*4.4.1 Reliability*

Given the sensitive nature of this study, it was paramount that participants felt comfortable. Therefore, participants were offered the possibility to conduct the interview online (through MS Teams) or in person. All participants chose for an online interview. Thus, all interviews were held in similar settings, increasing the reliability. To further ensure a safe space during the interviews, the person who conducted the

*Developing a Resilient Sexual and Gender Minority Identity Online: The Importance of Social… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.108208*

interviews, chose to disclose her queer identity to the participants. They indicated that it made them feel safe to open up during the interview, giving reason to believe it predominantly benefited the reliability of the data. Additionally, all participants received the same information on this study, which further ensured reliability.

#### *4.4.2 Validity*

In selecting the GSAs that was reached, they were categorized by the province to achieve an even distribution of participants among the 12 provinces in the Netherlands. Furthermore, participants were selected based on sexual and gender identity and age. By doing so, a great diversity within the sample has been ensured to increase the external validity. Last, with the topic list for the interviews based on central concepts from the literature, internal validity was ensured. The interview started by collecting background information about the participant (e.g., age, education, home situation, and use of social media). The topic of SGM-identity was then broached by asking whether they had a clear idea of who they are, how they value their identity, how that came about, and if they had come out or not. In this context, the theoretical concepts of self-concept clarity and self-esteem were discussed. The interview continued on the topic of resilience, through questions about the attitudes towards SGM-identity in the participant's offline environment, how they deal with these attitudes, what their needs are in their identity development process, and how social media can fulfill these needs. The interview concluded with the identity development of the participants in relation to social media, focusing on whether, and how, the affordances of social media influence the behavior of the participant on social media, related to self-disclosure and self-presentation. After the first two interviews were held, the topic list was adjusted to better match the experiences of the participants. The topic of 'social media as a positive bubble' was added after this, under the section of social media usage in relation to identity development. With that, the internal validity of the measuring instrument was increased.

#### **4.5 Ethical concerns**

The Ethical Review Board of the Faculty of Social and Behavioral Sciences of Utrecht University granted approval to carry out this study. Furthermore, after the applicant agreed to participate, and it was established they met all criteria, they gave written consent for participation in the study through an informed consent form. The participant could choose to withdraw at all times. The interview transcripts were anonymized, ensuring the privacy of the participants. Participants were also given the option to read the transcript, and propose alterations. Four participants made use of that option, and one proposed small alterations.

Moreover, due to the sensitive nature of this study, the focus of the interviews was on positive experiences of the participants. However, as a resilient SGM-identity revolves around dealing with a society in which that identity is seen as norm-deviating, topics revolving around negative experiences were inherent to the study. These topics were approached with caution, as the participants' comfort was prime concern. This was communicated to the participants prior to the interview in the information letter. Additionally, helpful resources for the participants were mentioned in the information letter as well.

#### **4.6 Data analysis**

The transcripts of the interviews were coded with the qualitative analysis software NVivo. The coding was done in three phases, following a structured approach for analyzing qualitative data [47]. In the open coding phase, text fragments were coded based on the theoretical conceptualizations that guide this research. Then, with axial coding, the coded data was organized into a code tree with main- and subcodes. Finally, during the selective coding phase patterns and connections were unveiled which resulted in a final code tree. The main codes correspond to the themes distinguished in the results. The code tree, therefore, provides the foundation of the result section.

### **5. Results**

Participants articulated multiple ways in which social media shaped their SGMidentity development process. Five themes are distinguished on how social media shaped their SGM-identity development: (1) realization of SGM-identity, (2) gathering information, (3) finding SGM-representation, (4) finding SGM-connections, and (5) social media as an SGM-positive bubble. The themes often overlapped in timing and did not necessarily take place in this specific order. The relation between the themes and the development of a resilient SGM-identity will be explained in the discussion. In **Table 3**, the distribution of the codes for each theme is presented.

#### **5.1 Realization of SGM-identity**

All participants described that during their childhood they have always felt different in some way, but they could not easily define why. An important difference can be observed between the realization of sexual identity and gender identity. All participants with a sexual minority (SM) identity knew of the possibility of being non-heterosexual while growing up. But many (six) never thought they personally could be non-heterosexual because of internalized expectations of heteronormativity:

*It was just like, "oh you're a girl, so you will probably like a boy". So then it was like, okay, that probably will happen then. And then you go look for people to like, instead of liking people because you like them. (p.1)*

On the contrary, all participants with a gender minority (GM) identity did not know of the possibility to be non-cisgender, as they experienced no representation of GM-identities in society and traditional media. Additionally, all participants with a GM-identity described how they first realized their SM-identity before realizing their GM-identity.

A difference can also be found in how participants first realized their SGMidentity. One-half of the participants realized their SM-identity through having a crush on someone they know, or through talking about love and sex with friends offline. While the other half, including all participants with a GM-identity, realized their SGM-identity through representation of SGM-people on social media: "never thought about there being option that indeed you do not have to like them [breasts] … And I think that started because of social media, that I saw that there were other options as well" (p.13).

*Developing a Resilient Sexual and Gender Minority Identity Online: The Importance of Social… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.108208*


#### **Table 3.**

*Distribution of themes.*

When asked how they think their identity development would have proceeded without social media, five participants said they most likely would not have known of their SGM-identity without social media, leaving them with a feeling of being different but not knowing why. Furthermore, half of the participants believed that the process of defining their SGM-identity accelerated because of social media.

After the first realizations of a possible SGM-identity, all participants turned to social media to confirm their suspicions. However, for some participants this step was performed with great caution, as they did not want to confirm their suspicions: "well at first … an 'am I Gay?'-quiz, because I was like, this is not happening, this is weird. And then I did not fill in those questions honestly, because the result had to be that I am straight" (p.12).

#### **5.2 Gathering information**

For all participants, social media offered access to information on SGM-topics, which was often not available in their offline environment (school, home, friends). The information gathered served multiple purposes. First, most participants (nine) searched for information on different SGM-identity labels and their meanings, to find words for their feelings. For those participants that did not identify with more commonly known SGM-identities (gay, lesbian, bisexual), social media especially opened up a world to them: "bisexual, well that is generally more known than pansexual. So, then I thought, yeah that must be it. But, then I found out the term pansexual and thought, maybe it's not bisexual" (p.2). Second, information helped four participants to feel understood and less alone, because it showed that others have similar feelings: "to feel understood, to feel seen, that you know there are more people like me" (p.13). Third, five participants used social media to find information on practicalities, such as how to have sex with someone of the same sex, petitions for SGM-rights, and support-lines for questions. Last, four participants used social media to educate themselves on SGM-identities different from their own, to better understand and support others within the SGM-community.

Gathering information through social media was not only necessary because of a lack thereof in the offline environment, it was also a comfortable method due to the anonymity online. Seven participants articulated that anonymity offered a way to look for information without needing to explain to anyone and feel judged for it. This enabled them to find clarity on their SGM-identity and become comfortable with it, before disclosing it to anyone:

*That you can just quietly search without anyone looking over your shoulder … That you can find options for yourself, and just cross them out again, in a safe environment, if that's not quite what it is. That you can get information about yourself, and about the world, without anyone judging it. (p.10)*

#### **5.3 Finding SGM-representation**

All participants used social media to find representation of SGM-people. Representation was found in multiple ways: SGM-organizations (e.g., Pride Amsterdam), famous SGM-people and accounts (e.g., Anne+), blogs, memes, and not-specified accounts of SGM-people found through the social media algorithm (e.g., for your page on TikTok). It was often mentioned that recognizability in the stories of others gave participants words for their feelings, as the information did as well: "experiences from people, or explanations about the different identities … And that's how I kind of ended up on pansexual myself" (p.9).

Many participants (seven), including all with a GM-identity, felt alone because they did not have that recognizability in their offline environments, due to few (openly) SGM-people in their offline environment. Finding representation online decreased participants feelings of loneliness, it made them feel safe, and part of a family. Two participants also mentioned that recognizability in small things, such as a rainbow flag, makes them feel belonging somewhere.

Furthermore, some participants also described how recognizability normalized their identity, which increased their self-acceptance: "I think that without the internet, if the queer community was not as active on the internet, that [self-acceptance] would be less" (p.8). Additionally, SGM-related memes and humor on social media were often mentioned (five) as content that helped normalize the identity of participants. Humor in conversation or memes made 'SGM' a less loaded topic, and part of a normal conversation, which was desired by many: "because they are joking about one thing or the other, I thought 'oh but this isn't bad at all', or 'this is okay'" (p.5).

The last theme that arose regarding representation was that seeing happy, confident, and proud SGM-people online encouraged six participants to feel the same about their own identity and increased their confidence: "it really helps to feel comfortable in it, to get energy from it. That I can just see that they are okay with it, and really happy about it, and I want that too" (p.10). Most of the participants (nine) could say that they are now proud of who they are. Some participants (four) specified that they are especially proud of the journey they have been on to accept their SGM-identity, albeit it not having been easy: "because it has not been the most simplest road, for certain aspects. So yeah, I am really proud of that, that I can just sit here and tell this story, but also share it with all my friends" (p.12). Furthermore, not only did it positively contribute to participants' self-esteem, seeing positive online representation also gave hope for their future: "I see that, and it makes me so happy, then it is like, maybe I can one day also be like that" (p.1). Being comfortable in their SGM-identity was also said by four participants to be a factor that made it possible to disclose their identity to people in their offline environment, and deal with the possibility of the risks involved.

#### **5.4 Finding SGM-connections**

The reason that participants turned to social media to find connections with other SGM-people, was because they experienced a lack thereof in their offline

environment. This made it difficult for them to talk about it at school or at home, making them feel alone, and as if they had to hide themselves: "it is who I am. And yet, it sometimes feels like that I cannot be that person, or cannot say what I want to say" (p.2).

The main method participants (eight) used to interact with other SGM-people was through the comments under posts. Participants contacted other SGM-people to ask questions, to share their experiences, or to get advice: "like how they found out that they were [SGM]" (p.14). The ease of interaction through social media was influenced by anonymity and asynchronicity. Anonymity made participants feel safe to be themselves because they would not be judged. It also allowed them to distance themselves from their story, making it feel safe to share personal information: "people are really helping you personally, and maybe tell you something personal as well. But you do not know who they are, so the combination of the personal and the anonymous, that makes it incredibly safe" (p.10). Those who mentioned asynchronicity (three), described that having time to think over their words and when, and whether, they will respond to someone, made them feel safe and in control.

Moreover, nine participants articulated that interacting with other SGM-people through social media made them feel validated in their identity: "getting confirmation that it is okay how you identify, or who you are attracted to, who you are as a person, and especially that everyone is so open minded" (p.7). In line with that, four participants said that they felt better understood by other SGM-people than non-SGMpeople, because they have shared experiences. Because of this, participants felt no need to know how they identify, or to define themselves with a label: "I mean, imagine that you need to be put into a small box, and then realize that you can also be in a really big box, yeah that's just what freedom is" (p.10). Some participants (four) felt pressured by society to have this clearly defined, even though many participants (six) stated that they personally felt no need for that. In contrast, five participants did state that finding and using a label helped them getting clarity on who they are, and consequently accepting themselves: "you can just put yourself in a box and it is done. Because then you think, okay I belong somewhere and I can move on with my life" (p.3). After they had grown more confident, however, some participants also let go of that label because they felt more comfortable not defined in a certain box. In line with that, nine participants described that their SGM-identity has become the foundation of who they are: "it is for me personally very much something that I hold on to, and also something that I do like to express … But, it's not the only thing that makes me, me" (p.6).

#### **5.5 Social media as an SGM-positive bubble**

All participants stated that social media, no matter which platform used, felt like an SGM-positive bubble. They described it as a safe space where they could be their true selves, and escape for a moment the offline environment in which their true self is not always accepted:

*That I just almost assume everyone uses the correct pronouns, and knows what being non-binary means, and goes all out for 'everyone is equal' and 'trans women are women too'… Every time I scroll through Instagram, I see stories from people I've started following. Then I think 'oh I want to fight for this too, and I also want to be open about who I am, and how I identify myself'. But then I think of the people who I will meet again tomorrow, and then I just know that I'm going to get a lot of questions, and also a lot of negativity, if I actually start being open about this. (p.13)*

Many participants (ten) experience some sort of vigilance when talking to people offline, as they always need to assess what they can and cannot say to someone. Having this safe haven online felt like a relief for most participants.

Being in this positive SGM-bubble has also made four participants feel part of the SGM-community without having to take part in events offline. Especially for those who lived in environments in which there were few SGM-people, those who were not out within their environment, and those who do not like going out and clubbing, social media offered access to this community feeling. Many participants (seven), however, described being part of the SGM-community as more of a self-identification than an active membership: "it is reassuring that it is there, and that just makes me happy, it fits" (p.6). Moreover, six participants also saw their identification with the SGM-community as a form of activism. Identification with this community meant for them that they want to show to the world what they stand for: open-mindedness, equality, and celebrating diversity. Many (seven) participants shared that they want to stand up against hatred, and educate people in their environment on SGM-topics, not only for themselves, but also for the SGM-community:

*I always say something if someone makes a rude comment … Because for me it feels like that that person knocks me down in some kind of way. Because, that person says something about something I am part of, and I just do not stand for that. I really want to show my confidence in that. And even if I do not say I'm pansexual at that moment, I think it is important that I do not let myself be talked down as part of a group … I especially want to pass that on to my own family. (p.2)*

Two participants, however, also mentioned that sometimes it is important to "pick your battles" (p.9) for their own mental wellbeing.

Almost all participants (ten) stated that they have accepted their SGM-identity. Those who had not yet fully accepted their identity, did say that they were in the process of doing so. All participants attributed part of that self-acceptance to the positivity they found online. Some participants (three) also articulated that now they are comfortable with their SGM-identity, they gladly want to help other SGMY in their identity development process:

*That you can let others know you are not alone, it is completely okay. You know, the feeling you had then, that you can just help other people, and make it clear that there is an entire group available for them … And that you can show them that it is just a lot of fun. (p.5)*

Last, many participants (six) felt less of a need to escape to social media now that they had accepted their SGM-identity, shared this with their friends and family members offline, and had received positive reactions from them: "Now that I have a better friend group and a better support system in real life, I need it less" (p.8).
