**1. Introduction**

In the mid-nineteenth century began a global-transnational enterprise geared to hire Chinese labor to work in farm activities in Cuba. This model received English and Spanish financial support, and the dealers radicated in Macao, Hong Kong, and Canton came mainly from Spain and Latin America.

The connection between Spanish colonies and China is not new at all. They started during the sixteenth century and prolonged to the eightieth century.1 However, the relation here explained is entirely different.

The first expedition seeking Chinese labor support was organized by "Mrs. Matia Menchacatore and Co" (1847–1852). Afterward, the "Royal Board for the Promotion of Agriculture and Commerce," on behalf White Population Commission, conceded to Manuel B. Poveda the introduction of 3000 Chinese coolies in Cuba.<sup>2</sup> This research focuses on the tactics and strategies delivered by the dealers, considering the vast amount of those hirings. Also, it analyses socio-economic conditions in China and understood as an explanation of the increase of coolies in Cuba. In general, the

<sup>1</sup> See: General Nation Archive (AGN) [1] and Cepeda Sánchez [2].

<sup>2</sup> Letter sent to President and vocals of White Population commission and its secretary Carlos Benitez. Havana, October 18, 1853. ANC. Real Consulate of A, I, C, and Development Board, file 145 Exp. 07155.

meaning of freedom acquired new interpretative dimensions with the presence of Chinese between the notions of European liberalism.3

In any case, the experience of historical labor hiring geared by British, French, and Spanish businessmen seems to receive little attention, despite their importance in the frame of abolitionism. In this sense, the Chinese coolie labor force contributed to halting the capture of enslaved Black Africans. In the 1850s, defenders of slavery explained the advantages of this system, which involved Portuguese piracy in Mozambique and the differences between the American North and South regarding the labor system. Inside the British Parliament flourished the debates about supporting the naval war against African Slavery and at the same time emerged strong ideas defending Chinese labor force recruitment.4

In general terms, historiography related to Chinese labor recruitment either in Spanish or British Caribbean colonies shows two different perspectives: on the one hand, coolie Chinese indenture in terms of slavery practices and, on the other hand, assumptions regarding a relation mutually approved, based on juridic documentation that implies a notion of freedom.

This article aims to discover and expose the role of agencies by dealers representing Cuban entrepreneurs' interests. Thus, this paper tracks the association among tactics, strategies, racial significance, and ethical business. Stand out the names of Ignacio Fernández de Castro, Carlos Flotard—representing Cambell & Cia, and Caro & Cia among others—Nicolás Tanco Armero, in charge of Chinese coolies' engagement since 1855. Also appeared well-known reckon political names such as Emilio Althaus—Peruvian vice-consul—besides Martin Pedroso and Ac MacRay, hired by Villoldo-Wardrope Company.5

Such economic features expose industrialized and productive models in developing countries and their colonies.6 Capitalist production system demands intensive free labor support, which earlier showed massive shortcomings regarding the hired system. In this frame, alternative shapes of subjection take place such as Chinese coolie indenture.

Since 1847 dealers have played a leadership role in hiring labor; therefore, they represent the terrible practice of recruiting Chinese coolies, which implemented: pillage acts, tricks, bribing, and violence. Moreover, thousands of Chinese peasants embark unintentionally on transcontinental ships geared to tropical prosperous Caribbean islands. Thus, several historical elements deepen the first relationship between dealers and Chinese coolies, because 19th moral values emerged regarding freedom promises coined by French revolutionaries.

The shipping of Chinese coolies to Cuba responded to the interest of "Junta de Fomento Económico," responsible for sending dealers to the free Chinese ports.7

<sup>3</sup> Definition about Freedom from Foucault [3].

<sup>4</sup> Mr. LINDSAY thought the abolition of slavery could be better effected by importing large quantities of free labour into the slave districts, thereby reducing the value of negro labour, and, therefore, the value of negro and consequently rendering the importation of negroes an unprofitable occupation. "Supply, the slave trade". *The Standard.* July 27, 1861. p. 3.

<sup>5</sup> Regarding the dealers there has been more attention to: Ignacio Fernández, in: Cózar Navarro [4], y Nicolás Tanco Armero, en: Hubert [5]. Luz Hincapíe [6], Beckles and Shepherd [7].

<sup>6</sup> Classic historiography researched the performance of the slavery system in the modernization of significant industrial economies; on the contrary, studies focused on the labour hiring of Chinese coolie indenture displayed less attention. Cf. Bergad [8].

<sup>7</sup> "A la Junta de Fomento", Havana, July 21, 1851. ANC, File, 544.

### *The Dilemma of Freedom: A Chinese Story in the Coolie Diaspora to Cuba (1847–1853) DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.110738*

There, the personnel in charge of hiring found Spanish legal support represented in ships and business capital. In this manner, dealers took full responsibility for promoting hiring Chinese coolies; meanwhile, Cuban entrepreneurs celebrated the profitability of sugar prices from their offices, which also found better conditions for widespread consumption.

With those ideas in mind, it is worthwhile to understand the historical position of the Chinese coolie, who fought against adverse socio-economic conditions in China. They probably also receive a slight relief from the dealers, a product of the fake promises. In any case, the dealers represented the promoting agent of this perverse system of hiring labor force; however, they were just part of an economic complex protected by a legal frame. The central hypothesis shows the existence of a superior morality conviction, covered by a simple letter of freedom: "the contracting." This document demonstrates that the Chinese coolie is a citizen with many civil rights such as freedom of work, housing, feeding, and health, which in reality means a new manner of slavery.
