis for this policy (developing food estates) is not particularly the impact of harvest failure, mass hunger, and malnutrition from lack of food, all possible consequences of climate change, but something other issues, considered significantly more important. Possible cause or background for the above policy is the government plan to move the capital city from Jakarta to an area straddling two districts: Kutai Kartanegara and Penajam Paser Utara (both are situated at East Kalimantan).43 To guarantee the success of this huge project, around the new capital city, expected to ease the environmental pressure borne by Java, the government at the same time must prepare food estates, to provide for the future residents populating the new capital. However, food estates are also being prepared and developed at other islands, with success or sometimes ending in failure.44 Regardless, the basic assumption driving this program (and other government programs related to conversion of forest land) seems to be the general perception that forest (despite recognized importance in terms of environment, climate change prevention, etc.) are considered undeveloped and underutilized. Forest land should and needs to be converted to other more beneficial use for mankind or society's welfare. The result is increasing rate of deforestation as the table for the period of 2017–2021 shows (**Table 2**) 45:

In line with the numbers above, the Central Statistic Bureau (Badan Pusat Statistik (BPS)46 reported a loss of forested land amounting to 956.258 hektare (ha) (0.5% of Indonesian land mass) during 2017–2021—deforestation occurred in Kalimantan, Papua, and Sumatra. Increase of forested area is reported in Bali-Nusa Tenggara, Sulawesi, Jawa, dan Maluku, but the increase is slower than total loss of forested areas. The main cause of this deforestation is the government policy of supporting large-scale investment in palm oil plantation or conversion to other more lucrative enterprises, such as mining of precious minerals (coal, gold, nickel, etc.). Arguably, continuing deforestation is also justified by the so-called need to establish food estates, producing mostly rice.

In any case, what is even more striking is that even in the above grand scheme of relocating the capital city and in support of that effort developing new food estates (and the justification of deforestation of the area), cassava was never explicitly mentioned—only in passing and that only about its potential or possible development. A similar impression of the relative unimportance of cassava also emerges

<sup>43</sup> Law 3/2021. Government official website containing all necessary information or at least for public information regarding the development of the new capital city (*Ibu Kota Negara*) is: https://ikn.go.id/en/ letak-ibu-kota-baru-indonesia-bernama-nusantara-ini-detail-lokasinya. It is also mentioned that Law 3/2021 will soon be revised. See: Rofiq Hidayat [16].

<sup>44</sup> Abdul Basith Bardan [17]. Cf. V. Arnila Wulandani, [18].

<sup>45</sup> Rate of Deforestation; Anonimus, Pengurangan/Penambahan Luas Tutupan Hutan Indonesia (2017–2021): https://databoks.katadata.co.id/datapublish/2022/12/21/luas-hutan-indonesiaberkurang-hampir-sejuta-hektare-dalam-5-tahun. Cf. anonimus, "Data KLHK Tahun 2022 Periode I: Hutan Primer Berkurang", https://www.cnnindonesia.com/nasional/20220413073537-20-784096/ data-klhk-tahun-2022-periode-i-hutan-primer-berkurang.

<sup>46</sup> Adi Ahdiat, Ini Luas Tutupan Hutan Indonesia, dari Sumatra sampai Papua, https://databoks.katadata. co.id/datapublish/2022/12/20/ini-luas-tutupan-hutan-indonesia-dari-sumatra-sampai-papua.


#### **Table 2.**

*Deforestation rate.*

when tracing the wordings of the basic laws on food (Law 18/2012), food & nutrition security (Government Regulation 17/2015) or other laws and regulations pertaining to spatial planning (Law 26/2007), environment management (Law 32/2009), etc., which mention or become the basis for policies in the agricultural field or government programs related to establishment of food estates. The same could said when perusing the package of top down development programs embodied in laws and regulations, and other sectoral (forestry, agriculture, industry etc.) development programs.

Instead what is to be found is rather negligible, a passing consideration of cassava future potential. It is the Ministry of Agriculture who promoted cassava as local strategic food commodity. In this context, the Minister mentions the existence of a pilot project to establish—develop an integrated cassava estate.47 In a similar vein (Zulkifli, Director of PT Permata Agro Utama) argues48 :

*Cassava should not be underestimated. Within the next 25 year, it may become a strategic product. Cassava possess many advantages, it may reduce Indonesia's dependence to wheat import, and may be used as raw material for pharmaceutical products, whereas as of today, Indonesia imported 96% of those materials. The society expect that the government develop cooperation programs, offering guidance to society and develop unproductive land into productive.*

In the same news, the Director General Food Crops, Ministry of Agriculture, Suwandi, is reported to state that there are already circulated plans to develop cassava as part of the food diversification program at the local level. In realization of this plan, the Ministry had it performed a mapping project of cassava centers [small-scale plantations]. In 2019, it is recorded a total area of 628 thousand hectares, producing 16.35 million ton. Unfortunately, in 2022, there are no traces left of this ambitious plan or how it might have been developed.

Briefly stated, after perusing the existing laws and regulations, or looking at existing policy statements on development in general or cassava in particular—in terms of food security/sovereignty or in other context—arguably up to present there

<sup>47</sup> Anonimus, Kementan Bersama MSI Menjadikan Singkong Pangan Lokal Strategis, tanpa tanggal-tahun https://www.pertanian.go.id/home/?show=news&act=view&id=4412. & Olahan Singkong Mampu Tingkatkan Nilai Jual Bernilai Ekonomi Tinggi, https://www.pertanian.go.id/home/?show=news&act=vie w&id=4869.

<sup>48</sup> Ibid.

*Is Cassava the Next Magic Solution to World Hunger and Energy Crisis? The Indonesian… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109834*

is no indication that the national government is really putting effort in the realization of so far fledging proposals related to cassava improvement or development as flex crop. This is said in consideration of some local government initiatives, as in providing (financial or other kind of) assistance to small-scale cassava farmers at Bangka-Belitung.49 But this more concrete and real effort and attention to local farmers planting cassava apparently is limited to local (district) governments only. Such initiatives have yet to be developed further, only the condition if feasible, into national program and related to the effort of ending world hunger, battling climate change or lessening dependency on oil and gas as energy source.

#### **7. Conclusion**

Apparently, rice is still considered Indonesia staple food to which sustainable production must be guaranteed. The prevailing law and regulations, symbolic expression of development priority, still reflect this bias. In contrast, at the national level, cassava's advantages and potential are still only discussed at scientific circles only. The promise of cassava as flex food, lessening Indonesia dependence on rice and possible development of cassava waste as biofuel has yet to be developed into feasible policies or development programs. The realization of which would then endanger various development programs, funded by the government or to be sold as a commodity of development idea with the best of intentions.

Development and enhancement of cassava, at present being produced, often incidentally to be consumed locally, into a commodity, produced and processed at the industrial level, has yet to materialize. Discussion of the potential of cassava, either as food crop or as raw materials for other uses, has yet to reach the level of being hype, as being experiences by Jathropha a decade earlier. While it is true that there is trace of hope or in Tania Li′s language the desire (wish) to make cassava a super commodity to solve multiple problems: from hunger, food security to energy scarcity, the efforts to do so is at most at a preliminary stage.

<sup>49</sup> Anonimus, Tingkatkan Pendapatan Petani Singkong Babel, Kementan Beri Bantuan Saprodi. https:// www.pertanian.go.id/home/?show=news&act=view&id=4570.

#### **Author details**

Tristam Pascal Moeliono\* and Koerniatmanto Soetoprawiro Faculty of Law, Parahyangan Catholic University, Bandung, Indonesia

\*Address all correspondence to: tristam@unpar.ac.id

© 2023 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

*Is Cassava the Next Magic Solution to World Hunger and Energy Crisis? The Indonesian… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109834*

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[3] van Klink B. An effective historical view on the symbolic working of law. In: Zeegers N, Wittteven WJ, van Klink B, editors. Social and Symbolic Effects of Legislation under the Rule of Law. Lewiston, NY: Studies in Political Science; 2005. pp. 113-144

[4] Murray LT. The Will to Improve: Governmentality, Development and the Practice of Politics. Durham-London: Duke University Press; 2007

[5] Vel JAC. How could the jatropha sector live on subsidies and green investments without producing oil or biodiesel? In: Vel JAC, Simandjuntak D, editors. JARAK, the Short History of Jatropha Projects in Indonesia. IIAS. book chapter: Leiden; 2014

[6] Vel JAC. Trading in discursive commodities: Biofuel brokers' roles in perpetuating the Jatropha hype in Indonesia. Sustainability. 2014;**6**(5):2802- 2821. Article in journal: refereed

[7] Vel JAC. What are the benefits of analyzing jatropha activities as a commoditization process? In: Vel JAC, Simandjuntak D, editors. JARAK, the Short History of Jatropha Projects in Indonesia. IIAS. book chapter: Leiden; 2014

[8] Kant P, Shuirong W. The extraordinary collapse of Jatropha as a global biofuel. Environmental Science & Technology. 2011;**45**(17):7114-7115. DOI: 10.1021/es201943v

[9] Widyastuti P. Pengolahan Limbah Kulit Singkong sebagai Bahan Bakar Bioetanol melalui Proses Fermentasi. Jurnal Kompetensi Teknik. 2019;**11**(1):41-46

[10] Montagnac JA, Davis CR, Tanumihardjo SA. Nutritional value of cassava for use as a staple food and recent advances for improvement. Comprehensive Reviews in Food Science and Food Safety. 2009;**8**(3):181-194. DOI: 10.1111/j.1541-4337.2009.00077.x

[11] Stephenson K, Amthor R, Mallowa S, et al. Consuming cassava as a staple food places children 2-5 years old at risk for inadequate protein intake, an observational study in Kenya and Nigeria. Nutrition Journal. 2010;**9**:9. DOI: 10.1186/1475-2891-9-9

[12] Suryana A, Khalil M. Proses dan Dinamika Penyusunan Undang-Undang Nomor 18 Tahun 2012 tentang Pangan. Forum Penelitian Agro Ekonomi. 2017;**35**(1):1-17. DOI: 10.21082/fae. v35n1.2017.1-17

[13] Wijaya H. Deconstructing a Biofuel Hype the Stories of Jatropha Projects in South Sulawesi. Indonesia: Dissertation, Leiden University; 2018

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[15] Asmara CG. CNBC Indonesia, Bukan Mentan, Ini Alasan Jokowi Pilih Prabowo di Food Estate. 2020. Available from: https://www.cnbcindonesia.

com/news/20200713184745-4-172363/ bukan-mentan-ini-alasan-jokowi-pilihprabowo-di-food-estate

[16] Hidayat Rofiq, Revisi UU IKN, Ada Persoalan Serius dalam Tata Kelola Legislasi. 2022. Available from: https:// www.hukumonline.com/berita/a/revisiuu-ikn--ada-persoalan-serius-dalamtata-kelola-legislasi-lt63804704b727d/

[17] Bardan Abdul Basith, Pengamat jabarkan deretan kegagalan food estate yang dicanangkan pemerintah, Senin. 2020. Available from: https://nasional. kontan.co.id/news/pengamat-jabarkanderetan-kegagalan-food-estate-yangdicanangkan-pemerintah

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### **Chapter 2**

Assessing the Traditional Food Processing Economy of Agrarian Communities in Southwestern Nigeria: The Case of Esan Women and the Cassava Processing Industry

*Emmanuel Osewe Akubor, Beatrice Amili Akubor and Funmilayo Evaristus Awoyera*

#### **Abstract**

Extant studies have established that in Africa (with specific reference to Esan people, southwest Nigerian area), the societies from time immemorial developed indigenous or traditional methods/ways of processing farm products to ready-made food for consumption. Analysis shows that one of such was the processing of cassava (*Manihot esculenta*) to various food items, which include *Gari/garri* (Cassava flakes), *Akpu/fufu* (fermented cassava product), *Bobozi/Tapioka* (Cassava chips), *Elubo/Lafun* (Cassava flour) amongst others. In all this process, the women folks are the ones that are largely involved. This chapter is thus an attempt at interrogating the processes involved in the production of one of the most popular sources of carbohydrate *Gari* from Cassava amongst Esan agrarian societies of southwest Nigeria. This chapter tries as much as possible to interrogate how the women using local technology and fabricated devices are able to process and produce cassava related food for both family consumption and commercial purpose. The qualitative method is used for this particular research. Data obtained from primary and secondary sources were deployed to carry out the study with an analytical and narrative historical approach. This includes historical, descriptive and analytical approaches based on gathered evidence. The result shows well outline methods adopted in producing this food item so as to make sure it is nutritious, marketable and can be preserved using local technology.

**Keywords:** food production, processing, Gari, cassava, Nigeria

#### **1. Introduction**

Experts have argued that as far as the history of human existence is concerned, food production/processing is the most widespread form of human activity.

In most of the Developing countries of the world (Nigeria inclusive), indigenous (also referred to as traditional) food processing had started from early times (pre-colonial period) and most of the traditionally processed foods are based on a combination of preservation technologies, common sense and indigenous technology [1]. Akubor and Akubor [2] specifically noted that it is the main-prolong of the economic activity predominantly subsistence farming, providing a livelihood to more than three-quarters of the human race. The availability of much process from this agricultural practice, initially led to a situation in which in the rural areas, the traditional pattern of food utilisation involves mainly the consumption of different food items in the fresh state with little or no post-harvest processing, before being cooked into meal. However, with the advancement of most societies, as well as the increase in population, there arose the need to advance method that will help preserve agricultural produce for the rainy days. It was this situation that led to development of system of Food Processing.

Generally, the food industry can be broadly classified as consisting of the largescale foreign-based multinationals with local subsidiaries, public sector-backed production outfits (parastatals or state-promoted companies), medium-scale indigenous and foreign operators, small-scale indigenous operators and the cottage or sole proprietors outfit. Whilst the chapter recognises that all these sectors are crucial for the economic development of any society, however the paper is more concerned with small-scale indigenous (Indigenous) Food Processing operators which are dominant in the case of Nigeria.

As a way of clarification, the small-scale indigenous (traditional) food processing operators are partly urban-based, whilst the majority is based in the rural areas as cottage level producers. Available evidence indicates that this group engages in the processing of various local stables that are derived from roots and tubers, cereals, fruits and vegetables, products of animal origin such as dried and smoked fish, meat, local cheese and food additives such as flavouring condiments and other food seasoning materials.

One unique feature of this group is that despite being unskilled, within years of practice they become specialised in their trade and have over the years established inter and intra-regional professional groups, maintaining contacts with and between various ecological regions. This is the case of the Esan Women in the Cassava (Food) processing industry. Although a completely agrarian society (dotted with few industries), southwest Nigeria, the women have wholly dominated the industry, giving rise to, and increased, economic specialisation. It is in line with this that there is the urgent need to locate the area and people in the global map.

#### **2. The Esan area and people: a geographical conceptualisation**

By Definition, the Esan people, and the land (Oto Esan as it is described by the people) is an Edo speaking territory, which belongs to the Kwa branch of the Niger– Congo family of languages. Located in southwest Nigeria (West Africa), the territory and people (which is largely agrarian) are bounded to the Northwest and North by the Ivbiosakun and Etsako section of Northern Edo, to the West and South-west by the Benin Kingdom, to the South and South-east by Western Igbo and to the East by the River Niger and the Igala people. In a more specific term, Ukaugo and Akubor [3] argued that Esanland is located in the present Edo State of Nigeria and Esan language is spoken by the people. The culture and origin of the people is linked with the Benin. It is largely in the thick forest region with boundaries with the Etsako, Owan, Benin,

*Assessing the Traditional Food Processing Economy of Agrarian Communities in Southwestern… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109833*

Aniocha and the Ika. Esan was corrupted to Isan, Esa and Ishan by the Europeans and has been used interchangeably ever since to represent the people, their language and culture. In Esan land, Agriculture is the main occupation of the people, with the men majorly cultivating cassava, whilst the women cultivate cassava and little vegetable farms. Esan women do some petty trading and also weave clothes [4–6] had identified the major markets around the area as those trading stations on the Niger, the most considerable of which is Illushi, an evacuation point for much produce from Esan land (including Garri and other cassava related processed food) to neighbouring states [4].

Presently, it is estimated that the Esan people who reside in Esanland number about from 1.5 million to 3 million citizens in Nigeria and there is a strong Esan diaspora ([3], p. 15).

#### **3. The indigenous (traditional) food process industry in Nigeria: a brief background**

Traditionally, the food processing industry in most African states is controlled by the women folks. This is because whilst the production of the food is seen as a man's job, because of the hectic nature of farming, it is argued that the women compliment the efforts of the men by converting this food items from their raw stage to processed items for both internal consumption and trade [7, 8]. According to Henn [9], women around the area are known to have long supplied the bulk of labour required in food production and processing. Related researches have also established that women in our area of studies, are as hard working as the men folks when it comes to agriculture and food processing, since they are fully involved in clearing of land, root crop production, planting, weeding, harvesting, transportation and processing, store and marketing of the final product ([10] cited in [2, 11]).

Under the traditional Esan system, although women were not allowed to own large farmlands, they however, owned and cultivated plots belonging to their husbands, where they planted melon and related vegetable crops, which served as supplementary to the family's food table [12]. In additions, they were allotted small plots close to their husband's farm where they cultivate cassava and cocoyam. Whilst the cocoyam is directly boiled/pounded and eaten; the cassava is processed either for *garri, Tapioka* or *akpu*. At the beginning of the farming season, apart from providing food and water, for those working in the farm, women also assisted in sowing, planting and harvesting, and in marketing of the harvested farm produce, at the end of the farming season [13]. Throughout the entire cassava production and processing, Esan women typically carry out 70 percent of the work, including; planting, weeding, harvesting, transporting cassava, peeling, grating and/or soaking, bagging and selling.

#### **4. Cassava processing industry: production, processing and source of labour**

Amongst the people of Esan, cassava is processed into several stable food products. One of them is the processing cassava into granules known as garri. *Garri* is a menu to average Nigerian and before the current hardship and inflation in Nigeria was considered a food for the poor. Garri can be eaten raw (in its dry powdered state), or soaked in water with groundnuts, beans, palm kernel, coconut, bean-cake. Garri could be taken alone or added into beans porridge or made with boiled water into a solid meal

of *eba* and taken with all kind of vegetable soup. Apart from yam (which is the major tuber crop cultivated mainly by men), cassava tuber is considered the most important tuber crop amongst the farming communities of southern Nigeria in generally and Esan communities in particular ([14]:190–192, [15]:1) Cassava could also be dried and processed into powder for making paste which is eaten with soup. In some other instance, it can be boiled, soaked for some time and sliced into straight wet chips and consumed with either coconut or groundnut (Bobozi/tapioca/abacha) [16].

Commenting, Oyewole [17] argued that the processing of cassava for food involves combinations of fermentation, drying and cooking. In the view of the source, Fermentation is an important method common in most processing. According to Oyewole [17], there are many fermentation techniques for cassava, which can be broadly categorised into solid-state fermentation and submerged fermentation. Commenting further, the source opined thus:

*Solid-state fermentation, typified by gari production, uses grated or sliced cassava pieces that are allowed to ferment while exposed to the natural atmosphere or pressed in a bag. Submerged fermentation involves the soaking of whole peeled, cut and peeled, or unpeeled cassava roots in water for various periods, as typified by the production of fufu and lafun in Nigeria. Traditionally, cassava is fermented for 4 to 6 days in order to effect sufficient detoxification of the roots.*

In line with the above and considering the hectic nature involved in the processing, it is therefore not surprising that the traditional (indigenous) Esan cassava processing industry witnesses a marked division of labour, with the women doing a large chunk of the work. In most cases, the adult male assisted the women in the harvesting of the cassava from the farm. From this point, the women assisted by their children take over the preparation process of the cassava starting with the collecting of the harvested cassava tubers from the farmland to the house where process begins ([12, 18]:23–50, [13, 19]). The job of preparing/processing cassava was really a tedious one, requiring an enormous labour input. The labour requirement was met by the women and children in the household. In cases where the quantities of cassava tubers to be prepared are much, extra labour might be desired, especially when it is for commercial purpose as distinct from production for family consumption. In this situation, the women would mobilise their friends or a communal work group involving a desirable number of relatives/ age-group peers to help at every stage of Cassava processing. The contractual agreement stipulates how the labour expended would be repaid.

#### **5. Cassava: the plant, planting and harvesting**

Cassava is an important food crop in the tropics and many countries in Africa. Cassava has been found to be a major crop in arable cropping of smallholder farmers [16]. The crop contributes significantly to the diets of over 800 million people, with per capita consumption averaging 102 kilogrammes per year. In some areas of Africa it constitutes over 50 percent of the daily diets of the people. Amongst the farming communities in Nigeria, cassava production is well-developed as an organised agricultural crop. It has well-established multiplication and processing techniques for food products and cattle feed. There are more than 40 cassava varieties in use. Planting occurs during four planting seasons in the various geo-ecological zones. Cassava is grown throughout the year, making it preferable to the seasonal crops of yam, beans or peas.

*Assessing the Traditional Food Processing Economy of Agrarian Communities in Southwestern… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109833*

It displays an exceptional ability to adapt to climate change, with a tolerance to low soil fertility, resistance to drought conditions, pests and diseases, and suitability to store its roots for long periods underground even after they mature. Use of fertilisers is limited, and it is also grown on fallow lands. Harvesting of the roots after planting varies from 6 months to 3 years. The land holding for farming in Nigeria is between 0.5 and 2.5 hectares (1.2–6.2 acres), with about 90% of producers being small-scale farms [16].

Historically, Cassava and its related products constitute a major staple food amongst the populace in Nigeria. Cassava (a perennial woody shrub with an edible root) was first introduced to Nigeria in the sixteenth century. With its introduction, it gained popularity amongst the rural farming societies of southern Nigeria, where the agro-ecological zone favourably supported the cultivation of such crop. However, over the years, the majority of cassava farmers cultivate small farm area which is not conducive or economical for mechanisation. Despite these challenges, cassava is one of the fastest expanding staple food crops in cassava consuming countries and has continued to gain prominence amongst farmers whilst the industrial demand is also rising consistently [20]. FAOSTAT [21], has established that as it 2019, Nigeria produced about 60 million tonnes. Despite being the largest producer of cassava in the world, more than 90% of cassava produced in Nigeria are consumed locally [22].

#### **6. Stages of cassava processing**

Traditionally, cassava is processed before consumption. Processing is necessary for several reasons. First, it serves as a means of removing or reducing the potentially toxic cyanogenic glucosides present in fresh cassava. Second, it serves as a means of preservation. Third, processing yields products that have different characteristics, which create variety in cassava diets. The processing of cassava began immediately after the harvest of the tubers with its peeling, washing, grating, pressing (dewatering), sifting, frying, colouring, drying, packaging and preparation for eating in various forms.

#### **7. Peeling and grating stage**

Cassava processing commenced with it peeling. Peeling involves the removal of the outer layer with a knife by women and children. The peeled cassava is washed with clean water. This follows the grating of cassava tuber into paste form to make it ready for pressing i.e. extraction of its liquid content. Before the fabrication of modern machine, the grating was done by scrubbing the cassava tuber against flat metal sheet on which is made sharp holes. An optional stage in cassava was the fermentation of the grated cassava paste. After grating the tubers, it is usually packed in basket, locally woven bags, or bowels. It will be allowed for 2 or 3 days before it is subjected to pressing to achieve dewatering. When cassava is subjected to this process it produces a sour taste different from those not subjected to the process, but this is essentially based on choice.

#### **8. The stage of dewatering (pressing to remove water)**

The pressing stage followed after grating, the grated cassava (which is now in its semi-liquid state) is packed in bag(s) and subjected to a pressing device. The bag of

the grated cassava is tied on a device, whose grip was tightened at regular intervals until it reaches reduction in the liquid content. In those days, the pressing device was made from bamboo and locally woven ropes but nowadays it is done with the aid of a machine. In some other area, the bag of grated cassava is placed in between two large stones or heavy objects to achieve the same aim of extracting the liquid as much as possible from the cassava. Whilst it was obvious that dewatering was done to achieve solidifying of the cassava paste, the reason for dehydration might have been related to how it eases the process of frying. It has been argued that the process of fermentation while dewatering helps to detoxify cyanide in cassava. It is important to note that the water extracted through this process is not completely useless as it can also be preserved for making starch for clothes or consumption as common amongst the Urhobo and Ijaw people of the Niger Delta area of Nigeria [23].

#### **9. Sifting stage of processing**

After the pressing/liquid extraction stage, sifting followed immediately. This stage involves the separation of the finely grated part of the cassava paste suitable for consumption as the end product from the chaffs and tiny lumps that might have found their way into the whole of the grated paste through the use of the locally made sieve. This is done by packaging a measured quantity of the grated cassava, which assumes the form of flour after dehydration into the sieve. Sifting is achieved by gently running the palms through the measured quantity of cassava flour on the sieves. The portion that went through the bowl placed under/in between the laps is considered fit for further processing into the end product. Colouring constituted another optional activity of the stages involved in the processing of cassava. It is the colouring activity that gave rise to the two colours of *garri* (white and red) that is available amongst the people. White is the natural colour of *garri*, whilst red (although described as red, it is actually yellowish in colour) is the colour produced when red oil is added to it. Amongst the professionals, the colouring is believed as a matter of opinion that the application of palm oil as a colouring agent improves the quality of the *garri* and reduces whatever negative effect that might result from its consumption. According to Eboyehi [24], the colouration also helps to reduce the acidic nature, that could be harmful to some consumers. Thus the red *garri* is generally preferred by the people, particularly in the preparation of *eba*, a solid meal prepared from *garri* is commonly eaten amongst the southern part of Nigeria.

#### **10. Frying and sun drying**

The last stage in the processing of cassava into *garri* is the frying of the sieved cassava flour. This involves the heating of the flour in an earthen or aluminium pot over a fire made to suit the purpose. Whilst the heating is on, the processor is expected to continuously undertake the turning of the cassava flour until it is certified dried. *Garri* may be heated enough for consumption on fire, whilst the process of drying was completed by further spreading out of the *garri* in the sun. Sun drying the *garri* was optional and in most Esan processing communities discouraged and frowned at. In fact the sun drying method was always seen of shortchanging people and people are discouraged from consuming such product except for commercial purpose. Frying is however considered better, because it is neater and aid preservation. The sun drying method is not popular amongst the people probably because of the effect

*Assessing the Traditional Food Processing Economy of Agrarian Communities in Southwestern… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109833*

on the nutritional content of the food. According to observation, it has been opined that sun drying causes large losses in carotene content, Vitamin A and Vitamin D. Nutritionists are of the view that retention of vitamins in dehydrated foods is superior to sun dried foods. They have also opined that rancidity is an important problem in dried foods. According to this school of thought, Enzymatic browning or caramelisation types of reaction may occur and can be controlled by addition of Sulphur dioxide [23].

It is important to note that apart from the production of garri from cassava, the Esan women have been able to process other food items from same source. For example there is the Cassava Foo-Foo (*akpu*), which is derived through whole or cutting cassava roots are peeled washed and allowed to ferment naturally to a soft texture in 4–5 days. This is cooked into foo-foo (paste) and eaten with vegetable soup. There is also the tuber flour (*lafun/Elubo*), which is gotten through clean cassava root cut into chips, allowed to ferment 1–2 days, sundried, blended and sieved. The flour is cooked into a paste with water and eaten with vegetable soup. There is also the *Bobozi/ Tapioka*, which is cassava tuber, peeled and boiled, after which it is sliced into chips and soaked in clean water (overnight to reduce the level of acidity). This is eaten with coconut, palm Kernel, groundnut or specially prepared sauce.

#### **11. Conclusion**

From the discourse, it is clear that the food processing industry of the people (as most African societies) has traditionally championed by the women using local technology. The product of this process has over the years geared towards both family consumption and exchange. This product has also attracted high purchase in both local, inter and intra-regional markets around the area. In fact in the Illushi market which is the biggest market in Edo state (linking three other states- Kogi, Anambra and Delta states of Nigeria), the processing and trading in Garri has been considered so were essential and important, resulting in the establishment of a separate section for the trade within the market. Over the years, this has attracted contact between various ecological regions, differential needs and trade [13, 25, 26]. This gave rise to, and increased, economic specialisation especially in the processing industry. Scholars have argued that this specialisation has helped to distinguish different kinds of economic activities and the level of their inter-dependence in the area.

Despite the fact that the indigenous (traditional) food processing industry in the area has recorded some successes, especially considering the fact that it (till date) handles more than 70% of the processed food, it is still not receiving the necessary attention from the government and the modern food processing bodies. It is in line with this that the paper advocates for increased research and development activities in local sourcing of food processing equipment not just in the Esan area, but other rural agricultural-based communities. This is considered very crucial; particularly for the development of small-scale and indigenous entrepreneurship in the food industry.

It is therefore in line with the above that there is the urgent need for modern food processors to collaborate with the indigenous (traditional) food processing industries scattered all over the country to achieve high quantity and quality. This is because, food processing involves different unit operation with varied equipment to carry out this operation. Unfortunately, the rural farmers/producers who are burdened with the supplying the larger population do not have access to these.

### **A. Appendix**

Locally fabricated machines for gari production

Source: https://www.cassavaprocessing.com/Blog/locally\_fabricated\_garri\_ machine\_in\_nigeria\_103.html

Pictures Explanation from the Left to Right.

Picture 1: The Frying Process by a woman.

Picture 2: Modern Advanced Frying Machine.

Picture 3: Modern Fabricated Dewatering Machine.

Picture 4: Locally Fabricated Dewatering Machine.

Photo of GarrI

*Assessing the Traditional Food Processing Economy of Agrarian Communities in Southwestern… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109833*

#### Photo of Akpu/Fufu

#### Photo of Elubo/Lafun in its dried form

Photo of Elubo in Powdered form

#### Photo of Bobozi/Tapioka/Abacha

### **Author details**

Emmanuel Osewe Akubor1 \*, Beatrice Amili Akubor2 and Funmilayo Evaristus Awoyera3

1 Department of History, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria

2 Department of Crop Protection, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ife, Nigeria

3 Department of History and International Studies, Bowen University, Iwo, Osun Sate, Nigeria

\*Address all correspondence to: oseweakubor@gmail.com; akuboreo@oauife.edu.ng

© 2023 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

*Assessing the Traditional Food Processing Economy of Agrarian Communities in Southwestern… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.109833*

#### **References**

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[2] Akubor BA, Akubor EO. Women, agriculture and the development of palm oil trade in southern Nigeria. In: Singh V, editor. Interrogating Women Empowerment: The Global Experience. India: Satyam Law Publishers; 2018

[3] Ukaogo V, Akubor EO. A Diminishing Past-a Rescued Future: Essays on the Peoples, Traditions and Culture of the Esan of Southern Nigeria. New Jersey: Goldline and Jacobs; 2013

[4] Akubor EO. Colonial Domination and Cash Crop Production in Esan Division of Benin Province of Colonial Nigeria 1906-1960: A History of Agricultural Stagnation and Decline Unpublished PhD Thesis. Zaria: Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University; 2010

[5] Akubor EO. Colonialism and its impact on Food Security in Africa: A Case Study of Nigeria. In: MANDYENG: Journal of Central Nigeria Studies. A publication of the Department of History and International Studies. Nigeria: University of Jos; 2010b

[6] Akubor EO. The travail of women in crises in the niger delta area. In: The Anthropologist (Anth). Vol. 13. India: Scientific and Research International Journal, (International Bibliography of the Social Sciences); 2010c No. 1

[7] Akubor EO, Akubor BA. Gender and the Struggle against Environmental Degradation and Economic Deprivation in Africa: Niger Delta Area in Focus; Brukenthalia: Romanian Cultural History Review. Romania: University of Sibiu and Brukenthal National Museum; 2020. pp. 1102-1116

[8] Akubor EO, Akubor BA. Establishing the nexus between climate change, forced migration and food production/security in Nigeria: Research observations of historian and agriculturist. Khazanah Sosial Journal, Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Gunung Djati, West Java. 2021;**3**(1):33-44

[9] Henn JK, Feeding the cities and feeding the peasants: What role for Africa's Farmers? World Development, II. 1983;(12)

[10] Uwaka CT, Uwaegbute AC. The role and contribution of rural women to agricultural development in eastern Nigeria. Journal of Education and Development. 1982;**2**(2):12-15

[11] Akubor EO, Eboiyehi FA. Interrogating the relevance of cultural practices/relations and linguistic evidence in reconstructing history: A case study of the people of oto-esan and their neighbhor. Journal of the Institute of Culture Studies (IJICS), Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Vol. 14, 2021;**2021**:327-349

[12] Okoduwa AI. Time and space in Esan history: The concept and values of a people examined, Ukaogo V and Akubor, E.O (ed), A Diminshing Past–A Rescued Future: Essays on the Peoples, Traditions and Culture of Esan of Southern Nigeria, Goldline and Jacobs, New Jersey; 2013

[13] Akubor EO. Colonial Domination and Cash Crop Production in Esan Division

of Benin Province of Colonial Nigeria 1906-1960: A History of Agricultural Stagnation and Decline Unpublished PhD Thesis, Department of History, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria; 2010;**2010**

[14] Akubor EO. 'Man and Environment: A Case Study of Esanland in Edo State of Nigeria', AAU: African Studies Review: A Journal of the Department of History and International Studies. Akungba-Akoko: Adekunle Ajasin University; 2009

[15] Iyasere E. A look at cassava production in Nigeria. International Journal of Agricultural Sciences. 2014;**5**(5):818-819. July, 2015. Available online at www. internationalscholarsjournals.org International Scholars Journals

[16] Akubor BA. Effects of Selected Legumes and Row Arrangement on Early Establishment of Cassava Seedlings in an Intercrop"; Thesis submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the requirements for the award of the Degree of Master of Science (M.Sc.) in Plant Science. Ile-Ife: Department of Crop Production and Protection, Faculty of Agriculture, Obafemi Awolowo University; 2018

[17] Oyewole O. Cassava Processing in Africa. Abeokuta Nigeria: Federal University of Agriculture; 2019 https://funaab.edu.ng/ cassava-processing-in-africa/

[18] Akubor EO. The Impact of Colonialism in Nigeria: A Case Study of Esanland 1897-1960 M.A. Thesis. Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University; 2005

[19] Akubor EO, Akubor BA. Women, society and development in Nigeria: Interrogating the causes, courses and clogs. Proceedings of The Gender in the Post-2015 Development Agenda. Centre for Gender and Social Policy Studies, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. 2015 [20] FAO. Food Outlook - Biannual Report on Global Food Markets – November 2018: 104. License: CC BY-NC-SA 3.0 IGO. 2018 http://www.fao. org/3/ca2320en/CA2320EN.pdf

[21] FAOSTAT F. Food and Agriculture Data. 2019 http://www.fao.org/faostat/ en/#data/.

[22] Denton FT, Azogu II, Ukoll MK. Cassava Based Recipes for House Hold Utilization and Income Generation. Abuja, Nigeria: AIDU, Federal Department of Agriculture; 2004

[23] Umoh VJ. Talk on food processing in Nigeria sub-sector. In: Presented at Food Processing Conference. Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University; 2012

[24] Eboyehi. Interaction and Interview with Dr. Friday Eboyehi, on Gari Production in Esan Land. Dr Eboyehi Is a Native off Irrua and a Well-Known Sociologist. He Is Currently with Center for Gender and Social Policy Studies. Ile-Ife, Osun State: Obafemi Awolowo University; 2022

[25] Akubor EO. The significance of trade and craft in social relations in Nigeria: The Esan, Benin, Igbo and Igala examples. Zaria Journal of Liberal Arts (ZAJOLA). Zaria: Ahmadu Bello University; 2007;**1**(2):22-33

[26] Okojie CG. Esan, Native Law and Custom. Yaba Lagos; 1960

**Chapter 3**

## Breeding Cassava for End-User Needs

*Ruth Naa Ashiokai Prempeh, Victor Acheampong Amankwaah, Allen Oppong and Marian Dorcas Quain*

#### **Abstract**

A lot of research initiatives have gone into the breeding of cassava which has led to the development and release of over 30 cassava varieties in Ghana, of which adoption rate is 40%. This low adoption is due to inadequate promotion of improved varieties and the fact that some of the varieties do not meet end-user needs. With cassava becoming an important cash crop, it is important that breeding programmes refocus to define the market segments and objectives to facilitate the improvement of target traits such as poundability, dry matter content, starch and carotenoids that will lead to the development of varieties tailored towards end-user needs. This will in the long run promote food and nutritional security especially in low- and middle-income countries where the crop is a major staple. In addition, there should be more investment in high-throughput phenotyping to enhance the assessment and evaluation for the development of varieties with end-user traits. Subsequently, the cassava seed system should be formalized to enhance the production and dissemination of high-quality improved cassava varieties with end-user traits.

**Keywords:** end-user, value chain, market segments, seed system, food security

#### **1. Introduction**

Cassava (*Manihot esculenta*) is the fourth most important crop after rice, wheat and maize [1]. It is an important root crop serving as food for approximately 500 million people worldwide [2]. The crop's attributes including carbohydrate richness, availability throughout the year, tolerance to low soil fertility, and resistance to drought, pest and disease make it an attractive crop, especially to small holder farmers [3]. In addition, it is used as source of carbohydrate in animal feed. It also serves as a raw material in the manufacture of processed food and industrial products.

The world's production of cassava was reported as 278 million metric tonnes, of which Africa's contribution was about 61%, followed by Asia with 29.5%, and the Americas with 8.9% [4]. The largest producer of cassava is Nigeria (60 MT), followed by DR Congo (41.01 MT), Ghana (21.81 MT), Angola (8.78 MT) and Mozambique (5.4 MT) [4].

Cassava improvement and production are faced with many challenges. These challenges include high incidence of pests and diseases, scarcity of quality planting materials, lack of adequate technical knowledge in the use of improved technologies, inadequate modern processing equipment for end-user needs and marketing [5]. In developing countries, agricultural productivity is also constrained by limited access to improved varieties as well as biotic and abiotic stresses [6]. In addition to these constraints, seed systems for root and tuber crops including cassava have received less attention. This is usually manifested in seed multiplication and distribution which leads to challenges of low multiplication ratios from one generation to the next, bulkiness, perishability, and pest/pathogen accumulation in planting material. These issues create impediments in the establishment of commercially sustainable seed systems for the distribution of certified clean planting materials of varieties with end-user preference [7].

Many breeders have ignored the importance of breeding to meet the needs of the end-user. A lot of efforts have gone into cassava breeding in terms of agronomic traits at the neglect of breeding for the enhancement of crop palatability. Palatability of cassava (sensory characteristics) relates to end-user acceptance to ensure that improved cassava varieties are adopted and consumed by the local population in relation to the purpose for which it was released [8]. Factors such as cooking quality, size of root, appearance, odour, texture, and taste of cassava products relates to end-user consumer acceptance or preference. To meet end-user needs, breeders should take into consideration the aforementioned traits in their breeding objectives. This will facilitate breeding for varieties tailored towards end-user needs.

The success and failures of farmers to adopt newly released varieties inform breeders on their breeding objectives taking into consideration socioeconomic, gender and marketing issues. In determining where the resource investment in cassava breeding should be channelled, there is the need to pay more attention to breeding for varieties that meet the needs of different market segments. To facilitate this, the cassava breeding program in Ghana must be restructured emphasizing on target product profiles that will enhance the palatability of cassava.

#### **2. Cassava as food security crop**

Food security is when food exists for all people, at all times, and there is physical and economic access to sufficient, safe, and nutritious food. This food should meet dietary needs and food preferences for an active and healthy life [9]. Population growth and consequent increase in global consumption has called for rising demand for food globally. Additionally, the effects of climate change have enormous potential of disrupting food security [10]. These developments have generated a lot of discussions among scientists and policy makers on the adoption of approaches to ensure food security [11]. In sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), cassava is a very important food security crop for millions of people. There is therefore the need to increase breeding activities for production and improvement of its quality attributes [12]. In relation to the significant contribution of cassava to the livelihoods of African farmers and its potential of transforming the economies of Africa, cassava is reported to be amongst the six commodities defined by African Heads of State as a strategic crop for the continent [13]. Its numerous attributes make it a food security crop. Some of these attributes include tolerance to poor soils, ability to grow on marginal soils, and harvesting all year round [10].

#### **3. Cassava breeding progress and activities**

In the 1970s, most cassava breeding programs started [14], however, in the case of Ghana it started in the 1980s. In recent times, cassava has migrated from being a basic foodstuff to a cash crop serving as source of income and employment for rural populations in Africa. This is due to its potential for processing into many different products such as ethanol, starch, and high-quality cassava flour (HQCF). Crop improvement has the potential of contributing significantly to cassava transformation through the development of varieties responsive to changing needs. This could be achieved using improved technologies to support demand and supply. There is also the need for sustainable development as increases in production area expansion alone are not sustainable [15].

Cassava mosaic disease (CMD) is very devastating and was first reported in Ghana in the 1930's and government of Ghana (GoG) at that time intervened [16, 17]. Government's initiative targeted developing improved varieties tolerant to CMD to salvage cassava production in Ghana. This GoG initiative was highly welcomed since CMD is highly devastative severely affecting all existing local accessions at early stages and therefore meriting a lot of attention [18]. Superior varieties were introduced from sister countries in Africa and the Caribbean. This was followed by making several crosses between local accessions and the introduced superior clones followed by selection of desirable traits including CMD tolerance. The varieties were named as Queen, Gari, Williams and Ankrah and these were subsequently released in 1935 [17]. From 1993 to date, many improved cassava varieties which are tolerant to CMD and are high yielding have been released by the Council for Scientific and Industrial Research Institute (CSIR), the universities and other research institutes [19]. Aside these progress, use of molecular markers were introduced for the selection of desirable traits with emphasis on CMD tolerance. Approximately all the varieties released in Ghana are white pulp. To meet demands of malnutrition and malnourished populace, cassava breeding programmes targeted developing yellow-fleshed varieties in the last decade. In addition to the 25 released cassava varieties in Ghana, nine yellowfleshed varieties have been released to meet consumer needs for gari production and other products.

#### **3.1 Conventional breeding**

Conventional planting breeding methods have enormous benefits such as high rates of return among the investments in agricultural research. In this regard, cassava breeding has achieved enormous benefit from technological input. New varieties released in Africa, Asia and Latin America with conventional breeding efforts have to some extent met the needs of farmers, processors, and consumers for income generation. Using participatory breeding approach, plant breeding is advantageous for subsistence farming where many subtle criteria define the success of a given variety and subsequent chance of adoption by farmers [20].

The same conventional cassava breeding method are used by many breeding programs, with few variations. This entails producing full- or half-sib families in crossing blocks. Cassava is highly heterozygous, hence progenitors generated from crosses are genetically diverse. F1 seedlings are genetically distinct therefore production of enough cuttings for multilocation trials takes several years. In addition, the multiplication rate is usually low (1:10) [21]. Due to its long breeding cycle, which is approximately 12 months, the development of improved varieties is time consuming [12].

#### **3.2 Biotechnological interventions for cassava improvement**

For a constantly changing world, plant biotechnology provides a wide range of opportunities that can facilitate cassava production [22]. Great advances have been made in cassava using biotechnology in the past 30 years [22]. This section will focus on transgenics, gene editing and marker-assisted techniques.

#### *3.2.1 Transgenics*

Genetic engineering advances can significantly speed up the development of improved varieties with enhanced yield, nutritional quality, increased disease and pest resistance, as well as improved starch yield and quality [23]. Improvement of cassava using transgenics help in overcoming crossability barriers and facilitates the development of improved varieties with end-user traits. It however has some challenges such as low level of awareness, lack of appropriate facilities and infrastructure [24].

Cassava genetic transformation efforts have been used in improving traits such as CMD resistance, increase in protein content from 40 to 130% and improved starch content and quality [25]. For the development of transgenic cultivars, desirable genes are cloned, vectors are constructed, crops are transformed, and subsequently, screening and identification of transformed lines are conducted [23, 26]. Through a concerted effort of several laboratories for about 25 years, transformation of cassava and the use of *Agrobacterium tumefaciens* or particle bombardment as gene delivery system became a reality. It has been possible to obtain transgenic plants of cassava that expresses marker and selectable genes of agronomic traits.

#### *3.2.2 Gene editing*

Improvement of cassava is of utmost importance since it is the fourth most important crop and uniquely occupies an important position. Technologies of gene editing based on zinc-finger nucleases (ZFNs), transcription activator-like effector nucleases (TALENS), and clustered regularly interspaced short palindromic repeats (CRISPR) using engineered nucleases induces double strand breaks (DSB) at known DNA sequence within the genome. Repair at the target site subsequently, introduces variation via error prone non-homologous end joining (NHEJ) [27]. CRISPR-associated protein 9 (Cas9) have been shown to improve target traits to meet end-user needs [28]. This technology has been used for the modification of phytoene desaturase [27], increment in carotenoid content and production of waxy starch [29] in cassava.

Gene editing enables precision breeding, reduces time of breeding cycle with fewer plant generations and help in the development of varieties with enhanced nutrition [30]. In crops where there is little to no information on genome sequence, it will be impossible to identify potential targets of interest for editing [31, 32] and subsequently impossible to develop new improved varieties using this technology.

#### *3.2.3 Marker-assisted breeding*

Genetic diversity is of paramount importance in crop improvement. Different molecular markers have been used to assess the genetic diversity among crop varieties. Genetic variation from some African countries have been assessed using molecular markers such as simple sequence repeats (SSRs) and single nucleotide polymorphism

*Breeding Cassava for End-User Needs DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.110363*

markers (SNPs) [33, 34]. Advanced technologies such as genotyping-by-sequencing (GBS) have also been used for the identification of varieties in Nigeria [35] and Ghana [6]. For enhancement of conventional plant breeding, high density genome-wide markers, combined with statistical tools have been used for the identification and validation of trait markers for marker-assisted selection (MAS) and implementation of genomic selection. In addition, whole genome sequencing has also been used for the discovery of markers in cassava breeding populations. Identification of quantitative trait loci (QTLs) in breeding populations have been achieved using high-density markers in association and linkage mapping. These detected QTLs provide detailed information for designing diagnostic markers for MAS.

The use of molecular markers greatly increases the efficiency and effectiveness of breeding. It can be carried out in the seedling stage and reduces the breeding cycle. Some limitations of the technique are high startup expenses, recombination between the marker and the gene of interest may occur leading to false positives, nontransferability of markers from one population to other populations and imprecise estimates of QTL may result in slower progress than expected [36].

#### **4. Released cassava varieties, markets, and adoption**

Different cassava varieties have been developed and released by CSIR-Crops Research Institute (CRI), Universities in Ghana and other institutes targeting different market segments. These varieties have been adopted for use and processed into different products to meet end-user needs.

#### **4.1 Released cassava varieties**

Over 30 cassava varieties with varying uses have been released in Ghana (**Figure 1**). **Table 1** shows released varieties, quality attributes and their uses.

**Figure 1.**

*Vegetative phase (a) and fresh roots (b) of some released cassava varieties in Ghana.*



#### **Table 1.**

*Quality attributes and uses of released cassava varieties.*

#### **4.2 Potential markets**

Cassava could be marketed fresh for cooking or could be processed into many different products of industrial and economic value. Some of these products include gari, starch, ethanol, high-quality cassava flour (HQCF), and other products. For example, in Nigeria, the cassava commercialization and market promotion programme were implemented between 2002 and 2008. Processed products such as HQCF, starch, glucose syrup and ethanol were produced. To replace some imported raw materials with the intermediate cassava products, this initiative was backed with policy. The programme increased production enormously by 10 million tonnes in the six years of implementation [37] and Nigeria is still reaping a lot of benefits from this initiative.

In Ghana, the industrial starch production was promoted by GoG in 2001. This was spearheaded by the Cooperative Village Enterprise (COVE) program. The initiative resulted in the establishment of a starch processing plant. The presence of this processing plant facilitated the buying of roots from villages in that vicinity leading to job creation for most of the citizenry. Though some challenges were encountered, there was increase in cassava production and processing at that time [37]. Currently, there are new business opportunities for cassava processing where private entrepreneurs have shown a lot of interest in products such as ethanol, starch, HQCF, chips for animal feed. To meet the needs of these different markets, the cassava breeding programme must redefine and confirm the country's cassava market segments and develop target product profiles.

#### **4.3 Adoption of released varieties**

A lot of research has gone into the development and release of new varieties due to the potential of cassava as a food security and industrial crop, as well as other benefits such as its multiple opportunities for poverty reduction and nourishment for vulnerable population. The adoption rate of improved cassava varieties in Ghana have been reported to be 40% [17]. This low adoption of improved varieties could be attributed to inadequate promotion and the fact that some varieties do not meet end-user needs, hence most farmers still rely on landraces [38]. Consequently, there is the need to

change this trend through a lot of promotion of the good attributes of improved varieties for the attraction of both local and international markets. In addition, the breeding programmes in Ghana need to change their breeding strategy to develop new varieties to meet end-user needs.

#### **5. Target traits for cassava improvement to meet end-user needs**

Cassava has a lot of potentials to tackle malnutrition in addition to generation of income especially in parts of the world where food and nutrition security is a major challenge. A lot of breeding work has concentrated on agronomic traits with relatively less emphasis on nutritional quality and end-user traits. To make more progress to breed for varieties that will meet end-user needs, it is important to pay more attention to some added traits such as improvement in starch content and quality, dry matter content, mealiness/poundability in addition to the usual agronomic traits. Other traits such as early bulking is also important especially in this era of climate change.

For the acceptance of cassava for value chain actors, dry matter content (DMC) is an important character for variety acceptance. DMC is referred to as true biological yield or economic yield which is controlled by many genes [39, 40]. Majority of cassava accessions have DMC between 20 and 40% [39]. DMC accumulation is influenced by genetic and environmental factors. These factors include age of the crop, efficiency of canopy to trap sunlight, season, and location effects [41]. Therefore, in breeding for high DMC, there is the need to consider these factors.

Cassava starch is the cheapest and the most preferred because of its many positive characteristics such as high paste clarity, relatively good stability to retrogradation and swelling capacity. Other qualities include low protein complex, and good texture [41]. Most cassava varieties released in Ghana have starch content between 20 and 30%. As Ghana become more industrialized with the one district one factory and planting for food and jobs initiatives, there will be the need to breed for new varieties with higher starch content than existing varieties currently available. In addition, the breeding program should have replacement strategies to replace cultivated varieties that have declined in starch content. This will result in the release of superior varieties with high starch content to meet the demands of the starch growing industry in Ghana and beyond.

Cassava is boiled and eaten as "ampesi" or pounded together with plantain to make fufu, a delicacy for most people in Ghana. About 70% of cassava produced is used for fufu, making poundability a major end-user trait. Out of over 30 improved varieties released, about 60% are poundable, however most of them are not poundable all year round. It is imperative for breeders to pay more attention to poundability as a major target trait in the breeding programme. Another important organoleptic attribute of poundability in recent times is the texture of boiled cassava [42]. This is crucial for the release of end-user preferred varieties as these are principal quality attributes of boiled cassava roots [43].

The process of increasing micronutrient amount in crops through plant breeding, transgenic techniques, or agronomic practices is termed biofortification. This is a feasible means of reaching rural populations with limited access to diverse diets or other micronutrient intervention [44]. More than two billion individuals are affected by micronutrient deficiencies [45]. There should therefore be the need to breed for more biofortified cassava varieties to feed the vulnerable populace. In addition, there should be a balance between the potential benefit of increasing market demand for

*Breeding Cassava for End-User Needs DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.110363*

biofortified cassava, thereby making it more attractive for farmers to grow [44]. Most cassava varieties have white to cream root pulp. The colour of the pulp is closely linked to carotenoid content. Development of high carotenoid biofortified cassava varieties have been initiated by HarvestPlus [46] and through the project, nine yellow-fleshed varieties with good carotenoid content have been released in Ghana to help meet the needs of the vulnerable population with vitamin A deficiency.

#### **6. Phenotyping tools for breeding for end-user preference**

For conventional breeding, investment, and use of new tools for phenotyping should be taken seriously especially in SSA. This will enhance modernization of the breeding programme making it more attractive to the youth especially in this era of climate change. To facilitate genetic studies and improve genetic gains, accurate phenotyping is key. However, getting accurate phenotypic data for breeding to meet end-user needs remains a challenge [12]. Conventional use of colour intensity in the measurement of carotenoid content in cassava roots is sometimes very difficult [46]. Near-infrared spectroscopy (NIRS) has been applied in some countries for the prediction of nutritional constituents of cassava. This holds a lot of promise in exploiting carotenoid levels and other quality traits. In addition, the use of highperformance liquid chromatography (HPLC) would complement high-throughput phenotyping efforts in breeding for varieties tailored towards end-user needs. The breeding programme in Ghana must invest in high-throughput phenotyping equipment for assessing micronutrient levels and other quality traits.

#### **7. Cassava seed systems for dissemination of end-user preferred varieties to stakeholders**

Conventional system of propagation using stems has disadvantages such as low multiplication rate (7–10 new stakes/mature plant/cycle) and accumulation of pathogens with time. This system also takes long to get enough planting materials (8–14 months) [22]. Due to these challenges, complementing the efforts of conventional multiplication with innovative rapid propagation methods such as tissue culture and semi-autotrophic hydroponics (SAH) hold a lot of prospects [47], reported that a major challenge of cassava breeding programmes compared with private seed business is that the former lack efficient seed systems to produce and distribute planting materials of newly improved varieties with end-user needs. Putting in place a resilient and formal seed system starting from the tissue culture and molecular diagnostic laboratories, as well as screen house facility is key for increasing the production of varieties with end-user traits. In the case of Ghana, there are facilities for cleaning, indexing and mass production of improved cassava varieties. However, the cassava seed system is not well structured, hence this must be improved to enhance the dissemination of improved cassava varieties with end-user traits.

#### **8. Linkage between breeding and market**

Well targeted research initiatives are required for the initiation of commercial operation of cassava value chain. Value chain commercialization, linking breeding activities to the market, requires relevant technologies and market innovations to be tested at pilot scale. This will facilitate lessons learnt from technology adaptation, the challenges and other precondition for success. To link breeding and market, this calls for research and development initiatives with the primary objective of providing solutions to constraints militating against the efficient operation of the cassava value chain [37].

#### **9. Future prospects and way forward**

Cassava breeding activities keep on revolutionizing. To meet end-user needs and the growing demand for more cassava production, traits targeted should be chosen carefully. The Ghana cassava breeding programmes should redefine the country's cassava market segments, change the breeding strategy to develop new varieties with traits such as poundability, DMC, starch and carotenoids to meet end-user needs. They must also invest in high-throughput phenotyping equipment to enhance the development of varieties with end-user traits. The breeding programme should also look at formalizing the cassava seed system to enhance the production and dissemination of high-quality improved cassava varieties with end-user traits.

#### **10. Conclusions**

A lot of efforts have gone into cassava breeding in terms of agronomic traits. Consequently, most varieties do not meet end-user needs. This has resulted in relatively low adoption and most farmers still cultivate landraces. To overcome these challenges, the cassava breeding programmes in Ghana should identify the different market segments, develop target product profiles for the different market segments, develop improved varieties with end-user traits, outdoor and promote varieties, formalize the cassava seed system for the production and dissemination of clean planting materials. When all these are fulfilled, improved varieties released will be greatly adopted and utilized by farmers.

#### **Acknowledgements**

The authors wish to express their sincere thanks to scientists and technicians at the CSIR-Crops Research Biotechnology Laboratory and Cassava Breeding Programme who contributed in one way or the other towards the preparation of this book chapter.

#### **Conflict of interest**

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

*Breeding Cassava for End-User Needs DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.110363*

#### **Author details**

Ruth Naa Ashiokai Prempeh\*, Victor Acheampong Amankwaah, Allen Oppong and Marian Dorcas Quain CSIR-Crops Research Institute, Kumasi, Ghana

\*Address all correspondence to: ginathompsongh@yahoo.com

© 2023 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

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### Section 2
