**4.1 The relationship between income and well-being: Easterlin Paradox**

There has been a vast literature studying the relationship between income and subjective well-being since the publication of the work of Easterlin [25] from where the notion of Easterlin Paradox was created [27–33]. This author arrived at the empirical conclusion that the increase in a country's income does not necessarily entail an increase in the level of subjective well-being of its inhabitants. His aim was to understand whether there is sufficient empirical evidence to consider that the increase in GDP per capita is an indicator of the improvement in people's wellbeing, understood in terms of happiness [25]. To verify this, the author collected data for 19 countries and reached the following three conclusions, summarized as follows:

1.Within a given country and at a given time, the correlation between income level and happiness exists and is strong;


Since its publication, a series of studies have emerged presenting evidence for or against the paradox. Reference [34] analyzes these investigations and highlights that some authors find a positive and robust relationship between the level of subjective well-being and the product of the countries, proclaiming themselves against the paradox. However, other authors—including Easterlin, McVey, Switek, Sawangfa—argue that this relationship is only robust when comparing countries cross-sectionally, given that the analysis of time evolution yields an opposite result [34].

On the other hand, some researchers defend the existence of the link between income and well-being in those countries whose basic needs have not been met, but alleging that beyond a certain income threshold—satiation point—, this relationship becomes insignificant. For example, Diener and Seligman [35] gathered empirical evidence on countries with average income above 10,000 dollars in annual PPP and tested the correlation between satisfaction with life and GDP. They find that the correlation is insignificant in most of these countries, thus confirming the paradox.

Layard [36, 37] states that income provides well-being in countries with low levels of development, but once the threshold is reached—around USD 10,000 PPP—, the average income level in a country has little or no effect on well-being average subjective. In this way, from certain levels of income, the successive increases in it do not entail substantial increases in the levels of happiness.

There are also Latin-American studies contributing to this discussion. For example, see [38], where authors have proven that life satisfaction that is related to the relational domains (satisfaction with the couple, satisfaction with children, satisfaction with friends, and satisfaction with family) reports greater levels than the income satisfaction. They also point out that health satisfaction and the satisfaction of free time are also important for these societies.

Hence, the Easterlin paradox that bears his name calls into question the relationship that is assumed to be direct between income and happiness for a given country. In addition, it shows that economic growth, operationalized through GDP, is a partial and incomplete indicator of true social welfare. If the increase in income does not guarantee happiness, then there are important policy implications. Reference [6] suggests that the State should promote the factors that positively influence happiness

levels, trying to reduce or eliminate those that negatively influence them. Which are the drivers that boost human well-being is one of the questions this thesis wants to contribute.

### **4.2 The revision of the multidimensional indexes of well-being**

The movement of social indicators was boosted by the creation of the concept of the Human Development Index (HDI) —prepared by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), following Sen's capabilities approach—that it is internationally recognized. The HDI is the most used indicator to make comparisons of international rankings [6]. It arose from an initiative between Mahbuh ul Haq and Amartya Sen and has been calculated since 1990 by the United Nations Development Program [39].

The human development paradigm considers the increase in the range of options, choices, and opportunities among which human beings can choose. Its purpose is the expansion of the range of opportunities that human beings have, understanding as fundamental the following ones: being able to enjoy a healthy and lasting existence, access to knowledge, have sufficient material resources, and have the opportunity to participate in community life [40]. It incorporates three components that contain a total of four indicators: (i) having a long and healthy life—measured life expectancy at birth; (ii) acquiring knowledge—measured by average years of schooling and expected years of schooling; and (iii) enjoying a decent standard of living—measured GDP per capita [41]. Regarding the third component, as we express before, there exist several limitations of this direct relationship. The standardization method used by the HDI is the Linear Scaling Technique (LST), developed in [42]. For the weighting, the method of equi-proportionality is used, that is, equal weight is given to the three dimensions. This decision is based on the normative assumption of equality in the dimensions, that is, it considers that all human beings value the three dimensions equally.

It is a merely objective index, which ignores the categories that the subjects themselves make about their situation and, therefore, only offers a partial view of well-being. In this sense, even though this has constituted an advance, the index falls to incorporate the subjective dimension of well-being that, as we will argue, it is fundamental when building the concept of well-being [42, 43]. Manfredi & Actis Di Pasquale [7] had incorporated subjective indicators to the components of income, health, and education of the IDH, developing an index called "Integral HDI" (HDIi) and showing there is non-interchangeability of these dimensions, pointing out the necessity to incorporate the subjective measures and therefore criticizing the use of HDI as a replacement of GDP. In fact, and not by surprise, the ranking of HDI does not present big differences to the raking provided by the GDP.

However, the importance of the HDI cannot be understated: it has boosted the creation of multiple proposals of multidimensional indicators across the globe that, even their limitations, has broadened the spectrum to study the construct. Since then, it has been accepted that well-being is composed of more than one component, the monetary. On the one hand, the HDI proposes a multicomponent but objective perspective to measure well-being, whereas, on the other hand, indicators just as Life Satisfaction measures only the subjective part. However, there have been developed multidimensional and multi component indexes across the globe. Among them the different proposals of indexes we can mention: Social Progress Index (SPI), Prosperity Index (PI), World Happiness Report (WHR), Happy Planet Index (HPI), and the Integral Human Development Index (IDHi).

### *(Material) Well-Being in Economics: Beyond GDP DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.108306*

A deep study of each of the indexes is not going to be provided in this thesis because it is not the aim of it. A table summarizing the different components (and the specification if they take them in their subjective or objective perspective) and indicator each one uses is provided here in order to show the acceptance on the use of both dimensions and multiple components (**Table 1**).

The HDI is the only indicator that only uses an objective perspective. The other proposals use a bidimensional perspective, showing the general acceptance of their non-interchangeability. However, they do not combine objective and subjective indicators for all the components they embed, except from the Integral Human Development Index (HDIi). The decision to include a brief summary of these indexes (and not include new ones, as these proposals are still proliferating) is to point out just the conclusion that comes out after their analysis:8 These proposals come mainly from developed nations, in which the values, traditions, culture, socioeconomic, and geographic realities are not taken into account. In [6], the rankings—the outcomes of each one of these indicators—for the Latin-American countries differ substantially, as the correlations of Tau B Kendall and Rho Spearman resulted in very low coefficients. This dispersion of results raises doubts about the reliability of these rankings: is their use appropriate? Which indicator is better? Why do they ponder the components in this way? Does a researcher in England understand "business opportunities" in the same manner as in Bolivia? Moreover, the notion of social ties, or importance of the family, or personal rights, do they make the same sense for Latin American countries? Most of the proposals came from international institutions located in the Global North, where the fundamental components of well-being might be different, as they depend on the values and culture of each society. The conclusion of [6], stressed in [7], is what we want to stress in this subsection: the importance of building well-being policies (rather than indicators) regionally, locally. The idea of creating an homogenous universal measure of well-being in order to compare (and I may ask, compare for what?) would lead us to commit the same mistake—the blindly and restlessly pursuing of the increment of an indicator that we believe can be used as a proxy of well-being. This notion implies that policy makers should focus on regional variables in order to create their own well-being policies and measurements.

### *4.2.1 A note on the notion of Gross National Happiness (GNH): Bhutan*

An index that has embedded the need for regional well-being is the so-called Gross National Happiness (GNH) of Bhutan. This concept was proposed by Jigme Singye Wangchuck, King of Bhutan, in 1974, as opposed to the Gross National Product. It measures quality of life in more holistic and psychological terms than GDP [45] and serves to remind the values lost in the modern world, questioning the purpose and validity of the development of the measurement process, based solely on economic growth. The GNH offers a perspective from nine dimensions, as to know: Subjective well-being, Use of time, Community vitality, Cultural diversity, Ecology, Resilience and pollution, Health, Education, Good governance and Quality of life, involving a total of 33 indicators.

In each of its components, it combines both objective and subjective indicators. It is an index made by and for Bhutanese citizens. It constitutes the first national initiative to define, measure, and monitor the social well-being of a country considering the components according to its own conception, taking into account its values,

<sup>8</sup> A detailed review of each indicator, its conceptualization, and operationalization can be found in [6, 44].



**Table 1.**

*Source: own elaboration.*

*Multidimensional indexes of well-being and its components.*

*(Material) Well-Being in Economics: Beyond GDP DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.108306*

traditions, and culture. In other words, the composition of the index takes into account the reality of the country together with the perceptions and opinions of civil society. And although in Bhutan the well-being of the society is understood as spiritual and not material development, due to its explicitly Buddhist values, it consists of a paradigm shift regarding the measurement of well-being and a proposal to be taken into account.

Kliksberg [46], in his report on Bhutan, asserts that the GNH serves to remind us of the priorities that we have forgotten in the modern world, questioning the notion of happiness and validity in regard to how we measure our progress. He argues that it has come the time to put an end to the misleading calculations of human progress based on economic growth. For progress to be valid, it must have its axis in the citizens, equitably distributed among its inhabitants, and must be socially.

### **4.3 Sen's capability approach**

Sen's capabilities approach marks a paradigm shift in the conceptualization of well-being [47]. The theory of functions and capabilities is presented as an alternative to the utilitarian metric. It is based on the evaluation of well-being and obtaining freedom from a broader point of view of the individual, no longer restricted to their level of income or the goods or resources that they possess or have access to but, rather, what they can do with what they have, that is, what they manage to do or be. Sen departs from a broader and pluralist consequentialism than utilitarianism, whereby he recognizes that freedom and rights are intrinsically important in people's lives [48].

The approach considers that a person's life is a variety of "beings and doings" whose constituent elements are what he calls *functionings.* A functioning is an achievement of a person: something that she/he has managed to do or be, and they are integral parts of his state [49]. On the other hand, and linked to this concept, the approach also considers the effective possibility that the person has to perform (or not) the different types of functioning. These are the *capabilities*, which represent the alternative combinations of *functionings* that a person can do or be while living [50].

The *functionings* that can be achieved represent the well-being of a person, and the ability to achieve the *functionings* constitute the positive freedom of that person, that is, their real opportunities to obtain well-being and lead a valuable life, giving rise to self-determination [49]. The notion of *functionings* offers an overview of what the life of the person is like, which is necessary for them, and this is the right assessment ford judging their freedom and their well-being [51].

Sen has not managed to enunciate in any of his works a complete list of capabilities or *functionings*, 9 although he distinguishes, in general terms, between elementary and complex *functionings.* The former includes avoiding morbidity and mortality, being adequately nourished, and having mobility. The second ones involve the achievement of self-respect, achievement of self-dignity, social integration, and the possibility to appear in public without shyness and be happy [52]. That is, while the elementals are objective conditions of well-being, the complexes include both objective and subjective aspects.

<sup>9</sup> Marta Nussbaum has advanced a list of 10 central human capabilities, including bodily health and integrity, imagination, thought, practical reason, affiliation, and play. Such capabilities, she and Sen argue, define the space within which quality of life should be assessed [2].

*(Material) Well-Being in Economics: Beyond GDP DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.108306*

Sen distinguishes between different types of evaluative spaces that allow him to value economically and socially a wide variety of information categories: goods, characteristics of goods, *functionings* and *capacities.* To understand them, we will expose the case of riding a bicycle as an example, since it is the most used by Sen [49, 52, 53].

A bicycle, first of all, is a good that has certain properties. However, suppose it only has one: function as a means of transportation (a). Secondly, the effects caused by using the bicycle are varied, in the sense that it can be used for fun, for sport, or because it is the only alternative to get around although a car would be preferred, etc. (b). Thirdly, the bicycle as a good requires that the person that the owner is in physical conditions to be able to ride it, that she/he knows how to ride it and that she/he does not have any disease that does not allow her/him to use it (c).

In this sense, the question is: which of these three aspects (a, b, or c) is the most appropriate to represent the contribution of a bicycle to the well-being of a person? The first aspect (a) fails to assess well-being precisely because the bicycle is simply an object, and the mere possession of an external good is not the same as being able to use and enjoy it. In other words, it is important to distinguish between the good in itself—bicycle—, the activity that it allows—riding a bicycle—and the mental state or satisfaction that entails. On the other hand, if well-being were evaluated taking into account the second aspect (b), only the usefulness of the bike would be evaluated. This pleasure is variable and influenced by individual tastes, fashions, traditions, and culture; therefore, it is not an adequate type of information to capture well-being.

Finally, to capture the real well-being is pertinent to evaluate the activity that the bicycle allows; that is, riding a bike. It is the last aspect (c) that, in fact, demands attention according to this approach. The most appropriate path then is to determine what the person does with the good she/he owns, and in general what she/he manages to do with all the goods that are under her/his control. And this, that is the *functioning,* will vary depending on the person being evaluated, either if it is a child, an elderly person, a sick person, an athlete, or a paralytic [51].

Therefore, *capabilities* are the notion that allows two people to be compared to find out which one has a greater range of opportunities that will allow them to access a higher level of well-being. However, as *capabilities* are potentialities, it is not feasible to measure them or carry out a direct evaluation of them. On the contrary, the *functionings*, as reflected by the achievements, are measurable since they are a constitutive part of the person. In short, the evaluation through the set of capabilities only remains in the theoretical model, while in practice it is the functions achieved that allow measuring well-being (Urquijo Angarita, 2007).

In other words, to assess individual well-being, Sen considers that the resources possessed by the person do not provide enough information since their effective use varies according to personal circumstances, such as age, health, class, education, social capital, and among others. For example, an elderly person will surely need more resources than a young person so that both are equally capable of being healthy; a person with basic knowledge about health and hygiene will be more capable of being healthy, with the same resources, than someone who lacks such knowledge [51]. However, this does not imply that in practice the level of income and access to some basic or essential goods are totally ignored. Even Sen himself in [16] recognizes that if some corrections are made to the monetary variable to account for differences in people's circumstances, income level can be a useful complementary tool in wellbeing assessments. In this sense, Sen's vision coincides with that of Aristotle, since they consider that having access to certain goods is essential to achieve well-being, although it is not sufficient.

In short, the Senian conception of well-being has the advantage of focusing not only on what people do but also on what they can do. In this way, it is a notion that covers both the subjective and objective aspects, since in order to do things, the person needs, on the one hand, access to certain goods. On the other hand, by doing and acting, the person enjoys an inner satisfaction by fulfilling the desires or aspirations that motivated that action. In addition, by holding that the level of well-being depends on the available set of *capacities* to function, it is closely related to the ethical notion of the good life, unlike what happens in the standard economic theories of development and well-being [1]. The notion of what a person can do with what they have is an important advancement in the study of well-being, because it connects the categories in which this is realized: the being, the having, and the doing, which connects this theory with the one developed in [22].

### **4.4 Buen Vivir**

Buen Vivir (in English, loosely translates as "good living" or "well living") has emerged as a political concept in Latin America during the 2000s, but its principles are far older [54], as they belong to the cosmovision of the indigenous communities of South America. One of the main precursors of the movement in Ecuador, Alberto Acosta, well-being cannot be reduced to the occidental notion and needs to be based open up, relying on indigenous cosmologies and interpretations.

Moreover, and as in [55–58], we believe that this approach offers an alternative in the mode of development, rather than only a discussion on how to measure well-being. Ziai [54] when studying post-development alternatives have compared Buen Vivir, Ubuntu,10 and Degrowth proposals, concluding that Buen Vivir is the only initiative that constitutes a real post-development strategy. In general, it can be said that both Buen Vivir and Ubuntu constitute *"retro-progressive utopias"* that connect the values of the old communities to the currents of contemporary critical thoughts, looking toward emancipatory, socio-ecologically, and sustainable futures.

The notion of Buen Vivir implies a bigger change in the way we run our economies, and it fulfills the lacking connection between well-being and development, also covered by the Chilean Max Neef in [22]. As reference [59] points out, Buen Vivir must be understood as "concept in construction that is taking place in a wide variety of contexts and that is characterized precisely because of its plurality." The term must be contextualized in its environment understanding the Andine culture and the peasantindigenous-native cosmovision.11

An important distinctive characteristic about these approaches needs to be made. Nowadays, as we have seen, multiple proposals and initiatives are emerging across the globe to challenge the hegemonic power asking to the "ancestral culture" (the "vernacular culture") of the world of our ancestors to recreate and redefine what it means to "live well" in our century. As it is explained in [60], the initiatives in the North

<sup>10</sup> Ubuntu is a philosophical concept widely known in sub-Saharan Africa which derives from the Xhosa phrase "Ubuntu ungamntu ngabanye abantu," which means "A person is a person through other persons" [54].

<sup>11</sup> A cosmovision is the "the way of seeing Oneself, Feeling, perceiving and Projecting The World that varies in culture" [58].

### *(Material) Well-Being in Economics: Beyond GDP DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.108306*

of "Slow movement"12 and "Transition"13 has been popularized and it's not a new concept. However, Buen Vivir is present on the collective memory of the pleasentindigenous-native of the Global South for sicles. What is new is that from this perspective a new platform for the political economy has opened [56]. Acknowledged this stating that while in Ecuador and Bolivia it is already a political and constitutional discussion, in countries like Argentina, Colombia, Chile, and Mexico its importance in the political discourse is increasing. As it is pointed out in [61], everyday there are more and more voices being raised in the world that are in some way in tune with this indigenous vision [61].

Ecuador and Bolivia recognize constitutionally, for the first time, the principles of Buen Vivir in Ecuador (*sumak kawsay* in Kichwa) and Vivir Bien in Bolivia (*suma qamaña* in Aymara) [62]. Both seek to return to the ancestral principles of their indigenous cultures, which can be generally summarized as the notion of living in harmony with nature. The visions of Buen Vivir seek a greater harmony of the human being in three dimensions: with her/himself, with their congeners/comrades, and with nature. In this sense, Buen Vivir involves the achieving of internal harmony (with one self), harmony with the community and between communities (with the other), and harmony with nature (with pachamama).

Internal harmony implies that people can develop their full human potential, and that everything they can "be" (ser and estar, explained later on) and "do", and they do so in a framework of freedom. It is related to the extended reproduction of life and human rights; it requires having—especially— good physical and mental health. It considers the supremacy of work over capital and contemplates that the economy must be at the service of the people. It also includes the balance in the allocation of time between paid work, unpaid work, and leisure. This notion of time from these approaches is fundamental for this thesis. As it is pointed out in [63], modern capitalism, in its way, has ensured that the unavoidable leisure time is associated with unemployment, so it causes misery instead of being a universal source of happiness.

Harmony with the community and between communities means that people live together as equals, and that they have the will to live together well. It is related to strengthening social relationships, interactions and cooperative ties, relationships of solidarity, reciprocity, fraternity, sorority, and respecting diversity. It covers inclusion, cohesion, social capital, participation, and interculturality. It requires promoting equality and reducing disparities. In addition, it understands the economic system

<sup>12</sup> "The Slow Movement" is a term that describes a wide range of diverse projects, initiatives, and efforts taking place around the world that seek to reconnect human beings in more meaningful and sustainable relationships with other human beings, with the natural world and its specific locale, and with themselves. The Slow Movement arose as an effort to counter the fast-paced, commodity-focused, unbalanced, and impersonal nature of much of modern human culture" (Adapted from http://www.create-the-good-life. com/slow\_movement.html)

<sup>13</sup> "The Transition Movement" is made up of vibrant, grassroots community initiatives that seek to build community resilience in the face of challenges such as peak oil, climate change, and economic crisis. Transition Initiatives differentiate themselves from other groups and "environmental "of sustainability, seeking to mitigate these converging global crises by engaging their communities in harvesting citizen-led education, action, and multi-stakeholder planning to increase local self-reliance and resilience." (Taken from http://transitionus.org/transition-town-movement)

as social and solidarity.14 Harmony with nature implies that people, companies, and society respect the natural environment, which is the source of the reproduction of life. It understands the economy as a subsystem of a larger system called the biosphere and that environmental conditions directly or indirectly affect people's lives, just as human activities affect the environment. It is related to the rights of nature, intergenerational justice, and environmental sustainability.

Vivir Bien in Ecuador emphasizes the protection of the environment and the display of solidarity and is built on the historical experience of indigenous communities that have lived in harmony with nature [64]. Buen Vivir in Bolivia, on the other hand, recognizes the *ethos* of the indigenous communities including and promoting the following principles: prioritize life, respect differences, live in complementarity, reach consensus between agreements, balance and harmony with nature, defend the identity, accept the differences, prioritize cosmic rights, know how to eat, know how to drink, know how to dance, know how to work, know how to communicate, come back to the *abya laya,* protect the seeds, respect women, and "live well, not better" [60].

From the vast literature analyzing the cosmovision of Buen Vivir, we will explain the five basic principles of the theory that are fundamental for the development of this thesis. They are:


<sup>14</sup> Expressed by Acosta (2010), the basic value of the economy, under a Buen Vivir regime, is solidarity. A different economy is sought, one based on the social and solidarity links, different from that is characterized by supposedly free competition, which encourages economic cannibalism among human beings and which fuels financial speculation. Based on this constitutional definition, the aim is to build relations of production, exchange, and cooperation that foster efficiency and quality, based on solidarity.

<sup>15</sup> Although the term "Pachamama" is generally translated to Mother Earth (in Spanish) or Mother Nature (in English), the term derives from two Aymara words: "pacha" and "mama." The word "pacha" in Aymara refers to "the totality of the being." The word "mama" in Aymara refers to "the mother." "Pachamama, therefore, it is the telluric mother of the world and being" ([58], p. 21).

her/his being.16 Using the senses will allow us to come back to a wider notion of the being, understanding the immaterial nonrational and spiritual part of the construct, which is crucial for this thesis.17


Buen Vivir presupposes that there is free time for both contemplation and emancipation, and it is needed for the freedoms, opportunities, and capabilities of people to increase.

Far from an economy overdetermined by mercantile relations, Buen Vivir aims to build dynamic and constructive relations between the market, society, and the State. It seeks to build a society with a diversity of different types of markets, so as not to have a market society, that is, a commodified society.

In sum, Buen Vivir encompasses a set of ideas that are being forged as a reaction and alternative to conventional concepts of development. Under the concept, there are various reflections that, with great intensity, explore new creative perspectives both in the plane of ideas as in practices. Reference [57] argues that there are a lot of specific practical strategies that are being held, such as the introduction of

<sup>16</sup> Does your back hurt right now because of the way you are sitting? If you just realized this, in this moment you are experiencing through the "estar" of your being. Are you hungry? Do you listen with attention? Do you hear your inner (body) sounds? Are you conscious of your own breathing?

<sup>17</sup> It is also interesting noticing the different way in which languages have named well-being: whereas in Spanish it is bien-estar, stressing the notion of the estar, in Italian, another language who differentiates the verb to be, uses the term ben-essere, stressing the notion of the ser/essere.

<sup>18</sup> The best explanation of this notion of "dynamic equilibrium" between two supposedly dichotomic and contradictory parts was provided by Jung (1933) in his description of the card "The World": a dancer in pause, a subtle and little space in between the movement and the quiet. The answer to the question: How can we distinguish the dancer from the dance if in physics we were taught that we are a dance of particles? embeds this state of in-betweenness.

environmental accounting, tax reforms, the dematerialization of economies, and alternative integration in regions in South America.

### *4.4.1 Four existential categories of well-being: doing, having, being… & being?*

In the studies of well-being exists—either explicitly or implicitl—the recognition of four existential categories in which the well-being is realized. These categories have been used in the frameworks of human needs and well-being explicitly [22, 65] and implicitly [11, 66]. The four categories and their differences are emphasized by the Buen Vivir scholars. In English, however, the categories are reduced to three, as the verb *to be* has no distinction as in other languages. For instance, distinct verbs, such as "ser" and "estar" (in Spanish), or "essere" and "stare" (in Italian) are translated as "to be" in English. The four categories, thus, are: "ser" (to be), "estar" (to be), "hacer" (to do), "tener" (to have).

Reference [67] has provided arguments for the differentiation inside the verb to be (not from a Buen Vivir perspective, but from a psychological perspective), arguing that while "estar" is a temporal state, "ser" is immutable and infinite and therefore more accurate to be related with happiness. However, the perspective of Buen Vivir, as mentioned before, stresses that the exercise of humans to live a complete life is to "stay" *(permanecer)* in a constant present moment, in a state of permanent awareness that we are here, in between the infinite dynamics of our world, and through this practice, realize our whole being. This is why, for example, the word Ñasa in jñatjo19 language (one of the cosmovision of Buen Vivir) means "look up to the sky" and consists on a fundamental activity for these societies, as devoting time of the day just to look at the sky allows us to "stay" (permanecer in Spanish) and "estar" (being), living the present moment [68]. For this approach, the notion of being is reached through the deepest connection of oneself with the *Pachamama—*mother earth or Gaia [61, 66, 69, 70]. The differential approach to welfare made in [70] also associates the "being" to the possibility to live in harmony with nature. In this sense, both approaches would integrate the relationship with nature in the core of the concept of "being." In this line, we will argue then that the notion of "estar" is not related to the hedonist pleasure defined before, as argued in [67], but it is a challenge to feel the senses in order to increase our immaterial well-being. Thus, the notion of "ser"—still fundamental for the well-being, we are not undermining, but differentiating—, it is more "contaminated" by modernity and therefore its connection with the immaterial is not as straightforward as it is with "estar." Both "ser" and "estar," however, correspond to the notion of being. Their common characteristic is that the needs of the being are realized by internal incentives and stimulus, and not external. Unlike the having and the doing, which imply the existence of an external source, the being does not.

<sup>19</sup> The language Jñatjo belongs to the community Jñatjo, located in San Agustín Mextepec, Municipality of San Felipe of Progress, Mexico. The language jñatjo—also known as mazahua—is an indigenous language whose etymological root is derived by the—deer—and the suffix hua—owner or the one who possesses and in conjunction, "deer people."
