**7. Concluding remarks**

Inspired by Wacquant's theoretical work connected to advanced marginality, which in symbolic form seems to emerge through territorial stigmatization processes, this chapter has focused on children and young people who grow up in socially

deprived housing areas in Denmark. Children and young people, all of whom have an ethnic minority background, and who live their everyday lives in these housing areas characterized by stigmatization and marginalization. The chapter's analyses show how specific urban and housing areas in Denmark stand out as housing areas that, on the one hand, are identified as holding specific difficulties, for example, with crime, people without a connection to the labor market as well as stories about so-called parallel societies, and on the other hand, is woven into welfare state policies. Welfare state policies, which include both social housing and pedagogical efforts and massively present in the physical space, as in no other urban and housing areas in Denmark and in all aspects of the lives of the people who live in these housing areas.

Wacquant [19, 20, 34, 35] emphasizes that processes of territorial stigmatization can neither be viewed as a static condition nor a neutral process, but something that highly functions through housing policy decisions—in the Nordic context, particularly connected to the public housing sector, and delimited to special housing areas designated as having special difficulties with, for example, unemployment, lack of education, and crime, as turning factors.

Thus, this chapter is based on three housing areas in Denmark, where welfare state policies have designated these housing areas as deprived, and with a specific view to the upbringing and everyday life of children and young people in these housing areas, as well as the work of pedagogues with the children and the young people in the locally rooted leisure and club facilities.

There is nowhere in the data material where the children and young people identify the housing areas they grow up in as places they do not want to live, although both the young boys and men refer to the risk of crime as an omnipresent condition to be dealt with. Strategies for dealing with local stigma seem to highlight how the housing area provides a community for the children and young people, across the three housing areas. The community is both about living close to one's "best friends" and living "close to one's family." At the same time, there seems to be experienced attention to how "easy" involvement in crime is in this housing area, or perhaps rather that it requires something special from the young boys to stay out of it. As actively acting young boys, the movements into the leisure club seem to provide a form of protection, which at the same time provides opportunities to participate in leisure activities, such as sports, computer games, and music with friends and pedagogical staff. For the older young men, who are on their way into adulthood, their experiences, however, include stories about how difficult it can be to create a secure future for yourself, through school, education, and work. The precarious existence, or the contours of it, seems to be connected to lack of schooling, lack of upper secondary education, several interrupted educational courses, the risk of or actual movements into crime, and experiences of having difficulties in finding a spare time job.

At the same time, the analyses show how the pedagogical staff takes on the local stigma in their work in the leisure and youth clubs. In particular, the emphasis on supporting and helping children and young people to move out of the risk of not completing primary school, not obtaining leisure jobs, and upper secondary education, as well as crime prevention efforts, fills the pedagogical strategies aimed at helping children and young people.

With the concept of precariat, this chapter's analyses show how young men with an ethnic minority background experience processes of exclusion from school, education, and the labor market. And at the same time points to the importance of recognizing the connection between the individual subjective experienced point of view and perspective in contexts with wider and deeper societal structures of social and economic inequality.

*Processes of Precarious Living Conditions: Young Men of Ethnic Minority Background Growing… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.110646*
