**1. Introduction**

Chilean housing policy has been known as a successful program [1]. Throughout its history, it has positioned itself as a solution to urban informality, being the main problem identified in Chilean cities since the beginning of the twentieth century [2]. From that moment on, the state was characterized by acting reactively to reduce the housing deficit and, in the same way, resolved the precarious living conditions of the people [2, 3]. However, contrary to the housing scheme developed through the first decades of the twentieth century, with the beginning of the military dictatorship in 1973, there was a turn toward a state with neoliberal foundations that understands housing as a commodity and a financial asset [4, 5]. This allowed privatization of social housing production and a consecutive promotion of housing solutions on the private market, meanwhile the state subsidizes the whole process and is responsible for selecting possible inhabitants [6, 7].

Despite this, the current construction of social housing has been reduced, while private housing units have tended to become more expensive, leading to a housing deficit calculated at around 641,000 units in 2022 [8, 9]. Its calculation includes the existence of housing in unlivable structural conditions, overcrowded homes, homeless people, and the growth of informal settlements [9]. The Chilean north is where the construction of informal settlements has had an accelerated and significant growth, concentrating 27% of settlements nationwide [10]. In this region, a complex contradiction is observed, since it is an extractive mining territory that contributes considerably to the economic growth of Chile and its gross domestic product [11]. Mining in connection with unregulated urban planning has promoted unequal and segregated cities, especially reflected in the value of land and access to housing for its population [12, 13] This is explained by the usual mobility of mining workers, whose origin from different parts of the country has driven processes of urban expansion due to real estate speculation [14, 15]. An example of this is the consolidated construction of high-standard housing in the most expensive areas of cities versus the emergence of informal territories, which includes the informal rental and sublease market in central spaces, in addition to informal settlements [12, 16, 17].

In this context, nearly 22,800 families have taken the action of occupying vacant land for the purpose of self-building homes in northern Chile [10]. Among them, there is Chilean population and immigrants from the Latin American and Caribbean region, who settle in peripheral areas within the cities. Although the informal territories can settle in any sector of the cities, their location in disaster-risk areas is recurrent [18, 19]. However, its informality condition has resulted in authorities excluding them from socio-natural disaster prevention programs, leading to an endless accumulation of exposure on its inhabitants [20, 21]. Bringing housing to the center of the disaster debate as reference [19] suggests, we propose mobile housing as an initial proposal to reduce disaster risks that affect informal territories, contributing with suggestions that go beyond the idea of just evicting. More than a housing typology with certain construction characteristics, mobile housing contributes with a set of arguments that question housing policies, governmental reaction to urban informality, and its view on people's residential trajectories. This proposal is based on long-term development of mixed methodologies, started in 2014, that has allowed us a comprehensive understanding of access to housing. It includes the analysis of quantitative data, such as demography, housing, overcrowding, land prices, purchase and sale prices of homes, and rental and sublet prices. Also includes the application of qualitative methods, such as 200 in-depth interviews with residents of the northern cities of Arica, Iquique, Alto Hospicio, Antofagasta, Calama, and San Pedro de Atacama, the development of housing evaluation sheets designed to investigate the architectonic background of informal housing, and the development of meetings and workshops with communities living in informal settlements to learn about their trajectories, views, and opinions.
