Culture and Identity

## Marriage Process of the maSubiya: Past and Present

*Fabian S. Kapepiso*

#### **Abstract**

Since many of the traditional practices of the maSubiya have not been documented or recorded, this chapter is an attempt at salvaging the cultural marriage practices of the maSubiya that appears to be disappearing. Contact with Europeans has highly disrupted and changed African family life, especially marriage. Due to Western influence and exertion over African cultures, today many Subiya young people have little regard for their marital procedures and processes. The objectives of this chapter are 1) to explore the process or stages of marriage of the maSubiya people; 2) to compare and contrast the past and present practices of marriage of the maSubiya; 3) to document the unrecorded marriage practices of the maSubiya; and 4) to arouse the intellectual minds to study the subject at hand. The chapter is guided by the dominant paradigm, which assumes that the maSubiya were pressured to abandon their own cultural values to adopt the values embodied in Christian or civil marriages. Data were collected mainly from observations and available literature. The marriage process of the maSubiya includes but is not limited to consultations with one's uncles and aunts, understanding the family background of a potential wife, paying *malobolo* (bridal price), and finally marriage. Throughout the process, metaphorical expressions are used to convey messages.

**Keywords:** maSubiya marriage, dominant paradigm, Nuptial song, Western influence, culture and tradition, family background, *Malobolo*

#### **1. Introduction**

Marriage is one of the oldest institutions in all societies, and it is still viewed as a fundamental institution of social life today. Marriage customs of the traditional communities in the Caprivi/Zambezi region in Namibia exist mainly in their traditional beliefs and practices. However, since many of these practices have not been documented or recorded, this chapter is an attempt at salvaging the cultural marriage practices of the maSubiya that appear to be disappearing. Namibia has two types of marriage, namely, civil and customary marriages. The emphasis of this chapter is on the customary marriages of the maSubiya; hence, a focus is placed on this to get a clear and better understanding. The maSubiya are being studied in this chapter as a minority ethnic group in Namibia.

According to the Legal Assistance Center [1], a traditional marriage (also called customary marriage) is "a marriage which takes place in terms of the customs of the community." The customs and traditional practices of the maSubiya have been handed down by oral tradition and treasured in the memories of the maSubiya from generation to generation. In the context of the maSubiya, and perhaps other African cultures, marriage is defined as "a rite of passage toward adulthood and its concomitant responsibilities" [2]. It is a passage toward adulthood because, through it, young people are considered and treated as adults. Those who are not married are rarely given the respect that married people are given. It is through marriage that a person is perceived to be responsible in a community and in life. When young people are married, their responsibilities include demonstrating that they can sustain their family without depending on others. They are also endowed with the responsibilities of dealing with and assisting other family members, especially younger siblings. It is when a young person is married that they are introduced to certain things, such as attending meetings or dispute matters. This affords them the opportunity to learn from the old guard and carry on the button of responsibility when the old people have died. Thus, to demonstrate adulthood and responsibility, young people were expected to have a kraal of their own and they were allocated a piece of land on which they could plough to produce their food. As well as being the head of the household, some of the responsibilities of men included, among other responsibilities, "lighting the traditional fire and performing rituals before hunting, herding the cattle, and milking the cows" [3]. Although this was typical of rural traditional men, these responsibilities have since shifted as more men migrate to urban areas for employment purposes. Meanwhile, men in rural areas assume these responsibilities. Moreover, the responsibility of cattle-herding and milking cows has been relegated to cattle herders, who are employed solely to take care of the cattle. As for women, their responsibilities included, and still include "taking care of the family in terms of health and nutrition, sending children to school, and other domestic chores, such as cleaning the home and attending to visitors. She is regarded as the owner of the house, but not the head of the household" [3]. As a matter of fact, a home is referred to in the name of the woman, for example, *i lapa* or *inzubo iba naNchiti* (a court-yard or house of Mrs. so and so). It is this way because women are essentially managers of the household, running the affairs and day-to-day activities of the home, while men are administrators, ensuring that there is order in the home and food security for the family.

Due to Western influences, most of these customs or traditions are now rarely practiced during Subiya marriages. Especially, under the influence of Christianity and Westernization, the maSubiya tradition processes leading to contracting a marriage have been overlooked if not discarded altogether by the new generations. Kampungu [4] posited that "these phases of marriage may appear unintelligible and meaningless if they are not viewed in their right cultural perspective." As people view some of the marriage processes to be unintelligible, they meet multiple challenges in their married life. For instance, instead of contracting lifetime lasting marriages a lot of divorces are occurring. This signifies that instead of building homes, many homes have been broken in the name of civilization and social advancement compared to our so-called backward elders.

This chapter, therefore, is an attempt to put together, what the author presumes to be, the process through which young maSubiya men and women went through to get married in the past, and the process that is being followed for marriage during modern times. It is hoped that this chapter will arouse lively discussion among the maSubiya scholars in particular and other Namibians at large. This chapter might not be a complete discussion on the topic; thus, it is hoped that others will take it further to research comprehensively on the subject matter. This will help in documenting what this author has not been able to record or correct what might be misrepresented by this author. Therefore, it is hoped that this chapter will lay the foundation for further studies and as an addition to the available literature.

#### **2. Background**

This chapter relies on the traditional practices of the Subiyas and, "if we happen to be members of that tribe or have lived with them, on what we have experienced there" [4]. Some traditional practices in the Zambezi region of Namibia are slowly dying due to certain influences, such as Western knowledge and technological changes. The Zambezi region is inhabited by the Basubiya, Bafwe, Khwe, Bayeyi, and Hambukushu. Most of these tribes share common traditional practices. They also share these practices with their cousins in the southern province of Zambia, commonly known as Barotseland or *Bulozi*. Not only do they share traditional or cultural practices but they also share a language – Silozi, which is a *lingua franca* in the Zambezi region.

Due to the shared cultural practices of the people in the Zambezi region of Namibia, the marriage practices outlined in this chapter also applies to the other tribes within the region though there might be some slight differences and exceptions. Because of differences and exceptions in cultural practices, this chapter mainly focuses on the maSubiya. It is also important to note that marriage practices of all ethnic groups in the Zambezi region have significantly changed since the dawn of colonization or the arrival of white people. The Subiyas are also referred to as *beKuhane* and are spread in different localities, especially Zambezi (formerly Caprivi) in Namibia; Sesheke, Zambia; and the Chobe district, Botswana [5].

The policy of the colonizers was to allow indigenous people to practice their traditions, "until, through intercourse with European commerce and education, the gradual work of civilization shall remove those bad practices which are most objectionable" [6]. Thus, Western influence slowly crept into the fabrics of the African traditional practices. As well as being shared with people in Zambia, common traditional practices of the maSubiya, such as marriage customs, are also shared with those in Botswana, Zimbabwe, and South Africa. Kruger [7] reported that during his time in the Caprivi Zipfel (now Zambezi Region), "civil or Christian marriages [were] rare." Forty or more years down the line, the tables have turned as traditional marriages are rare compared to civil or Christian marriages. A customary marriage is not even properly recognized before the law until one has to go through civil or Christian marriage processes [1]. Moreover, "customary marriages are not registered and there is no marriage certificate [issued] to prove that a marriage has taken place" [8]. Therefore, the marriage practices of the Subiya people have significantly changed due to certain factors, such as Western cultural influence, religion, urbanization, and education.

According to Kampungu [4], for the Okavango tribes, "the three principal stages of marriage are betrothal, the conclusion of a marriage contract, and the birth of the first child." A definition of marriage according to the Subiyas is, as many aspects of their traditions, not written down but rather passed down from generation to generation. Thus, the definition that this author provides is an extension of what has already been discussed. It is based on the views of different readers and the maSubiya themselves, that marriage can be defined as a union between a man and a woman, two families, and two villages. Similarly, Sinclair [8] and Bennett [9] add that customary marriage is "a contract between two family groups rather than between two individuals, [and] involves payment of bridewealth in the form of lobola." This definition informs that marriage is not only for husband and wife, but it rather unites or joins two separate families together and their villages. In essence, there are four villages and families involved – the patrilocal and matrilocal families, that is, two families of a man and woman (from the father's and mother's sides).

This author also defines marriage in the African context as a "license" for sexual relations and a means through which a family can be built. The process outlined in this chapter may neither follow a sequence, nor is it exhaustive in-depth and context, but it provides a starting point for future studies to expand and consolidate the full process involved in the maSubiya and other Africans.

#### **2.1 Problem statement**

Contact with Europeans has highly disrupted and changed African family life, especially marriage. In order to control and govern "natives," laws that restricted Africans were imposed upon them, and studies were conducted to suit their governance. One such law is the Marriage Act1 which designates ministers of religion and other persons as marriage officers. Marriage officers, who officiate Christian marriages were at that time foreign to the maSubiya and other ethnic groups in the Zambezi region of Namibia. It is elders and family members who ensure that those who intend to be married follow procedures and processes. Furthermore, "there is no need for the intervention of a state official (via marriage officer or priest) to give the stamp of validity to the marriage" [9]. On the disruption of the African family life, Kayongo-Male and Onyango [10] exposited that native studies depicted the Africans as savages "instead of details of the symbolic and social meaning of family life." This recorded information was obscured and did not reflect the truth and cultural meaning as well as values cherished by Africans. It was rather a means through which Europeans would exert and impose their knowledge and cultural influence over the Africans. One way in which Westerns imposed their cultural influence on Africans was through the introduction of religion, especially Christianity. Moreover, as education and labor contracts were introduced, more and more marriage customs of the Subiyas were slowly abandoned and frowned upon by those who have been exposed to the so-called civilization, Christianity and education indoctrinated the masses who began to question the principles and establishment of their cultural practices. Thus, it is stressed that "schools founded by the colonialists led to rifts within families as the educated members began to question the authority of the uneducated older members of the family" [10].

African traditions and customs were rarely recorded or documented in the forms known by colonizers. It was, therefore, vulnerable to outside influence to the extent that belief systems already in place were no longer trusted. Due to Western influence and exertion over African cultures, today many Subiya young people have little regard for their marital procedures and processes. More recently, the problem is being impacted by urbanization and technology. These have led our elders to break the chain of orally passing down the cultural practices to their children, especially adolescents. In the end, young men and women loathe traditional marriage and choose the more attractive civil marriage, mostly leading to what is termed "white weddings." Therefore, the influence and exertion of Western culture have attempted to erase and

<sup>1</sup> Statutes of the Union of South Africa. Marriage Act, 25 of 1961.

*Marriage Process of the maSubiya: Past and Present DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106726*

"extend to silencing or rendering invisible of a complex of culture, history and communal identity" of the maSubiya [11].

The 1883 Commission on native laws and customs [6] in South Africa, clearly indicates the intent of the colonizers, which was to erase the traditional practices of the natives. It is stated that although the laws and customs of Africans were "interwoven with the social conditions and ordinary institutions of the native population," an attempt to break them quickly would have been dangerous and "defeating the object in view." The report, thus, concluded that customary laws were to be left substantially unaltered but "secure an uniform and equitable administration of justice in accordance with civilised usage and practice" [6].

#### **2.2 Objectives of the study**

This chapter is guided by the following objectives:


#### **3. Methodology**

This chapter utilized qualitative methods to address and uncover the processes involved in the maSubiya marriages. The chapter is guided by the colonial paradigm, which includes the dominant and subordinate groups. According to McDougal [12], "the dominant group maintains dominance and control over those with less power" in the colonial context. Moreover, "the basic assumption of the colonial paradigm is that the colonized are pressured to abandon their own cultural values and adopt the values of the dominant groups" [12]. In this chapter, this dominant group is the Western culture that introduced Christian or civil marriage to the maSubiya, whereas the maSubiya are the subordinate group, who were pressured to abandon their cultural practices of marriage ceremonies in order to adopt Christian or civil marriages. Staples (as cited in McDougal) argued that "the colonial subjects' native culture is modified or destroyed" during colonialism [12].

The methods of data collection used were mainly archival, document analysis methods, and observations. A variety of literature sources, especially anthropological studies, were consulted to draw meaning and develop themes and categories used to explore and contrast the past and present of the phenomenon of the marriage process of the maSubiya. Thus, data from the documents and archival materials were "analyzed by continually comparing incidents [or stages in the maSubiya marriage] and finding relationships within the data and concepts" [11]. Because data were mainly collected through literature review, this is a limitation on the direct or primary data source (mainly people) and may be considered a methodological weakness of this chapter. Nonetheless, important data relating to the phenomena being dealt with in this chapter was gathered from different document sources and archival materials.

Archival methods questions are directed at "people and at written sources, concerning issues…in the past in order to understand the present and predict the future" [13]. For this study, the archival method used is a historical review whereby available literature from other African marriage processes was conducted to draw comparisons of similarities with the maSubiya traditional marriage. The purpose of this review is "to describe what happened in the past…in order to illuminate the present" [13] regarding the maSubiya marriage process. By definition, archival methods are those that "involve the study of historical documents, that is, documents created at some point in the relatively distant past, providing us access that we might not otherwise have to the organizations, individuals, and events of that earlier time" [14]. Similar to archival methods, document analysis "is a systematic procedure for reviewing or evaluating documents…[and] requires that data be examined and interpreted in order to elicit meaning, gain understanding, and develop empirical knowledge" [15]. Thus, the review of recorded African marriage literature was analyzed to draw similarities and comparisons to the maSubiya marriage process. The data collected from literature is classified as secondary data [16]. Therefore, this chapter lacks primary data, which can be obtained from people through interviews and discussions. Although this chapter may not be considered reliable because of its reliance on literature, it is valid because different sources were consulted and observations. For future studies, scholars and researchers should consider interviews to collect data from new and old generations of the maSubiya people for validation purposes.

#### **4. The choice of a mate**

In the African context, men are hunters and they are always on the mission of seeking that which they want. The same is true when it comes to the marriage process of the maSubiya people and many other Africans in the sense that when the time is right for a man, he will go on a quest seeking for a potential partner. Although this trend changed from the arranged marriage customs, it has become an important part of the process to be taken before a man settles down. Maponga and Bavu [17] relate that after the man has seen the woman, he wants to marry; he would go back to his own family and inform them that he has found a potential wife. Contrary to the previous generations, the current generation would rather jump the guns without due process being followed. In the past, the search was done by the parents (hence, arranged marriages) but the young man was at liberty to identify a girl from a certain family. Failure of the young man to identify his potential wife, parents would arrange for their son when he was at the right age of marriage. At present, arranged marriages are unheard of but they still occasionally occur, depending on the situations.

#### **4.1 Betrothal,** *kubikiliza*

Previously, before the encounter with Europeans, "it was customary for a man to *marry* a child" [7] by making arrangements with the parents of the child while she was still in the mother's womb or too young to marry. When a girl received her first menstruation *(kufulumana),* she was kept in isolation *(chikenge)* for some period of time where she would be taught a lot of things. Shamukuni [5] explained that the girl was "given instructions on the role of a woman in society, including family care". He further goes on to state that, "In the past when infant betrothal *[kubikiliza]* was

*Marriage Process of the maSubiya: Past and Present DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106726*

practiced, the adolescent girl married as soon as her initiation ceremonies were over. This often resulted in young girls marrying men twice their age" [5]. These practices are now uncommon.

The term *kubikiliza* means reserving for marriage, as the husband-to-be would wait for the birth of his future wife and put on a necklace or wrist band as a sign that she was reserved. This process of engaging or putting a placement on a young girl or unborn girl child was done with the consent and foreknowledge of the parents. Similarly, Schapera [18] noted that "girls were sometimes betrothed in early childhood, or even pledged before they were born, so that their fate might be settled before they could choose for themselves". When the child was of age or *kamwale* [2, 5], the man would make arrangements to marry her.

Contrary to old ways, today young people know each other and live in relationships known as "stay together" or cohabitation to test if they are compatible with each other. When they decide that they can tolerate each other, then they can now introduce themselves to their parents and other family members. Sometimes, they have children together before they make the decision to get married. Thus, the old pattern of the marriage process is broken, and Western cultural life is adopted. Damachi, Holloh and Seibel (as cited in Agbontaen-Eghafona [19]) extends this argument that

*Women's ambition to be financially and socially independent means that they are most likely to accept marriage proposals that can satisfy most of their financial, social, and economic needs. Hence, the responsibility of choosing a spouse is largely dependent on the individual (male or female), and no longer on the family. Individuals present their love interest to their families for approval rather than the families choosing for them. Despite this development, the selection of marriage partners is still done with the consent of family members, although not as strict as before.*

Thus, most of the times of yesteryears, betrothal was organized between two families, especially friends who wished to cement their relationship and continue to look after their own interests. Although this was effective, this custom is now rarely practiced. New generations regard it backward and undesirable because, by the time a person is told he/she has to be married to a certain individual, that person may be in a relationship with someone else – someone he/she love to the core. Betrothal, therefore, was not based on love, feelings, or attraction, much less beauty, but rather on the continuity of long-term friendships and relationships between families. This is because love was not regarded as a *priori* for marriage but as a *posteriori.* Therefore, the young men and women did not need to love the person but they were rather expected to grow in love with one another. This meant that as the couple lived together, in due time they would love each other because the characters and deeds within them would be revealed. Contrary to the traditional notion that love grows as couples live together for a long time, "the Western marriage is based on love" [10]. This is what the modern Subiya marriages, like other African marriages of today, are based upon. However, Africans did not "think of marriage as a union based on romantic love although beauty as well as character and health are sought in the choice of a wife" [20]. Rather, it is concluded–and this has been the norm–that the "strong affection that normally exists after some years of a successful marriage is the product of a marriage itself conceived as a process, resulting from living together and co-operating in many activities and particularly in the rearing of children" [20].

#### **4.2 Family background checks**

In the Subiya terminology *(Chikuhane)*, the word family or family background specifically is referred to as *luzubo* or *lusika.* Another important aspect in the process of the maSubiya marriage is family background. Family background refers to the "conduct and reputation" as viewed by family members of those who intend to be married [18]. Although it is not so much interrogated in modern marriages, family background is an essential aspect which the man's and woman's families scrutinized before their son or daughter got married. The objective or purpose of the family background was to avoid future misunderstanding and rather provide or secure a stable marriage. It was to ensure that the future in-law (whether son or daughter) will live in harmony with his or her family in-laws instead of causing disunity and destabilization in the family.

Family background was and must still be, very crucial in the process of marriage. It informs the families involved of things, such as behavior and attitudes within the families, and raises some of the following questions:

1) Is the family hard-working? 2) what circumstances surround them? 3)how do they handle family matters? 4) how do they live? 5) how do they die? and so forth [17, 21, 22].

These questions need to be answered before the next step is undertaken. Should there be doubts concerning the family, the man or woman's family withdraws or cancels the plans to be united with the other family through the marriage of their children. As the man is the initiator, background checks are mostly done by his family. This is not to say the woman's family does not have to do the family background checks. Therefore, this has to happen from both sides to satisfy both families.

For the reasons mentioned above, family background is usually compared to *iziko (sing.)* or *maziko (pl.)*, which is literally translated as the fireplace. It is so-called fireplace because of what usually took place on the fire. In short, the fireplace was where children received their education, mannerism, and doctrines, that is, family upbringing. Here, stories would be told concerning behavior, work, and life in general. Knowledge was passed down through stories told by elders, and children were reminded of these stories in their daily activities and livelihood. Therefore, it was these characteristics, attitudes, knowledge, and behaviors that a family sought to know and understand before their children were united in marriage.

When the man has reached the stage to get married, elders usually invoke these words: *muku ba sala* (sift them through), and *mukulola maziko sakata* (look for a woman from a family with a good reputation). After seeking, the man will inform his uncles who then caucus with their wives and aunts. It is like a tender application that needs to be reviewed to determine the suitability of the sought-after woman. Here, the man's uncles and aunts "pulls a file for the woman's family" [17] to do the background check. This needs to happen because two families are coming together through the marriage of the two individuals in question–the seeker and the soughtafter woman. Therefore, the essence is that the young man does not get married to a young woman, but he gets married to the entire family. The opposite of this is also true for young women. It is notable that when a man has signaled his intention–to his uncle(s)–to marry a woman from a certain family, it takes a long time because a lot of information needs to be gathered about that family.

Unfortunately, today there is little family background checks taking place among the maSubiya youth. Some of the reasons for this process to be excluded include allowing young people the freedom of choice and their basis of love and attraction

*Marriage Process of the maSubiya: Past and Present DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106726*

toward each other. Some young people are now marrying other tribes from other parts of the country and even foreign lands, making this process difficult to be carried out. Moreover, young people get married in secret (e.g., in courts) and only present each other to their parents at a later stage as a married couple. Perhaps the interrogation part involved in family background checks makes young people uncomfortable. Despite these and other excuses, it is argued that family background checks should still be carried out for the following reasons: (a) to confirm the identity of your partner, (b) to ensure that your partner is legally single, (c) to get acquainted with your partner's family, and (d) to uncover possible skeletons in the closet [23].

#### **5. The bridewealth** *(malobolo)*

Parents and elders must be satisfied with the family background their son or daughter wants to be married to. Without the unanimous decision, the plans of the young man and woman cannot be allowed to manifest. But if there is an agreement, and the family is found to be worthy, then plans are set in motion to begin the next process–formal introduction to the parents and entire family, as well as *malobolo.* Kayongo-Male and Onyango argued that the term "bridewealth" is preferred to the term "brideprice" because brideprice carries a "connotation of purchasing the wife" [10]*. Malobolo* is the Subiya term for bridewealth and is similar to lobola, a term used in most African marriage customs. Thus, the two terms will be used interchangeably in this chapter. The Subiya men pay *malobolo* to a woman's family according to current requirements. Previously, this was accomplished by paying two hoes, two herds of cattle [3], or as Kruger [7] describes it:

*a man required to live at the village of his parents-in-law and render service there until one or even more children were born…At the end of the service, the father of the man would give a beast to his son to be given to the latter's wife, in turn, to be passed to her father, representing recognition of the woman's services.*

Therefore, the most crucial stage of the marriage process of the maSubiya is the negotiation and payment of the bridewealth *(malobolo).* It is common practice for men to pay *lobola* or *malobolo* but Shamukuni [5] argues that the maSubiya did not practice this custom, most commonly known as the brideprice. Rather, "the groom had to work for the parents of the bride for a couple of years and that was all". According to Shamukuni [5], after consultations with the family members and an agreement reached together with them, a Subiya man stayed with his bride's parents for a couple of weeks. During this time the man would acquaint himself with his wife's family. The parents of the bride also had to satisfy themselves that their son-in-law is a good type of man. Afterward, the man was free to take his wife to his ward *[chilalo]* or village [5, 7].

In the past, *malobolo* was paid as mentioned above but also, a man could only bring some hoes or show that he could provide for his family through either farming or hunting. Presently, *malobolo* is paid through a certain number of cattle, which can also be translated into monetary value depending on the bride's parents. Moreover, Sinclair [8] argues that "With urbanisation, the payment of cattle has to some extent been replaced by the payment of money". When replaced with monetary value, it is usually based upon the traditional court's *(khuta)* value of herd of cattle. Currently, a cow is valued at N\$1,000.00. For example, if the father requires 20 herds of cattle, he might say 18 should be in money and two should be delivered physically. This would imply that the groom will pay N\$18,000 cash and arrange for the delivery of two cattle, usually cows.

That said, negotiating delegates are arranged and prepared by the bride's and groom's uncles. These will range from between four to ten people and do not have to be gender balanced. Thus, experience in negotiations is required, while new blood is included for the learning process and continuation of the tradition. The groom's uncles will first contact the bride's parents [10] informing them of their intention to "marry their daughter," by uttering: "*twakeza ku kutunga,*" meaning we have come to collect the fire. Upon hearing these words, the parents; already informed by their daughter; will call all the girls who have reached marriage status to gather around for the delegation to mention the name of the specific girl to be married or even to identify that girl. This is done when the groom has whispered the name of the girl in the ears of the uncle. When it is known who the bride will be, the girls are sent away and the parents inform the delegation that they should contact the bride's uncles to arrange the date for *malobolo* negotiations. The role of the girl's parents is to set the demands related to *lobola*, that is, the amount of money and number of cattle to be paid. This information is then communicated to the girl's uncles who will take part in the negotiations.

#### **5.1** *Malobolo* **negotiation**

In many customary law systems, the payment of a marriage consideration or *lobola* is the principal criterion for a valid customary marriage. Thus, the bridewealth is used to distinguish a valid marriage from a non-formalized union. *Lobola*, as the criterion for a valid customary marriage, is tendered by the groom or his parents to the bride's parents [3]. Moreover, the "bridewealth was considered to be an essential ingredient of a valid union and without payment or at least some arrangement concerning future payment, the legitimacy of the union would be in doubt" [9]. On the day of the negotiations for *malobolo,* uncles and aunts are part of the delegation that represents the parents of the young man and woman to be married. Parents are rarely involved in the negotiations of *lobola.* The size of the delegation depends on each family represented, but usually between five to ten members. Each side will choose a chief negotiator, usually someone with experience and skillful negotiation tactics. In the past, negotiations could start without delay but at present, the man's negotiating team must make a payment not exceeding N\$2,000.00. This payment is for *sikwalula mulomo* (mouth opener), which is intended to start the discussions. Without this, negotiations cannot take place.

Once *sikwalula mulomo* is paid*,* the girl's family will welcome everyone present and, as if they are not aware of the occasion, pose the question to the guests (the man the representatives): "what brings you here?" One of the man's representatives will answer metaphorically: *"tukavugana iñombe yetu izovete"* (we are looking for one of our lost cows). This sets the tone for the beginning of the negotiations. As mentioned previously, the payment of *lobola* was not expensive as it is today. One of the reasons for the increase is the education of women. The assumption is that the woman's family feels that they need to be compensated through *lobola* for what was spent on their daughter's education. This might be because they will be losing financial support when their daughter is married.

While some families prefer the couple to be married to sit in during negotiations, some do not want them to listen to the proceedings of negotiations. The reason might be that due to the heated discussions that sometimes occur or break out during *Marriage Process of the maSubiya: Past and Present DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106726*

negotiations, the couple might develop hatred toward certain members of the family. Therefore, it is crucial to note that the importance of *lobola* is that "it serves to transfer the woman, and her reproductive capacity, from the family of her guardian into the family of her husband" [8]. It is important to note that the intended purpose of the bridewealth *(malobolo)* was to "compensate the parents for the loss of their daughter, but it was not meant to be an assessment of her 'cost' in cattle and goods" [10]. However, today, the custom has become closer to a brideprice since parents, imbued with economic values, have begun to calculate the worth of their daughters in monetary terms [10, 24]. Kayongo-Male and Onyango further detail that

*Higher levels of education lead to a larger bridewealth payment, until the collegeeducated woman becomes too expensive for men of her age who are not wealthy. When bridewealth become unreasonably high and becomes a way of measuring the value of the woman, it is changing from bridewealth to brideprice. When bridewealth changes from being a way of committing two families to uphold marriage and becomes a way to acquire quick wealth, the social utility of bridewealth changes. It no longer makes marriages stable and seldom guarantees absolute rights over offspring even in customary marriages" [10].*

In addition to the observations and analysis above, Ambunda and de Klerk further state that

*Generally, there appear to be many misunderstandings and misinterpretations regarding the role and meaning of lobola. Many people believe that paying lobola means "buying" the bride. Traditionally, this interpretation is wrong and unacceptable, as women are not a tradable commodity and should never be perceived as such; lobola was not, and is still not, meant to "buy" a bride, but to secure marriage and prevent divorce. Therefore, lobola is meant to serve as the security in a customary marriage, with the effect of preventing both the spouses and their respective parents from the consequences that arise in the event of divorce. As lobola is meant to secure customary marriages, in the event of divorce there are conditions attached to lobola; these will determine whether the lobola is returned to the groom and his parents by the bride's parents, or whether the groom and his family forfeit the lobola [3].*

In today's *lobola* negotiations, many families are looking to compensate themselves financially because of the level of their daughter's education. The more a Subiya woman is educated, the more the *malobolo* will be asked. Thus, many young maSubiya men feel that this has become a business transaction instead of *malobolo* [24]*.* When there is this feeling among the maSubiya men, marriages are very vulnerable and women become the subjects of abuse as a result of anger emanating from the negotiations.

At the end of the negotiations, the man's negotiating team also pays an amount not exceeding N\$2,000.00 for closing the negotiations *(sikwala mulomo).* When this is paid, general discussions and interaction can commerce. It marks the end of the business of the day, and plans for the next step can also start from each family.

#### **5.2 Escorting the bride to her new family**

When *malobolo* have been agreed upon by the two families, the bride's family shift their attention to preparing her to leave her parent's home and start her new life with her husband and his family. These include serious talks, such as preparing her emotionally and psychologically, for the changes about to take place. This stage also includes advice *(intaelo)* from aunts, mainly to guard her from disappointing her family and to act in her best behavior at all times. During this time, the groom's family is informed and given notice of when they can officially get their wife. Therefore, preparation does not only take place in the bride's family but also in the groom's family. What the groom's family prepares is the selection of aunts, sisters, and female relatives to be in charge of getting the bride, the clothing to dress up the bride and the person to dress the bride, and how many people will be involved. It is important to note that although the bride is involved in her preparations, the groom is rarely involved in most of his preparations. According to all local kinship systems marriage is part or virilocal, in other words, the bride should go to live with her husband, either at his own or his father's homestead [25].

After the preparations are done, the groom's family will leave their village with the intention of getting their wife (the bride) and bringing her to their family. The family will head to the bride's said place of boarding, which is usually the aunt's home. Upon arrival, the aunts are informed of the arrival of the visitors as the delegates remain outside, waiting to be invited inside the yard or courtyard. The bride is at this time covered with a veil or long sheet, and waiting to be uncovered by the groom's family. When the groom's family enters and the greetings are completed, they are told to uncover their bride and present her with new clothes. This represents the new life the bride is starting because she leaves all garments and clothing, gotten before this day, behind. She takes nothing from her past, unmarried life. She is now the responsibility of her husband [25] not her parents and their family. Bekker [26] mentions that "there is no customary marriage until the girl has been handed over to the bridegroom".

When she is dressed up, women ululate and the group start to escort the bride to her husband. She is accompanied by her aunts, sisters, and other family members. As the proceeding starts in the evening, the escort of the bride to her husband takes place during the night. Ndana [2] exposits that during the escort, the following nuptial song is sung "just before the bride and groom meet in a sexual embrace to consummate their marriage".


This song has two meanings or motives. The first is that marriage and life itself is a journey through which "the human race, through sexual union, will be perpetuated [2]." The second is a "warning to the bride [and even the groom] not to behave to her in-laws in a manner which will embarrass her parents [2]." These two motives of the song inform us that as the new couple begins their marital journey through sexual embrace, they should build and uplift the community in which they live through selfcontrol in order not to disrespect elders, especially their immediate families.

In today's busy and complicated life, the song may be omitted based on certain reasons. Taking the distance into account, the bride might be taken from as far as the nearest town, Katima Mulilo. It sometimes gets a bit prolonged process compared to the past. What usually happens is that the bride is brought to her husband's house with ululating crowds.

#### **5.3 The morning after**

This is the final stage that leads a couple to settle together as husband and wife. Very early in the morning, women begin to ululate *(kululuweza),* a "traditional custom which expresses joy by women when everything is falling into perspective" [27] and is usually performed at weddings. Depending on the situation or choice of the couple, certain events are performed while others are left out. Before the corruption of culture by Western influence, however, nothing was left as optional by the couple but they now have a say in what they want and what they do not want to proceed with. Needless to say, the least, some of the events included or still include the demonstration of (a) the ability to provide for the family, and (b) a session of advice or marriage counseling (*inkelezo*).

At the show-casing of the ability to provide for the family, the groom is handed a spear *(mulinga)* and the bride is given a hoe *(ihamba)*. The spear is an old weapon that was used mainly for hunting and killing game animals, while a hoe is used for cultivating and weeding crop fields. The man must throw the spear handed to him onto a target (usually the bark of a tree). It is required of him that the spear should hit the target and remain stuck. This symbolized that when he goes hunting, he will not return empty-handed but that he will always hit his target (game) to bring home to his family. Contrary to the man's performance, the woman is required to show her skills by demonstrating that she can use a hoe to cultivate and weed her crop field. When the couple have demonstrated their ability to provide for their family, women ululate to show their satisfaction. In the current situation, this is skipped because both the bride and groom are usually employed and can provide for their family financially through their jobs.

If this is omitted, the proceeding will commence with ululating as the aunts accompany the bride and groom to the courtyard of the groom's mother where marriage counseling will be held. As they are led by a procession of ululating women, a smaller traditional mat made of reeds *(kasasa)* is spread specifically for the couple. After they have sat, a chosen woman—known for her goodwill manners, one who does not spread rumors in the community—brings a small amount of pap *(kakoko)* on a stone. She feeds both the bride and the groom while others look on and continue ululating. While feeding the bride, she lightly beats her with the stone on her chest and comments: "*muku zi kazika*." This literally means that the bride should not spread rumors in the community or village she is coming to be a part of. It means everything the bride hears should be buried within herself.

The man's mother puts a necklace of beads around the couple's necks, symbolizing the union of the two. Afterward, the bride is given a marital name by which she will be known in the community. In some instances, after the conclusion of *inkelezo or intaelo* (advice/counseling), a traditional wedding would take place. However, as mentioned before, today young people have options of whether to proceed with the traditional wedding or the white wedding.

#### **6. Conclusion**

Like in other African cultures, the maSubiya go through a process or stages that lead to marriage. Core among the process is family background checks and *lobola.* Although some of the stages are presently being omitted by young people, most of them are still being followed. The influence of other cultures, such as that of the West and urbanization, threaten the longevity of the maSubiya marriage practices. It is thus hoped that this chapter will help preserve these practices and contribute to the available literature on the maSubiya people. Moreover, this chapter is a springboard for other scholars to include what has been left out, and which is crucial in cultural preservation. Especially important is the language usage and deeper meanings concealed in the figurative language being used in all stages to be studied and explained, so that future generations will get the meaning.

For the maSubiya, "the payment of lobola—or *malobolo* as they refer to it—is the main criterion for distinguishing a valid customary marriage from a non-formalized one [and this] custom has been passed from generation to generation [3]. Thus, the validity of the union rested on the approval of the two families rather than the wishes of the spouses [9]. This chapter is a demonstration that the maSubiya people use metaphorical phrases to express some terminologies in most of the stages of marriage. They also use symbols to convey meaning to those involved and the observers. The chapter looked at important stages or processes involved in maSubiya marriage. Some of the most important processes include family background, *lobola* negotiations, and escorting the bride.

#### **Author details**

Fabian S. Kapepiso National Library of Namibia, Windhoek, Namibia

\*Address all correspondence to: fabiankapepiso@gmail.com

© 2022 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

*Marriage Process of the maSubiya: Past and Present DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106726*

#### **References**

[1] Windhoek: Legal Assistance Centre. Legal Assistance Centre. Recognition of Customary Marriages: A Summary of the Law Reform and Development Commission Proposal*.* 2005. Available from: https://www.lac.org.na/projects/ grap/Pdf/custommar2.pdf

[2] Ndana N. To 'insult' or to 'teach'?: A reading of a "Subiya" nuptial song. Botswana Notes and Records*.* 1999;**31**:129-134

[3] Ambunda LN, de Klerk S. Women and custom in Namibia: A research overview. In: Ruppel OC, editor. Women and Custom in Namibia: Cultural Practice Versus Gender. Windhoek: Macmillan Education; 2008. pp. 43-81

[4] Kampungu R. Concept and Aim of Okavango Marriages: Investigated in the Light of Ecclesiastical Legislation. Romae: Pontificia Universita Urbaniana; 1966

[5] Shamukuni DM. The baSubiya. Botswana Notes and Record. 1972;**4**: 161-184

[6] Cape of Good Hope. Report and Proceedings, with Appendices, of the Government Commission on Native Laws and Customs. Cape Town: W.A. Richards & Sons; 1883

[7] Kruger CE. The Eastern Caprivi Zipfel. Namibia: National Archives of Namibia; 1963

[8] Sinclair JD, Heaton J. The law of marriage. Volume 1. Based on H R Hahlo: The South African Law of Husband and Wife. Kenwyn, (RSA): Juta & Co; 1996

[9] Bennett TW. The Application of Customary Law in Southern Africa: The Conflict of Personal Laws. Cape Town: Juta & Co.; 1985

[10] Kayongo-Male D, Onyango P. The sociology of the African Family. London: Longman; 1984

[11] Kapepiso FS, Higgs R. Tracing the curation of Indigenous knowledge in a biopiracy case. AlterNative: an International Journal of Indingenous Peoples. 2020;**16**(1):38-44

[12] McDougal S III. Research Methods in Africana Studies. (Black Studies and Critical Thinking; vol. 64). New York: Peter Lang; 2014

[13] Jankowicz AD. Business Research Projects. 3rd ed. London: Business Press; 2000

[14] Ventresca MJ, Mohr JW. Archival research methods. In: Baum JAC, editor. The Blackwell Companion to Organizations. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers; 2002. pp. 805-828

[15] Bowen GA. Document analysis as a qualitative research method. Qualitative Research Journal. 2009;**9**(2):27-40

[16] Struwig FW, Stead GB. Planning, Designing and Reporting Research. Cape Town: Pearson Education South Africa; 2001

[17] Maponga, J.M. and Bavu, K. [Jacob Hafeni. Sankofa]. Do we really have marriage in the 21st century? [] Joshua Maponga host Khumbuza Bavu [Video]. [Pretoria]: YouTube; 2020

[18] Schapera I. Married Life in an African Tribe. London: Faber and Faber Limited; 1939

[19] Agbontaen-Eghafona K. The changing phases of African marriage and family: perspectives on Nigeria in the

African context. The Pontifical Academy of Social Sciences; 2017. Available from: http://www.pass.va/content/ scienzesociali/en/events/2019-23/family\_ ecology/agbontaen-eghafona.html

[20] Radcliffe-Brown AR. Introduction. In: Radcliffe-Brown AR, Forde D, editors. African Systems of Kinship and Marriage. London: Oxford University Press; 1950. pp. 1-85

[21] Daily Trust. Should Family Background Influence Choice of Spouse? 2019. Available from https://dailytrust. com/should-family-backgroundinfluence-choice-of-spouse

[22] Ighele, C. Knowing Family Background of Whom You Want to Marry. The Guardian. Available from: https://guardian.ng/sunday-magazine/ ibru-ecumenical-centre/knowingfamily-background-of-whom-you-wantto-marry/

[23] Mendoza M. Why You Should get a Background Check Before Getting Married. Germ Magazine. 2017. Available from: https://germmagazine.com/whyyou-should-get-a-background-checkbefore-getting-married/

[24] Kapepiso FS. Lobola: Tradition or business. Library Live: Libraries and Beyond…. 2019. Available from: https:// fsk82.wordpress.com/2019/01/14/ lobola-tradition-or-business/

[25] Bennett TW. A Sourcebook of African Customary Law for Southern Africa. Cape Town: Juta & Co.; 1991

[26] Bekker JC. Seymour's Customary Law in Southern Africa. 5th ed. Cape Town: Juta & Co.; 1989

[27] Sikhosana ELZ. A Critical Study of the Contemporary Practice of Ululation (ukukikiza) and Its Current Social

and Cultural Values among the Zulus. Richards Bay: University of Zululand; 2002

#### **Chapter 16**

## Inclusion of Indigenous Peoples in the Digital Economy through E-Commerce: A Case Study of Oaxaca

*Olivia Allende-Hernández, Evelia Acevedo Villegas, Norma Martínez and Flavio Juárez Martínez*

#### **Abstract**

This research aims to know the level of inclusion of indigenous peoples in the digital economy through the adoption of electronic commerce aimed at the sale of indigenous handicrafts present in the state of Oaxaca, as well as the level of technological skills on the part of Oaxacan artisans. The methodology applies a qualitative study through a descriptive exploratory process in order to carry out a theoretical and practical analysis in the context of the Internet. The results indicate that the electronic commerce of indigenous handicrafts of Oaxaca is incipient; however, social networks and specifically Facebook© and Instagram© have favored the artisan in the process of adoption of electronic commerce, which is reflected in the marketing of their products in these social networks. Likewise, it is evident that the indigenous artisan faces important challenges in having legal protection over the rights of their designs and handicraft works; in the same way, it requires technical assistance for the process of learning and building technological competence.

**Keywords:** cultural identity, e-commerce, digital divide, indigenous handicrafts, indigenous peoples

#### **1. Introduction**

The Mexican state recognizes indigenous peoples by defining themselves in Article 2 of the Political Constitution of the United Mexican States as a multicultural nation founded on their indigenous peoples [1]. The indigenous peoples of Mexico are those who assume an ethnic identity based on their culture, their institutions, and history that defines them as the autochthonous peoples of the country, descendants of the original societies of the Mexican territory. According to an estimate by the National Institute of Indigenous Peoples (INPI by its Spanish acronym), through the National Commission for the Development of Indigenous Peoples (CDI by its Spanish acronym), in 2015 the indigenous population was approximately 12 million people,

divided into 68 ethnic groups [2]. According to the National Institute of Statistics, Geography and Informatics (INEGI by its Spanish acronym), the 2020 census showed that at the national level there are 11.8 million indigenous people with 51% being women and 49% being men [3].

In the state of Oaxaca, there coexist 16 of the original peoples distributed in the eight regions that make up the state, which leads to a cultural wealth that has been transmitted from generation to generation through its rituals, symbols, uses, and customs among other factors. The original peoples (also called pre-Hispanic peoples) have traditionally had an important participation in the manufacture of handicrafts, embodying in each of them their ancestral culture. The main problems experienced by indigenous artisans are the abuse of the intermediation of their products, resellers, and the lack of fair remuneration for their creations. The COVID-19 pandemic came to exacerbate the situation of the artisan since it affected the influx of tourism and economic activities, as well as the sales of handicrafts that are traditionally made face to face, giving the artisan the opportunity to communicate to the final customer their emotions, the meaning of their symbols and colors embodied in their works. However, COVID-19 has also helped artisan to reinvent their marketing process by venturing into virtual spaces through the Internet.

Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) combined with the democratic access to the Internet that prevails in developed countries have impacted the global economy, giving direction to the concept of the digital economy. It is experiencing rapid growth that manifests itself in various sectors, such as e-government, e-commerce, e-learning, e-health e-entertainment, e-business, and others. Likewise, digital mobile devices and the growing connection to broadband and computer networks accelerate the adoption and development of new forms of social interaction, providing new opportunities for marketing products and/or services. The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) conceives the digital economy as "any economic activity enabled or significantly enhanced by the use of digital and information technologies" [4]. In general terms, the digital economy can be defined as those commercial activities that are carried out through the use of digital computing technologies where products and services are marketed in the virtual space, streamlining processes and mitigating marketing costs, giving rise to digital business. In accordance with the G20, the concept of digital economy comprises the following approaches: digital goods and services, economy with digital transactions, digitally enabled economy, digitally enhanced economy, and the digitalized society.

In the face of the pandemic caused by the infectious disease of the coronavirus (COVID-19), companies have been affected by their marketing processes that impact their economic income, especially micro and small companies, causing in many cases their closure. Faced with this contingency and the measures taken by the state, such as confinement at home and "healthy distance" in order to prevent the spread of the virus, the craft sector in the state of Oaxaca has also been affected, given that most of its sales were made face to face between the artisan and the client. As part of a marketing strategy, in recent years and especially in 2020 to date, Oaxacan artisans have seen the need to venture into e-commerce for the sale of their products. However, how prepared are artisans to make e-commerce a tool that favors their sales and their inclusion in the digital economy? Are there online stores or portals for the sale of Oaxacan handicraft products? Are the artisans the owners of the domains? What kind of handicrafts is produced in Oaxaca and which are sold online? The craft has its roots in the rural crafts of ancient civilizations (Mixtecos, Zapotecos, Triquis, among other indigenous peoples) and many specific crafts have been practiced for centuries, while others are modern inventions or popularizations of handicrafts that were originally

*Inclusion of Indigenous Peoples in the Digital Economy through E-Commerce: A Case Study… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106729*

practiced in a limited rural geographic area of the state of Oaxaca. This research aims to answer the questions raised, with the aim of knowing the level of inclusion in the digital economy of the artisans of indigenous peoples.

From the perspective of interpretive procedure [5], the methodology of the applied research is of qualitative type through an exploratory process descriptive of the virtual scenarios of the Internet where the e-commerce practices of indigenous crafts are presumed to be developed, that are the subject of analysis and from this obtain conclusions on the essential of the subject of study (an indistinct reference will be made to the feminine or masculine gender to the indigenous artisan).

#### **2. Handicrafts in Mexico**

Finding a concept of craftsmanship is not something simple, that is, there is no standardized concept. The art produced by indigenous groups is generally not referred to as folk art but as primitive art or indigenous art. However, there is no consensus that the concepts of folk art, primitive art, crafts, and folklore refer to the same type of creation [6]. The word craftsmanship comes from the Italian voice *artigianato*, this term is used to explain the activities of the artisan worker [7].

Handicrafts can be understood as a language by which artisans communicate with each other, with nature, and with those around them. Handicrafts express not only their identity but also the creative skill of artisans, customs, or geographical location [6]. Martínez-Peñalosa (1982) cited in Del Carpio [8] considers that handicrafts are the ways in which communities preserve and transmit their physical and spiritual peculiarity. Also, it is considered that they are the way in which artisans seek to preserve their customs, identity, and originality. The craft trade is one of the oldest in humanity, and it stands out for the elaboration of products with cultural elements and materials typical of the region where it is lived, which leads to create the identity of the community. The production of handicrafts is done manually and with the intervention of various pre-Hispanic tools [7].

Artisanal production in Mexico is carried out in a context of inequality and difference, since its ethnic origin, manufacture, materials, design, marketing, distribution channels, consumption, and valuation are diverse. On the other hand, the population has multiple differences in access to resources, goods, and services. Many of the differences in handicrafts are related to the cultural diversity of Mexico, which is a multicultural country. The Mexican cultural reality can be described as plural, multifaceted, classist, stratified, complex, contradictory, and rich, but it can only be understood by considering the social reality [8].

The diversity of pre-Hispanic cultures in Mexico favored the production of handicrafts in different regions. The Spanish conquest and the subsequent miscegenation led to the introduction of new techniques that diversified artisanal production [7]. That is why, today we do not find only a single type of craft in Mexico, but vary according to the state, even according to each locality. Crafts production is a ritual where the tradition, color, aesthetics, geometric configuration, and art persist [9], regardless of the type of crafts (textile fibers, black clay, and alebrijes, among others). On the other hand, the National Institute of Statistics, Geography and Informatics for the quantification of activities related to handicrafts, that is, the Satellite Account of Culture of Mexico (CSCM its acronym in Spanish) uses as a reference the System of National Accounts 2008 of the United Nations, where the production of handicrafts is classified into eight large areas: pottery and ceramics; vegetable and textile fibers; wood, maque

and lacquer, musical instruments, and toys; Cardboard and paper, popular plastic, waxwork, and pyrotechnics; metalwork, jewelry and goldsmithing; lapidary, stonework, and glass; saddlery and leather goods; and typical foods and sweets. According to the CSCM, the culture sector generated 724,453 million current Mexican pesos in 2019, of which, handicrafts contributed 138,291 million pesos representing 19.1% of the cultural sector. In the same year, handicrafts employed 489,890 paid jobs; this represented 35.1% of the positions employed by the culture sector as a whole [10].

#### **3. Handicrafts from the state of Oaxaca**

The situation of artisanal activity both at the national level and for the Oaxacan entity is varied. INEGI provides certain data on handicrafts as an economic activity (**Figure 1**). For the state of Oaxaca, in 2018, the economic activities associated with the production of handicrafts with a certain number of Economic Units (EU) were the following [11]:


3. Manufacture of carpets, white and similar (1 376 EU)


As can be seen in **Figure 1**, in the state of Oaxaca, the manufacture of textile products is relevant as the main economic activity within the artisanal branch.

According to the Ministry of Tourism (SECTUR for its acronym in Spanish), the "Magic Route of Handicrafts" of the state of Oaxaca (**Figure 2**) includes the towns of: Santa María Atzompa, San Bartolo Coyotepec, San Martín Tilcajete, Santo Tomás Jalieza, San Antonio Castillo Velasco, Ocotlán de Morelos, San Antonio Arrazola, Cuilápam de Guerrero, and Zaachila [12]. In each of these localities, the handicrafts are exhibited in the central square, in the markets, in museums, or in small-scale workshops that have been

*Inclusion of Indigenous Peoples in the Digital Economy through E-Commerce: A Case Study… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106729*

**Figure 1.** *Economic activity. Source: Elaboration with data from INEGI [11].*

**Figure 2.** *Handicrafts route. Recovered from the Ministry of Tourism [12].*

installed in the houses of the artisans. When craftsmen sell their products through a collective sales stand, the artisans have a system of labels, where the name of the artisan and the price are indicated, which allows other people to make the sale and the owner artisan to recover her investment for the sale of the product without having to stop producing.

In **Table 1**. The types of handicrafts produced in the localities that are considered in the "Magic Craft Route" are described.


as dogs, cats, iguanas, jaguars, and dragons, among others.

**Tufts with bird feathers.** Tufts with bird feathers. Plaza or artisan market,

**Alebrijes** Alebrijes

where other handicrafts from surrounding communities are also sold.

Cuilápan de Guerrero

*Inclusion of Indigenous Peoples in the Digital Economy through E-Commerce: A Case Study… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106729*


#### **Table 1.**

*Types of handicrafts on the "Magic Craft Route" Data from the Ministry of Tourism [12].*

Other municipalities that are not within the handicrafts route, but also have a significant artisan production, are Magdalena Ocotlán, San Martín Tilcajete, and Santa Ana del Valle. These localities are located in the central valley region of the state of Oaxaca. In Magdalena Ocotlán, stone objects used in culinary art are made from metates and molcajetes, to mention a few [13]. In San Martín Tilcajete, wooden figures are made, better known as "Alebrijes" [14]. Finally, in Santa Ana del Valle, the textile activity is 100% handmade, made with wool thread on the loom and dyed with natural dyes. Rugs, jorongos, backpacks, blankets, and shawls are made, and all these elements are designed with landscapes, flora and fauna, or pre-Hispanic motifs of the region [15].

#### **4. Perspective of e-commerce in Mexico**

Electronic commerce (e-commerce) can be defined as a commercial form that, using the services and links provided in electronic documents on the Internet, allows people to consult, select, and purchase the offer from a distributor through a computer or a system with an Internet connection in real-time, and at any time and place [16]. The OECD [17] has regarded it as the purchase or sale of goods or services, whether between enterprises, households, individuals, governments, and other public or private organizations, carried out on computer-mediated networks. It can also be noted that e-commerce mainly uses the Internet to offer and sell online the products or services of a company. So, if executed correctly, it can provide a number of financial advantages to companies, as well as being faster to get products and services to market or increase the customer base. In addition, it eliminates time and space barriers [18].

In Mexico, as in the world, the years 2020 and 2021 were important for the digital evolution in all sectors (e-education, e-government, e-health, and e-economy, among others.) e-commerce was one of the most benefited since important advances were presented in its adoption. The Government of Mexico has implemented strategies that have favored change and contributed to the reduction of the digital divide, such as the conversion of analog to digital signals, and it has freed the 700-megahertz band, helping to improve broadband services, as well as the amendments to the Federal Telecommunications and Broadcasting Act, which is aimed at regulating the use and exploitation of radio spectrum, telecommunications networks, and satellite communication. A significant advance for the population and marginalized communities in telecommunications was established in Section V of Article 118 of this Law, which states that as of January 1st, 2015, operators that provide telephony service, whether mobile, fixed, or both, cannot make national long-distance charges to their users for calls they make to any destination in the country [19].

After the constitutional reforms on telecommunications, the Mexican government became the majority shareholder of "Altán Redes," [20] the company responsible for bringing Internet and mobile telephony to all the country's towns, especially to the most isolated communities through the project known as "Red Compartida," which will offer services at more accessible prices, as well as free Internet in public squares, schools, hospitals, and places of collective interest. These actions have led to the growth of the Internet, telephony, and specifically the mobile network, creating high expectations in its development due to increased connectivity and the promise of greater banking penetration to the population through traditional banking and the new banks, 100% digital (called Neobanks), that have bet on reaching remote areas and populations excluded by traditional systems.

In 2021, according to information collected by BlackSip [21], the world population was 7.8 billion people of which 60.9% are connected to the Internet. In Latin America, four countries exceed the world average for connection: Argentina (83%), Brazil (74%), Mexico (74%), and Colombia (69%). And according to the BlackSip report, on average people spend nearly 7 hours online and 92.1% access Internet services from their cell phones, so approximate global sales of \$4.189 billion are expected. Pierre Cuevas, regional director of sales north Latam for BlackSip, says: "The projections for the coming years are positive. It is expected that by 2025, e-commerce users will reach 77.9 million globally. This is thanks to the increase in connectivity and the spending capacity of generations that grew up in the digital context and therefore fear fraud less and rely on this type of services" [21].

According to the Mexican Association of Online Sales (AMVO) 2021, it stands out as preferred categories for purchase through digital channels in Mexico: food delivery in 66%, fashion items, such as clothing and footwear in 57%, beauty and personal care in 52%, electronics with 46%, appliances 43%, consoles and video games 41%, pharmacy 41%, supermarket 40%, office supplies 37%, and tools 35%. Among the trends for the acquisition of services are subscriptions to television, movies and music 83%, mobile telephony 78%, mobile banking 78%, utilities (water, electricity, and telephone) 75%, cultural content 72%, urban transport 70%, travel 67%, shows and events 57%, education 52%, courier service 52%. Also, according to the analysis of Americas Market Intelligence (AMI) the forms of payment for purchases in e-commerce in 2020 were credit cards 43%, debit cards 26%, some method based on cash payment 16%, digital wallets 10%, other forms of payment 3%, and bank transfers 2%. The main devices used to make online purchases were mobile with 57%, while 43% were made from a desktop computer. The main shopping applications (Apps) that were used on mobile phones and digital platforms were "Mercado Libre," "Amazon," "Shein," "Liverpool," "Aliexpress," and "Segunda mano."

Digital platforms have participation in a wide range of industries, so they can be defined as digital infrastructures that enable the interaction of two or more groups. That is, they serve as intermediaries that bring together different users, such as customers, service providers, advertisers, and suppliers, among others. Within these digital platforms enter e-commerce websites [22]. E-commerce platforms typically present information to shoppers, such as what they can buy, what they have purchased, and their status as customers. It is important to mention that the ease of payment, the benefits of online shopping, the quality of the information provided, and mainly trust are elements that significantly affect the purchase decision of consumers [18]. However, it does not mean that design does not matter, since, if the site has a quality interface, this will contribute to generate a positive impact on consumer attitudes and behaviors.

*Inclusion of Indigenous Peoples in the Digital Economy through E-Commerce: A Case Study… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106729*

#### **5. Status of e-commerce of indigenous handicrafts**

Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) allowed new tools for the commercialization of products and services [23]. It is worth mentioning that e-commerce represents advantages, but also disadvantages, especially for small businesses, or small businesses. In the state of Oaxaca, the production and sale of handicrafts are considered a family business, since, in most communities, complete families are dedicated to this activity. It is important to mention that in the information society and in the context of the digital economy, electronic commerce can change the way businesses are conducted [24], and of course, in the field of handicrafts, this can also have an effect. Although due to the sector, at present, it is still considered that they have not been reinvented, and artisans have not entered this new sphere, which is the electronic commerce of crafts. However, despite the advantages offered by electronic commerce and its inclusion in different sectors, currently, in the state of Oaxaca, this option of electronic business is still far from artisans, because while some do not yet have the knowledge of the concept itself, others do not have the technology. The vast majority of native craftsmen are not digitally literate and are unaware of its advantages, such as sales at all times, cross-border sales, and larger market, among other services. In addition, they do not have enough technological and economic resources to reinvent their current business as a digital business, in which the base would be an e-commerce platform.

It is therefore important and necessary for craftsmen to have digital skills and knowledge about the advantages that electronic commerce would offer them since today we live in a highly technical society, which allows having a market with the ability to offer a wide variety of products and services to the consumer at low cost and in a short time, so in this society, technology becomes a means to adequately respond to market demands [24]. Having a new sales channel, such as e-commerce, will contribute to improving their income and possibly their economic life, as well as having a greater presence in both domestic and international markets.

According to the study and analysis that was carried out in the search for e-commerce platforms for handicrafts, the sites shown in **Table 2** were obtained. Where the main handicraft products that are marketed are utilitarian and ornamental ceramics, pieces of goldsmithing, and alebrijes, as well as various textile articles, such as dresses, huipiles, blouses, curtains, bedspreads, and rugs, among other pieces. The main technology-based social networks were identified as the platforms of Facebook© and Instagram© that act as mediators in the exhibition of handicrafts. However, their owners are not the original artisans, so it follows that the intermediation and resale of artisanal products prevails. In other cases, it was found that nonartisan people take advantage of this technology to sell the products of artisans. This happens for the same reason because these people who do have the technological skills take advantage of technology to sell this type of product, when artisans would be expected to do so to increase their profits.

It was also found that the government of the state of Oaxaca collaborated with Amazon to offer Oaxacan handicrafts for sale and support the state's producers during the pandemic. Textiles, alebrijes, clay figures, and various ingredients of Oaxacan gastronomy are available through the "Amazon" handmade platform [25]. However, with this initiative, artisans remain in the same situation of exploitation of their handmade work since part of their profits is destined for "Amazon." Another important fact to consider is the lack of legal protection of the rights over


#### **Table 2.**

*Types of platforms used for e-commerce of indigenous handicrafts.*

their handicrafts since in none of the sites investigated is their legal protection of the design and art embodied in each of the handicrafts in a globalized market where piracy coexists.

As can be seen, in the incipient incursion of the sale of indigenous handicrafts of the state of Oaxaca in the digital modality, social networks have been mainly used through the Facebook© and Instagram© platforms, but no e-commerce stores of official handicrafts of each locality mentioned in this study were found. However, reference was obtained from three sites that allude to the sale of handicrafts. The first, belonging to the H. Ayuntamiento de San Pablo Villa de Mitla [26], is a traditional Web site that mainly shows the textile crafts of the artisans of Mitla. The site's interface reflects the ethnic culture of the locality and maintains an approach between the client and the artisan where brief stories of their artisans are written, such is the case of María del Rosario Hernández Monterrubio:

*"I am originally from San Pablo Villa de Mitla, since I was a child, I was very close to our culture because my grandfather was custodian of the Archaeological Zone and I enjoyed accompanying him. I grew up and learned about trade when my parents opened a "Mezcalería" that I took care of and since then I have really liked being a merchant. In my free time I embroidered garments to help with the economy of my family. As a craftswoman, I started 11 years ago with my husband, once we got* 

*Inclusion of Indigenous Peoples in the Digital Economy through E-Commerce: A Case Study… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106729*

*married, and since then craftsmanship has been our source of income. For me being a craftswoman is the best of the trades because besides enjoying it, it allows me to be close to my three children and see closely their growth." [26]*

Since different artisans converge in the "Artesanías de Mitla Oaxaca" portal, the buying and selling process is carried out as follows: each artisan has a bank account number, which is associated with each of their handicraft products. The quantity of garments to be purchased is from 1 to 5 per artisan. It is also necessary to fill out a form with the following information: name of the garment, number of garments, and define sizes and colors. The customer must deposit the payment equivalent to the number of garments he/she wishes to purchase. As a way to verify the payment of the garments, the customer must provide his/her address and a photo of the receipt. Finally, the purchase process is completed after a maximum period of seven working days, the estimated time for the delivery of the product to the customer's home via courier. Therefore, if the client wishes to purchase more products from different artisans, he/she will have to go through the buying and selling process with each of the artisans involved.

The second case is "ARIPO" [27] is an online platform of the Oaxacan Institute of Handicrafts (IOA) created for the online sale of handicraft products from the eight regions of the state. Its purpose is to promote artisan families and preserve the cultural legacy of the state. Also, another essential part is that it seeks artisan development in the digital era. The platform offers for sale various handicraft products: huipiles, blouses, wool rugs, alebrijes, shawls, clay pieces, glasses holders, pencil cases, cosmetic cases, baskets, and tinplate pieces, among others, where the production of various artisans from different communities converge. Therefore, it has a variety of products in its handicraft offer. The added value in each product is given from the moment in which each piece is conceived, for being unique and incomparable. Likewise, the product has a description so that the consumer has the opportunity to get to know the artisan, as well as the process of creation of the work, and not just make a purchase. This site has features, such as product control, order management, payment control, and delivery control; all these systems contribute to the commercialization of the products of Oaxacan artisans [27].

The third case is the platform of the "Casa de las Artesanías de Oaxaca" which is an organization composed of 54 families of artisans, the online platform has for sale crafts, such as rugs, t-shirts, mezcal, handbags, and kitchen utensils, to name a few. Also included is a menu that shows the buyer the ordered and classified crafts. Through this menu you can navigate between the different options of handmade products. In this e-commerce portal has applied the metaphor of "supermarket trolley", so that intuitively the customer add the product you want to buy. The payment system has also been implemented through Paypal and/or by credit card. In the design of the interface of this e-commerce site, a variety of handicraft product lines are presented, such as pottery, tinsmithing, goldsmithing, palm, embossing, clothing and footwear, saddlery, wood carving, wool rugs, and includes food and beverages. There is a lack of balance between the quality of their images to highlight the qualities of the product, as well as products that are advertised without images, a situation that weakens the buying process. The products are presented through images that lack visual quality, which is a factor that discourages the purchase of the product.

#### **5.1 Challenges of e-commerce of indigenous handicrafts**

The development of a business model for ethnic handicrafts through the use of Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) requires full knowledge of the

**Figure 3.** *The core of the ethnic handicraft product.*

tangible (shape, size, and color, among others) and intangible attributes (image, service, identity, etc.) that are present in an ethnic handicraft and that are appreciated by the consumer. Some of the factors that must be considered to make the decision to venture into digital e-commerce platforms are shown in **Figure 3**. Undoubtedly, the core of the handicraft product is composed of the physical, chemical, and technical properties, however, the functional characteristics, use, and customs inherent to the product and granted by the set of people or target audience (also known as Target) who will be the future consumer of the handicraft product, have relevance.

Oaxacan handicrafts are made up of elements that mix mysticism with functionality, that is, the artisans of an ethnic community (**Figure 4**) in each of their handicrafts capture elements that reveal the art of the rituals of their pre-Hispanic ancestors with the functional factors of the product. Today, the new generations make

#### *Inclusion of Indigenous Peoples in the Digital Economy through E-Commerce: A Case Study… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106729*

a symbiosis between creativity, innovation, and mysticism where their culture is not lost with the new image of handcrafted products. Knowing who the target audience is, what type of product or service is offered or how you want to compete in the market are key issues when defining a business model in e-commerce. As it is an e-commerce business, the opportunities grow for the supply and demand of handicraft products, so the strategy to identify the characteristics, preferences, and needs of the consumer also requires accessible technological tools to obtain the most relevant information for the design of the graphic interface and the architecture in the content management of the e-commerce portal.

Defining the demographic profile of the target audience facilitates the task of the portal designer, within this framework, elements, such as age, gender, and location are relevant. In the case of this last element, it is a key element to focus on the design of the interface in a local, regional, or worldwide context. Once the consumer profile and the socio-cultural attributes of the product are known (**Figure 4**), it is necessary to differentiate between B2B (Business to Business), B2C (Business to Customers), and C2C (Consumer to Consumer) business models. The first refers to the B2B model where a company sells products to another company; in the case of the ethnic community of artisans, the company is made up of a social group generally composed of women who develop handicraft activities originating in an ethnolinguistic community and who find it difficult to position their product at a business Target. One of the main limitations is the productive capacity of the social group to supply the demand of a company that buys wholesale.

The B2C model refers to electronic commerce carried out by a company directly with the end consumer. For this model to be applicable, the social group of artisans would first have to be constituted as a micro-industry, that is, become an economic unit (EU) that through artisanal activity and work organization is dedicated to the transformation of its raw material into artisanal products. This provision is made in accordance with the Federal Law for the Promotion of Microindustry and Artisanal Activity (LFFMAA), which would imply administrative and accounting management. In most cases, the lack of accessibility to ICTs, the low level of education of the craftswomen, and their lack of knowledge about the LFFMAA are causes that prevent the incorporation of microindustrial entities of the handicraft activity into the state's economy, in addition to the fact that the craftswomen do not receive technical assistance to facilitate the constitution and operation of the economic units. This represents a great disadvantage for artisans because due to all the processes that must be carried out to set up a company and the economic investment it represents, they decide to continue selling in the traditional way and not to venture into e-commerce.

In C2C (Consumer to Consumer) e-commerce, which stands for consumer to consumer, it is a modality where sellers are closer to the end customer. This modality favors the artisan since it is not necessary to have a physical store beforehand. The client is the one who takes control of the commercial transaction, that is, the commercial operation is carried out directly between the artisan and the client, they agree on the transfer of the handicraft product, in exchange for a previously agreed price, without the intermediation and resale of the handicraft products. However, in this study, customer complaints were detected due to the lack of security and follow-up in the delivery of the products, once the corresponding payment has been made.

In order to provide reliability and security to the buyer during commercial transactions, sometimes third parties intervene, as in the case of the "Amazon" portal previously mentioned; another example is the "Mercado Libre," which is a portal where people can promote their own products (first or second hand) and coordinate themselves with their customers the form, time, and place of the transaction. In return, these types of web portals are entitled to receive a certain commission for each sale that takes place on their platform as payment for their services. Also, with the intention of not making major investments in economic resources, artisans and nonartisans decide to opt for social networks as a sales channel. Although it represents disadvantages in terms of payment and delivery logistics, it is clear that its purpose is not that of an e-commerce platform. However, using these channels also has advantages, such as greater trust between the artisans and the consumer, and greater visibility on social networks, either of the artisan or of the products he or she sells.

#### **6. Concluding remarks**

The Mexican state presents relative advances in the context of the digital economy; however, the net balance in socioeconomic terms is dissimilar for indigenous artisans, given that the strategies of growth and development in the technological structure of the country have not been sufficient to provide democratic access to the internet to the entire population, with isolated and marginalized communities being the most affected. However, given the contingency caused by the COVID-19 pandemic without a formally established online store, Oaxacan artisans have begun to offer their products on social networks, mainly Facebook© and Instagram©. To a large extent, the action is due to the development of mobile technology that is increasingly within people's reach. Indigenous artisans make use of cell phones to venture into e-commerce, giving rise to mobile commerce (m-commerce). This study highlights the presence of the indigenous artisan in electronic commerce in an incipient way, mainly due to digital illiteracy that is largely caused by the vertiginous technological advance and the precarious economic situation that the artisan lives in. Lacking technological competencies and skills, artisans are dependent on third parties to exhibit and market their products, which causes the prevalence of intermediation for the sale of their handicrafts. At the same time, there are few platforms dedicated to the e-commerce of indigenous handicrafts that comply with the entire process of buying and selling that gives value to a digital economy; for example, the payment of commercial transactions with credit or debit cards are almost nonexistent. For this reason, the customer has to pay for the product or service by electronic transfer or in cash at the time of delivery. It should be clarified that in this research it was found that most of the time the delivery of the product is made after the corresponding payment has been made.

On the other hand, taking into account the figures of the growth and adoption of e-commerce in Mexico, it is possible to infer that the electronic commerce of indigenous handicrafts has a virgin and promising market. However, just as new opportunities are created, new challenges also appear for the craftsman. It is not enough to exhibit handicraft products in a wider market, such as digital commerce, where barriers of borders and time are eliminated, it is also necessary to carry out actions to give legal protection to the designs of handicrafts and respect for the copyright of ethnic artisans, given that in none of the websites of this research there are property rights that protect the design and embodied art in each of the handicrafts against piracy. It is also important to combat digital illiteracy in most ethnic artisans, so technical assistance is required for the process of learning and building technological capacities. Finally, this research has given direction to carry out other studies that allow the researcher to venture more deeply into the rights of the indigenous artisan

*Inclusion of Indigenous Peoples in the Digital Economy through E-Commerce: A Case Study… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106729*

in the face of the growing digital economy that brings with it new methods, forms, and challenges in the use of digital technologies and information.

#### **Acknowledgements**

This work was carried out with partial support by the National Council for Science and Technology of Mexico (CONACyT), through the "Postdoctoral Stay in Mexico" at the Communication Sciences Research Institute of the Universidad del Mar, which is part of the project "Empowerment and Innovation in the entrepreneurship of indigenous peoples through HCI (Human Computer Interface) with a focus on craftsmanship and emotional design," in connection with the research groups: UTMIX-CA-31 "Modeling and analysis of social, urban and cultural systems," UMAR-CA-37 "Communication studies. History and image" and UMAR-CA-33 "New trends in tourism: ICTs, base of the pyramid, entrepreneurship, and environmental management."

#### **Author details**

Olivia Allende-Hernández1 \*, Evelia Acevedo Villegas2 , Norma Martínez<sup>3</sup> and Flavio Juárez Martínez<sup>2</sup>

1 University of the Sea, Oaxaca, Mexico

2 Technological University of the Mixteca, Oaxaca, Mexico

3 Nova Universitas University, Oaxaca, Mexico

\*Address all correspondence to: oallende.mx@gmail.com

© 2022 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

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#### **Chapter 17**

## Indigenous Knowledge and Food Preservation: A Case of 'Collective Responsibility' for the Murambwi Locality in Chivi, Zimbabwe

*Dominic Mashoko*

#### **Abstract**

Research in Southern Africa, Zimbabwe included, focusing on indigenous knowledge (IK) and food preservation practices have increased markedly over the past two decades. Some research focus on IK and the role of gender. It does not, however, consider specifically the role played by traditional values in indigenous food storage and preservation techniques. This paper explores a rural community's IK and how this contributes to their post-harvest strategies used in Murambwi locality in Chivi, Zimbabwe. This locality has a dry ecology and indigenous people in the area have for centuries managed to preserve their food using indigenous knowledge. Sixteen community elders were interviewed through open discussions. The elders stressed the importance of collective responsibility in their IK of food preservation in communities, with reference to large and small grains and seasonal and perishable foods. Also, the elders displayed a collective sense of belonging, as manifested in their use of collective pronouns when referring to their homes and the land, ownership of resources, working together, close family relationships, and respect for sacred places. Relationships were at the center of the community, and they manifested through the emphasis on sharing, caring, respect, and common good.

**Keywords:** indigenous knowledge, collective responsibility, values, food preservation, respect, common good

#### **1. Introduction**

This paper was framed within the context of social values and their potential for contributing to the community's IK of food preservation. The article draws on practical experience of the indigenous methods of food preservation from Murambwi locality in Chivi, Zimbabwe. The main purpose of this paper was to examine community elders' social values related to post-harvest indigenous food preservation strategies for their seasonal and perishable foods. Science education literature is replete with studies focusing on IK for food security, for example, [1, 2]; a few, however, have looked specifically at the role of collective responsibility in the community members' IK of

food preservation. The capacity of IK values to sustain indigenous peoples' livelihoods has been undervalued as a result of globalization and modernization in rural communities in Southern Africa [3]. In spite of this low regard due to colonization of African societies, indigenous people resisted individualism in favor of "*kubatana"/* "*ukubambana*" (togetherness). As a result, many of these peoples' values have remained intact and are applicable to modern-day indigenous peoples' lives. These lives are driven by a sense of belonging to a community. While retaining a keen sense of place and rootedness in the land they occupy, they have changed lifestyles within their own framework of values, priorities, and worldview. In most rural indigenous communities, "traditional societies tend toward collective decision-making, extended kinship structures, the ascribed authority vested in elders, and traditions of informality in everyday affairs" ([4], p. 5). It is worth noting that IK, as reflected in the community members' collective decisions in life, might play an important role in the indigenous peoples' methods of food preservation. This collective responsibility of the community with regards to cultural values was examined by first clarifying our understanding of the concept IK as was used in this paper.

#### **2. Indigenous knowledge**

First, the paper provides a view of what indigeneity means in the context of this study. The concept of indigeneity or indigenousness carries with it a sense of belonging to a place [5]. This view concurs with the contention that indigeneity is a process that asserts that land and place-based knowledge are key to understanding oneself [6]. This indigenousness as originating from the local consciousness and long-term occupancy of a place and develops skills that are embedded in the culture of a given location or society [7]. In agreement, the idea of indigeneity is about indigenous knowing; it is the knowing of bodies in relation to the spaces and places in which people are inseparably interconnected. In these interconnections, indigeneity emphasizes context [6]. In this paper, indigeneity refers to the collective engagement of indigenous communities as active knowers. But the question still remains, what is IK?

It is important to provide a conception of what IK entails for the study. Various debates have been forwarded by different authors with regard to the definition of IK in science education. More importantly, IK is not a monolithic epistemological concept, with no unitary experience providing a useful starting point for our argument [5]. The author further argues that this form of knowledge is drawn from diverse sites and collectives; that knowledge is a connecting feature in indigenous communities. Literature shows that authors slightly differ with regards to their distinction between IK and indigenous knowledge systems (IKS), but on the whole, they are in agreement. For example, IKS is a systematic reference to the knowledge and practices of indigenous communities constitutive of their meaning and belief systems, as well as the substantive dimension of their practices and customs [8]. On the other hand, in the process of generating IKS, indigenous people take into account their cosmos, spirituality, ontological realities, land, socio-cultural environment, and historical contexts [3]. This belief casts IKS as a holistic form of knowledge that is context-based. In concurrence, the idea that IKS is: "community knowledge rather than individual knowledge, unique to every culture or society and providing problem-solving strategies for that society ([9], p. 39). This knowledge used by the community is IK [9]. With this view, IK is a place-based knowledge, rooted in local cultures, and mostly associated with long-settled communities, which have strong ties to their natural environments [10].

By implication, IK is part of the IKS. For this study, IK is the product of the knowledge, skills, and practices of the people within a community based on their historical ties to their land. These ties may manifest themselves as values that play an important role in the indigenous peoples' community practices with regard to food preservation.

#### **3. Communities' food practices**

This communal life rests on the collective responsibility members of a cultural group undertake in African societies [11]. This way of life is a true reflection of the peoples' lives in Murambwi locality, in Chivi community, Zimbabwe. The concept "community" refers to the living, the departed, and the unborn [12]. It is through this community that the individual gains an understanding of his/her identity, his/ her kinship, duties, and obligations to other persons. This communal life is guided by the philosophy of *Ubuntu/Hunhu*. In the Ubuntu philosophy, an African individual is a member of the community with one's existence defined with reference to others and one's relationship with them [13]. This communitarian way of life can be succinctly expressed in the words including "tirivamwe/simunye (we are one or unity is strength)" ([14], p. 3), "I am, because we are; and since we are, therefore I am" ([15], p. 106), 'one lives for the other' ([14], p. 313). Ubuntu is an ontological perspective; an interconnectedness of all beings in the community [16]. This community life is based mostly on "mushandirapamwe" (working as a community, or working with others) as a collective responsibility.

Collective responsibility with regards to cultural values occurs when a group of people engages in collective decision-making and all take responsibility for something that has happened in everyday affairs [4]. Such collective decisions come with the moral responsibility to be taken by people in a society based on common interests. This community's collective responsibility is aptly summarized by an African proverb: "*Mwana ndewe munhu wese*" translated to ("It takes a whole village to raise a child") ([4], p. 15). In an African society, every adult member of the community is a teacher and parent of any child even to those without any biological links. In this regard, this common Africaness is about harmony in the culture and religious beliefs and practices [17]. For example, the time-honored values of respect, reciprocity, and cooperation are conducive to adaptation, survival, and harmony; especially when dealing with issues of food security in societies at the household level.

Food security is a situation where all people at all times have access to nutritionally adequate food and safe water [1]; which can be expressed as access, entitlement, and security issues [18]. To ensure food security, indigenous societies had inherent values [2], some of which have remained intact and are applicable today. The following discussion section describes traditional values and IK among the Shona people in Zimbabwe.

#### **4. Traditional values and IK**

In the indigenous Shona society value system, knowledge is passed down from the elders to the youth through storytelling or oral culture [2]. Besides oral tradition, knowledge was passed on to children by working with, observing, and mimicking their parents, grandparents, and older siblings, or the sage practice [11]. In a sage practice, indigenous people regard very old persons to be wise and knowledgeable, with a lot of experience. The young ones were educated at the "*dare"* (homestead

meeting place for males) and the young women were given an education that was called "*yemapfiwa"* (education from the hearthstone). For girls, this was meant to impart knowledge about the duties of motherhood including cooking and raising the family. In addition, communal learning in the Shona and other traditional societies was provided through teachings using proverbs, riddles, folktales, songs, legends, dance, taboos, and myths among others [19]. Furthermore, among the Shona, these teachings are usually preceded by the words: *"Vakuru vedu vanoti…" or "Vakuru vedu vaiti*…" (Our elders used to say…" or "Our elders say…" [19]. He concludes by asserting that this appeal to the Vakuru, who may belong to the dead or are much advanced in age, also comes from the Shona proverb that states: *"Nzira inobvunza vari mberi"* (You should ask the experienced for assistance). This concurs with the view that indigenous peoples' knowledge is determined by age with the older members teaching the young ones [11]. This type of education produces an individual who conforms to societal values facilitated largely through cultural safety nets in communities.

Cultural safety nets at the level of the family, other small groups, or community may play an important role in how people collectively act to survive [2]. In the Shona society, these safety nets are manifested, for example, in the form of "*zunde ramambo"* concept (the chief's granary). In this concept, apart from individual fields, the chief has also a separate communal field where people would work communally and the chief is the overall manager. Every household would contribute to the production of crops from the sourcing of seeds to harvesting and storage in the chief's granary. The main concern for the *zunde ramambo* concept is its nature as collective well-being of humanity. Apart from this concept, the Shona families also have their own "*matura"/ "tsapi"* (granaries). At this family level, the knowledge for food preservation in these granaries is derived from community knowledge systems that are collectively held by the elders. After constructing a granary, it is cleaned and smeared with cow dung, before being filled with grain to exclude air. This sealing of the granary kills organisms responsible for decaying food [2].

In the traditional person's life, people's practices are grounded in collective practices. In these practices, communal good takes priority, and the individual is a contributor to communal goals [11]. For example, in the Murambwi locality, ownership of land is communal, vested in all the members of a particular group, or perhaps of a clan or subgroup. In this ownership, a resource-holding group may own territory, or a group of religious sites, or a water hole. The relationship of people to their territories is closely identified with their close family relationships or "*ukama."*

In the indigenous societies, communities are built around their patterns of kinship which extend beyond the elementary family. For example, in most rural communities including the Shona localities, this kinship system is patrilineal since male systems are stressed over women [20, 21]. Like any other cultural group, the Shona people have a distinct way of organizing their own society and they are always collective structures governing the behavior of individuals in every aspect of life. Their kinship ties that spread from, say, a nuclear family to include all members of the group are meant to provide social cohesion to the people.

The study was interested in exploring the community members' practices with regard to their IK of food preservation. Specifically, the study was guided by the following three research questions: i. How do indigenous community members in the Murambwi locality preserve their food; ii. What are the indigenous community members' practices informing IK of food preservation in Murambwi locality in Chivi, Zimbabwe; iii. How do such values influence the community members' IK of food preservation.

To answer these research questions, the research now turns to the description of the methodology of the study.

*Indigenous Knowledge and Food Preservation: A Case of 'Collective Responsibility'… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106426*

#### **5. Methodology**

The research took an interpretive approach to data collection. Overall, an interpretive philosophy was required for our purpose, that is, a research paradigm intended to make sense or interpret the meaning others have about the world [22]. In keeping with the interpretivist research, the study focused on the way people construct their understanding of the phenomenon based on their experiences, culture, and contexts. The study did not focus on empowering human beings to transcend the constraints placed on them by other knowledge systems (critical theory) [22]. Rather, the thrust was at an in-depth understanding of the people's lived experiences on traditional methods of food preservation within a particular community.

This research was carried out in two villages in the Murambwi locality in Chivi, Zimbabwe, one of which the author belongs. So, access was not so much of a challenge to the researcher. Although the author knew where to go, whom to speak to, what language to use, for what, and how; it was later realized that some of the issues turned out to be more complex than the study originally assumed. The issues the study took for granted, did not present themselves easily as anticipated during data gathering and interpretation in the villages under study.

The two villages, *Gomoguru* (big mountain) and *Dzivaguru* (large pool of water), were selected based on their distinctiveness in terms of geographical location for the site. A total of 16 community elders comprising 4 males and 12 women participated in the study. All participants were of the Karanga dialect of the Shona ethnic group and had a long history as inhabitants of the area. For this reason, most participants possessed IK they depended on for survival in the area since time immemorial. In this area, indigenous people eke out a living mostly through subsistence farming. The study focused on how these farmers keep their food safe for consumption in relation to crops grown, animals reared; and hunting and gathering.

This qualitative research study collected data using semi-structured interviews and site visits. In our semi-structured interview, a tentative set of questions was formulated for individuals and groups. Participants were purposely selected [23], by identifying the most likely participant from which insights into the phenomenon could be learned. The key selection criterion was to identify through the "*Vana Sabhuku"* village heads (as gatekeepers) [23]; those participants with an interest in IK as a method for sustaining their lives with regards to food preservation. Initially, individual interviews were held with four participants from each village. After realizing that there was a need for additional information, more participants were sought in the study. As more participants were sourced, the study shifted the format of discussions to group interviews. In these group interviews, *Gomoguru* had seven elders; and *Dzivaguru* had nine who were involved in focus group discussions (FGDs). In doing this, a total of 4 FGDs were held at the participants' choice of place. Each session lasted between 30–60 minutes.

#### **6. Language**

All interviews were conducted in Chishona, and recorded after acquiring both signed and verbal consent from the interviewees. These interviews were either videotaped or recorded with handwritten notes. Holding interviews in their local language allowed clear communication and maximum participation [24]; respondents felt comfortable sharing their stories and experiences in a language they preferred. The assertion that language is a vehicle of knowing [25], resonates with the view that language acts as the mediator and

supporter in the continuous matching and fitting that takes place between "things as they are" and "things as we know them" ([26], p. 21). The study took note of details in terms of participants' pronunciations, greetings, gestures, and comments during the study.

After realizing that interviews were not adequate to capture participants' knowledge of food preservation, interviews were supplemented with site visits. Participants' residences were visited and observed their food preservation artifacts and took photographs. To facilitate this, an observation guide based on literature was developed. In carrying out this approach, the study took note of the word of caution that in a participant observation method, people who give information may shift much of their attention to the research project rather than focusing on the natural social process being observed [27]. The process may thus no longer be typical. Although the study also asked participants to demonstrate how they preserve their food, the main focus was on the food community members had already preserved. Food artifacts observations were combined with interview data for analysis.

In data analysis, all recorded transcripts were first translated verbatim in Chishona and then translated into English. Thematic content analysis was done on the transcripts. Categories were constructed a posterior informed by the literature and by the theoretical framework guiding the study.

In this study, the research was guided by the advice that for IK studies ethical obligations cannot be sufficiently met through conventional contractual agreements [28]. So, the study went beyond these requirements and asked each participant to verbally express his/her willingness to participate in the study.

The following section presents and discusses the research findings.

#### **7. Findings and discussion**

#### **7.1 Murambwi locality's practices on IK of food preservation**

In this study, there were 5 males (31%) and 11 females (69%) participants who took part in the study. This agrees with some observations made in other studies that it is mostly women who are involved in food preservation [7, 24, 29]. **Figure 1** in Appendix shows some elders harvesting their groundnuts collectively.

The collective responsibilities found in the Murambwi locality can be summarized as (**Table 1**).

The Murambwi elders have strong feelings of community connectedness as shown through *mitupo* (clan names) or *zvidao* (sub-clan names). Their use is based on the traditional knowledge in a society having religious and symbolic connotations rather than just simply names. In this regard, the VaShumba (not his real name) commented: "People in the village are of various totems that we are living well with as our close friends." In this Shona society, totems deter people from killing and eating their totemic animals. In the Murambwi locality, elders had close bonds with each other.

Since IKs go to the heart, spirit, mind, and subsequent practices of a community [7], the study now turns to a description of some IK practices of food preservation in the Murambwi locality.

#### **7.2 Food preservation strategies**

When asked how they preserve their grains, vegetables, milk, meat, and sweet potatoes, elders' responses were a reflection of their symbiotic links were preceded by words


#### **Table 1.**

*Summary of collective responsibilities and their influence on Murambwi locality's IK of food preservation.*

including: "*isu," "tinoti," "vanoti"* meaning "us" we do things as for example, VaMamoyo (not her real name) commented: "when we built our granaries we get a flat rock which we work on it make it round. Since this involves a lot of work, we brew beer and hire labor to pull the flat stone home. Then people help each other to place the flat stone on four big rocks to build the granary. The flat stone will be the "*hwaro"* (raised floor of granary). Then we built using bricks or poles onto which we smear mud. On roofing we built "*hwikwiyo"* (plastered roof of granary). We close the granary opening using "*gwandefa"* or "*fendefa"* (flat light stone). Some use gwandefa of "*mufandichimuka"* (small shrub: resurrection plant or myrothamnus flabellifolius) plant on their plastered roof granary. This plastered roof offers maximum security against rats; moisture, and destruction by fire." The Murambwi people practice what may be thought of as cold-room technology, as what literature says [1]. This Murambwi technology involves keeping cool temperatures for crops including pumpkins and watermelons to remain fresh after harvesting. In these technological practices, the person learns from the elder; and teaching is largely through observation.

How the community members work together is presented as follows:

#### **7.3 Common good practices**

Most of the elders expressed their sense of belonging with reference to collective pronouns, for example, "our" homes and land. Since IK is not linear and its essence is shared by community whose world views engage and embrace the totality of being and living [30]. When asked who does the preserving of foods at their homes, elders said it is the mother's responsibility and the fathers will be doing other jobs. As a result of this gender differentiation and specialisation, the IK and skills held by women on food security often differ from those of men [18]. However, they agreed that the homes belong to the family and the land is communally owned. This collective ownership of resources was emphasized when we asked about the role of children, women and men in the area on food preservation. The Ward councilor, VaManyoni (not her real name), from which Dzivaguru falls, commented:

"the land belongs to all of us which means that it is the duty of everyone from grassroots level up to the Chief of the area to ensure that resources of the area are safeguarded." The elders interviewed were found to have a common agenda of solving their societal problems.

The elders in Murambwi communities emphasize activities they regard as a common good. A case in point is community involved in marriage parties. In these parties, staple food that people feed on "sadza" is prepared from rapoko, sorghum, and millet. On such occasions, a goat or a beast is slaughtered for families to celebrate in unison. Interestingly, in Dzivaguru village, one visit on the 15th of April 2022 was cancelled when all village members were involved in the receiving of the new bride when the son of the village head got married. On this occasion, all community members were involved in teaching the bride how to maintain good community relationships. The bride was taught how to share food with and take care of others in the community. For celebrations, people cook sadza prepared from sorghum, rapoko, and millet. These elders reported that they entertain themselves by drinking "*maheu"* (sweet beer), and "*masvusvu"* (boiled mixture of malt and water) brewed in their communities. In explaining how they brew them, VaMaSiziva said that she uses millet, rapoko or sorghum as powder for preparing beer in "*makate"* (large earthenware pot in which beer is set to ferment). Since it was the Shumba clan family occasion, elders had the following to sayings: "You should say to your husband, "*Maita Shumba*" (thank you of the Lion clan), those from the Mhungudza Mountain, who frighten others by their body size. This is done to please their traditional practices. Even if he wanted to ill-treat you he would not since he had been pleased already." Such form of respect is also bestowed upon other community members and other cultural practices as well.

#### **7.4 Respect of some cultural practices**

In the Murambwi communities, respect of sacred places and cultural taboos were emphasized. Community elders have sacred places where they store their grain food (millet and rapoko) in caves they call "Nyaningwe" Mountains. Elders also said that they have sites they visit for their "*mutoro"* (rain-making ceremonies). In these ceremonies, elders said had a rainmaker; they call "'nyusa," whom they begged for the rains through singing at the sacred place until rains come. In this regard, elders cited their ceremonial site as "Matonjeni" at Matopos in the Southern part of Zimbabwe for rain making. In relation to the community practices regarding taboos, VaMadhlovu (not her real name) commented: "If we have mushrooms which as a gatherer you are not supposed to gather before thanking the Spirits for their generosity; and if you find Mopani caterpillars, they were not supposed to be cooked in a closed "hadyana" (cooking pot for side dish) for the spirits of the forest to continue providing." As knowledge is about wholeness and interconnection, the elders related their knowledge production to both the tangible and spiritual realm as well [6]. In the traditional Shona societies, there is an association between the spirits and the land is expressed in the tradition of "chisi" (days sacred to the spirits, on which people should not work the soil in any way). The practice of chisi is prevalent among the Shona people in Zimbabwe, including the Murambwi communities as well. Most significant here is that community members in the Murambwi locality have their way of sacred life which they collectively uphold. They also had community sayings for food preservation.

#### **7.5 Community sayings on food preservation**

The Murambwi elders provide guidance on community practices through traditional sayings, for example, "*Pasina nzombe hapana dura*" (If you do not have oxen

#### *Indigenous Knowledge and Food Preservation: A Case of 'Collective Responsibility'… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106426*

you cannot expect to harvest). VaZimuto (not his real name) explained that this saying is similar to a homestead without a granary which cannot be called a home. Furthermore, he said that if a household does not have a granary no one will pay a visit to it. These sayings serve to inculcate a sense of responsibility [19], and respect among the villagers in Murambwi locality.

As a respect for their family members both living and dead, the elders give names to the children derived from these departed or living members. However, they value names that have meanings to their lives. For example, one person is called "*Harubvi"* meaning death continues to haunt the same family. This naming happens when a family continues to lose its young ones through deaths. Similarly, the name "*Tapiwa,"* mean a family has been given a child given by the almighty. "*Farai"* is a name referring to a situation when family members become happy for the blessings. "*Hapazari"* meaning the ground continues to accommodate the dead. This means that deaths continue to be experienced without ceasing. "*Munhuwei"* means what kind of a person are you, which implies that if one is married at a "*barika"* (polygamous relationship), one wife may be neglected by the husband so in the event that she delivers a child, a name may be used showing her disgruntlement emanating from the relationship. Although elders embrace this idea of giving their children family names, they wished that to happen if the forebear had impeccable behavior. Elders said such sayings are important with regards to food preferences in their villages.

#### **7.6 Food preferences**

All elders indicated that they prefer traditional over commercially-preserved foods. In the case of milk, they said that traditionally-processed milk tastes better than the commercial one. VaMusaigwa1 commented that: "after milking cows into a "*hwedza"* (milking vessel), we place it in a "*chingo"* (pot for storage). As we continue milking, we mix milk in a continuous cycle of five days. Some may remove "*ruraza"* (cream) and mix them." VaChihera concurs with the views given by VaMusagwa1 and further elaborate that after removing the cream from stored milk, some people may place milk without "*ruraza"* in a pot with small cracks at the bottom to drain off the "*mutuvi"* (the whey) leaving "*mahorakora"* or "*mashoronga"* (curds of very thick sour milk). This type of sour milk does not shake easily like "*zifa"* (day old sour milk)." It is this traditional thick sour milk with cream that VaShumba said is cool and nicer to drink than a commercial-processed one. When milk is commercially preserved, cream is removed [31]. This removal of cream from sour milk, elders in Murambwi locality believe reduces the good quality of milk. Similarly, the community elders also indicated that they prefer traditionally preserved vegetables as relish. For example, VaChihera commented: "We take wild vegetables from the bush including *"chirevereve"* (senecio embescens), "*muvhunzandady*a" (cheopodium album), "*mhuu"* (bidens biternata), and "*musemwasemwa"* (deome monophylla) to dry them in direct sunlight." This implies that most community members interviewed prefer traditionally preserved foods.

#### **8. Conclusions**

These collective responsibilities were a key feature for IK of food preservations in the communities. The results also have shown that the elders displayed a collective sense of belonging, as manifested in their use of collective pronouns when referring to their homes and the land, ownership of resources, working together, close family

relationships, and respect of sacred places. Therefore, relationships were at the center of the communities, and they manifested through emphasis on sharing, caring and respect, and common good. These relationships give a sense to how preserving food not only sustains lives but is central to communally-based knowledge and belonging.

#### **Acknowledgements**

I would like to thank the community elders in Chivi Communal lands ward 16 for their contribution to the study. Special thanks to my family who were patient enough with me during the conduct to the study.

### **Conflict of interest**

The author declares no conflict of interest.

### **Appendix**

#### See **Figure 1**.

**Figure 1.** *Elders collectively harvesting groundnuts in the Murambwi locality.*

*Indigenous Knowledge and Food Preservation: A Case of 'Collective Responsibility'… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106426*

#### **Author details**

Dominic Mashoko School of Education, Great Zimbabwe University, Masvingo, Zimbabwe

\*Address all correspondence to: dmashoko@gzu.ac.zw

© 2022 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

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#### **Chapter 18**

## De-Coloniality and De-Minoritization of Indigenous Cultural Heritage in Africa: An Exploration of Nambya Religion

*Wilson Zivave*

### **Abstract**

Scholarship on indigenous populations has tended to downplay the importance of minority cultural heritage. In this article I explore how colonialism, Christianity and ethnicity have colluded in ensuring that indigenous cultural heritage of minority groups is diluted, compromised and disfigured. This has led to the identity loss and cultural circumcision of minority groups like the Nambya people in Zimbabwe. Drawing on religious-ethnographic research of the Nambya I argue that Nambyan culture have been treated as the "other". I contend that by exploring the role of colonialism, Christianity and ethnicity dominance in impacting on the loss of the rich religious heritage of the Nambyan ethnic group. There are factors which minoritise the other in order to dominate the cultural and religious spaces in multicultural society. I demonstrate that minoritisation of ethnic groups like the Nambya have resulted in the cementing of colonial hegemony and ethnic dominance of the Shona and Ndebele. Lastly I recommend that de-minoritisation of Nambyan beliefs system is imperative as part of the wider efforts to preserve the cultural heritage of people who are marginalised because of ethnicity.

**Keywords:** de-minoritisation, ethnicity, clonialism, cultural heritage, beliefs, practices

#### **1. Introduction**

Hegemonic practices are the bases of Minoritisation in many multi-cultural societies. They dictates the politics of the hegemony's constituent subordinate states via cultural imperialism, the imposition of its way of life, i.e. its language and religion to make formal its dominance [1]. For this reason, cultural imperialism has in recent years generated contested debate in cultural and religious discourse amidst calls for multicultural and multi-religious society the world over.

It should be noted that the chastisement of indigenous cultural and religious heritage particularly of the Nambyan has exposed the façade of multi-culturalism, freedom worship and religious diversity. Nambyans have been considered a minority group socially, religiously, culturally and above all historically but they have a rich

religious heritage which needs to be unpacked and in the process de-minoritising it. The chapter is alive to the realisation that colonialism and Christianity have heavily affected indigenous people's beliefs by promoting Victorian culture and condemning the religious beliefs and practices of minority groups like the Nambyans by ascribing exclusionary and indoctrinating attitudes towards indigenous people. This was further worsened by the dominance of Shona and Ndebele ethnic groups in cultural space which pushed minority groups to the periphery. This argument is spurred by the realisation that minoritisation of ethnic groups coincides with the extinction of cultural and religious heritage of Nambyans and an emergence of a dominant culture which is influenced by colonial past, Christianity and dominant ethnic groups. This has established that the extinction of religious beliefs and practices of minority groups particularly the Nambyans cannot be understood outside the purview of the neo-colonial hegemony, exclusivism of missionary religion and ethnic power politics [2].

The supremacy given to Christianity, Victorian culture as well as the Shona-Ndebele culture has been detriment of Nambya culture. Thus, throughout the colonial period, Christianity was given the status of a superior religion while indigenous beliefs and practices of the Nambya is more than despised than that of dominant cultural groups in Zimbabweans like the Shona and Ndebele. Thus, the chapter pays attention to colonialism, Christianity and ethnicity in Zimbabwe from which the decolonisation and de-minoritisation process of indigenous cultural heritage begins as a response to and ideological influences embedded therein, which potentially shapes the existence of Nambyan cultural and religious practices. It interrogates how coloniality, religious exclusivism of Christianity and politics of ethnicity (in) directly contributes to the side-lining of religious beliefs and practices of minority ethnic groups as well as identities of the Nambyan people. The chapter concludes by dismantling coloniality and in the process de-minoritisatising Nambyan ethnic culture and practices in the quest of promoting and preserving cultural heritage of all indigenous people in Zimbabwe. It recommends that no religious beliefs and practices are superior to the other.

#### **2. Background of the study**

At the moment, Zimbabwe has more than 11 indigenous ethnic groups and these include Shona, Ndebele, Tonga, Nambya, Kalanga, Sotho, Hwesa, Sena, Chikunda, Doma, Tswana, Tswawo/Khoisan, Barwe, Fingo/Xhosa, and Chewa [3] and all of them are marginalised except for Shona and Ndebele. This means that the culture of the Nambyans especially their rich heritage is by far suppressed, subjugated and decimated in Zimbabwe. The Shona and Ndebele cultures have been considered the model of Zimbabwean cultural heritage. For this reason, the Shona and Ndebele cultures are not only considered dominant indigenous cultures but model cultures for every native Zimbabwean. This has generated a cultural identity dilemma in Zimbabwe because the 11 minority cultural groups account for 6% of the total population are marginalised and face extinction while Shona and Ndebele have 75% and 15% respectively are enjoying supremacy in culture and heritage preservation.

It should be noted that the coming the Ndebele to Zimbabwe in contributed to the minoritisation of the Nambyans who had already been inhabitants of the now Matebeleland north. They deleted the Nambyan places with Ndebele names.

#### *De-Coloniality and De-Minoritization of Indigenous Cultural Heritage in Africa... DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.105727*

For instance, Fungautsi was changed to Filabusi while Gwararavaranda was changed to Gwabalanda as well Musorowezhou was changed to Tsholotsho. In Hwange, which is a Nambyan territory they are locations like Mpumalanga which reflect Ndebele dominance among the Nambya. The use of Mpumalanga a Ndebele term instead of Kubuvezhuva is reflection of intolerance to Nambya cultural heritage. For this reason, the changing of Nambyans places resulted in the dilatation of cultural heritage of the Nambyans. The places were over coated with Ndebele elements.

These; indigenous cultures have been threatened with extinction because they are being marginalised through the education system and the colonial legacy [4]. After colonisation of Zimbabwe like in many parts of Africa, the colonial masters were eager to replace indigenous culture with their own. All indigenous people were made to embrace western religious culture as a way of accepting colonial domination and civilisation brought by the colonialists. In this context, the coming of colonialism and Christianity resulted in the cultural erosion of indigenous people. This affected minority ethnic groups whose cultural values and religious heritage was undermined as evil, demonic and backward by the dominant religious culture in form of Christianity [2]. The roots of cultural and religious imperialism that affects the Nambyans in Zimbabwe today cannot be understood outside the context of three broad historical interludes: the coloniality, missionary work and ethnic dominance through their religious convictions and practices which have assisted in loss of cultural heritage of minority groups.

Missionary work in colonial Zimbabwe which happened in 1860's contributed to the current minoritisation of indigenous people's beliefs and practices by labelling them as satanic, barbaric, savage and backward. Missionaries felt that African traditions and cultural practices were perceived to be inferior, uncivilised and primitive [2]. They then gave themselves the task to impose their culture through Christian religion whose main task was to civilise Africans [5]. Like other indigenous ethnic groups, the Nambyan people were forced to renounce their religious beliefs and practices in preference of western culture and religion. This resulted in the marginalisation of indigenous cultural and religious heritage. Missionary schools where established by the Roman Catholic church so that Nambyans would be converted into Christianity. Some of the mission schools which became ambassadors of Victorian cultural values and Christianity include St George primary, St Marys, Sacred Heart in jambezi, St Francis Axavier in Dete as well as Marist Brothers among others. These missionary schools taught Nambyans Christianity through English, Shona and Ndebele languages. The Bible was first translated into Shona in 1949 and Nambya was sidelined even upto today. Nambyan had to learn the Bible through other languages. The introduction of Christian education under catechesis which eventually resulted in the teaching of Christianity as the sole religion for salvation and disbandment of Nambyan language, indigenous knowledge system, religious beliefs and practices which are the main facets of Nambyan culture. Firstly, they were taught using English language but later on they were taught Christian values in Ndebele which was the second vernacular language to be translated from English during catechesis. This is because missionaries promoted only Shona and Ndebele and thus the bible was translated into these two languages in Zimbabwe [6]. The promotion of Shona and Ndebele during bible translation by Missionary is also tantamount to say Nambyans among other minority groups were part of the dominant cultural groups. However, it should be noted that Nambyan were a unique cultural group which shared a lot of things in common with Shona and Ndebele cultures but its beliefs systems were marginalised.

Therefore, Shona and Ndebele cultures were used to strengthen colonialism as well as marginalisation of small ethnic groups. For this reason, the indigenous culture of the Nambyans was branded as more archaic, backward and evil than the Shona-Ndebele culture.

The coming of the Ndebele was followed by the colonisation of Zimbabwe which also adversely affected the culture of the Nambyans. The Nambyan people were heavily affected by colonialism which recognised the Shona and the Ndebele as dominant cultural groups. This is evident in the naming of provinces with ethnic coated names like Mashonaland, Matebeleland, Manicaland and Masvingo which represented the Shona and Ndebele ethnic groups. The demarcation of Rhodesia into provinces with the terms Matabeleland, Mashonaland and Midlands meant that in areas where the province was Matabeleland, the expectation was that it should be Ndebele that is dominant and is used there; Mashonaland meant that it is the Shona language that was expected to be used there and in the Midlands, it was both Shona and Ndebele languages that were expected to be used there [7]. Shona and Ndebele were the only recognised indigenous cultural groups whose religious worldview was perceived as far much better than the Nambyans. This resulted in the sidelining of minority ethnic groups like the Nambyans whose "speaking minority languages, were lumped into these ethnicised administrative units and their alternative identities ignored" [8]. For this reason, the Nambyan cultural identity was understood within the Ndebele cultural lenses because they were settled in Matebeleland North. Rhodesian colonialism, like colonialism in many other parts of Africa, set into motion the politicisation of African ethnic identities by trying to construct and reconstruct people's identities and by compartmentalising them in cultural and geographic terms [8]. Colonialists demarcated geographical locations and named the area where Nambyans dominated as Matebeleland North. They stifled the cultural identity of Nambyans by Ndebelelising them. Nambya became mutually unintelligible with Ndebele [7].

This created polarised and reinforced ethnic divisions among Africans, thereby deliberately preventing them from developing nationally integrated identities, by differentiating among them and favouring certain groups against others [9, 10]. It is this colonial misnaming and cultural bunching which marked the cultural neutralisation and minoritisation of the Nambyans. To advance this argument, the conquest of minority cultures is traced to colonisation through the compartmentilisation of ethnic groups, demonstrating the lasting effects cultural extermination and minoritisation of cultural groups with numerical inferiority [8]. The dominance and suppression of the indigenous cultures especially those of minority groups is inextricably linked to racial and tribal domination, which has played a big role in the history of Zimbabwe [8].

The situation of the Nambyans was further worsened in 1980 when the independent Zimbabwean government did little to recognise cultural diversity until the enactment of the new constitution in 2013. This means that the Shona and Ndebele cultures continued to dominate the cultural landscape of Zimbabwe from 1980 to 2012. However, when blacks got into power in 1980, the nationalist leadership of Zimbabwe tried to restructure the inherited colonial racial and ethnic order in a number of ways [8]. They introduced indigenous languages in the education system and the media was also made to use local languages as well as advancing the culture of the indigenous people. On the contrary, efforts made soon after 1980 had a bias towards Shona-Ndebele cultures at the expense of minority groups which had to switch to either Shona and Ndebele in their learning in schools [3]. The marginalisation and

#### *De-Coloniality and De-Minoritization of Indigenous Cultural Heritage in Africa... DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.105727*

minoritisation of minority ethnic groups in language and other national policies also entailed the undermining of the broader cultural values and norms of these minority groups [7]. This means that Nambyans were affected not only by colonial legacies but by the Shona-Ndebele ethnic superiority introduced by the colonialists. The post-colonial government policies for the greater part of the first two decades minoritised the Nambyans and cemented colonial hegemony. For this reason, the Shona and Ndebele ethnicity strengthened cultural segregation and subjugation of the Nambyans and other minority groups through politics of dominance. Ethnicity, in its variant forms refers to the capacity in people to classify themselves as social "others" [11] while Politics of Dominance is simply defined as a situation whereby one group or person has power over another [12]. This dominance was seen in industries and public institution where the dominant indigenous languages were Shona and Ndebele [7]. It is this dominance in question that is referred to as hegemony in this chapter, which means "political, economic, ideological or cultural power exerted by a dominant group over other groups, regardless of the explicit consent of the latter" [12]. It is vividly clear that the politics of cultural dominance of Ndebele and Shona dates back to the colonial era in Zimbabwe when hegemonic principles were introduced. Thus Colonialism created racially hierarchised, imperialistic, colonialist, Euro-American-centric, Christian-centric, hetero-normative, patriarchal, violent and modern world order [13]. It is a power structure which has affected the existence of minority cultures. Therefore, coloniality and minoritisation of Nambyan ethnic groups need to unmasked, resisted and destroyed in order to preserve the cultural heritage of all people regardless of numerical inferiority. This unmasking, destruction and resistance cultural domination of whites, the Shona and Ndebele is part of decoloniality process which is vital in ensuring preservation of cultural identity for the benefit of future generation. Thus this chapter seeks to de-colonise and de-monoritise the Nambyan cultural heritage particularly their indigenous religion so that cultural diversity, religious inclusivism and plurality is promoted.

#### **2.1 Conceptual framework**

Decoloniality is concept that is born out of a realisation that ours is an asymmetrical world order that is sustained not only by colonial matrices of power but also by pedagogies and epistemologies of equilibrium that continue to produce alienated Africans who are socialised into hating the Africa that produced them, and liking the Europe and America that rejects them [13]. This is applicable in this study because the Nambyans have been alienated from their cultural heritage because of the colonial imprints which glorifies western culture and Christianity in every sector of the society. Nambyans have been disconnected from their religious system of worship as well as practices because they have been labelled as demonic, barbaric and superstitious. They were socialised that their cultural practices are primitive and third from western culture and native dominant cultures like Shona and Ndebele culture. Nambyans have been socialised in colonially constructed institutions that they are minority ethnic groups. They have been led to accept western forms of civilisation which glorifies the modernization the Euro-American culture at the expense of indigenous cultural heritage. It critical to deconstruct coloniality in every institution so that all cultures continue to exist without allowing other cultures and ethnic groups to dominate other cultures at the expense of other minority ethnic cultural groups. In this context, the decoloniality seeks to unpack western and local dominant cultures lies concerning other cultures.

#### **3. History of the Nambyans**

Nambya consists of dialects namely, the baNizi and the baNyayi [6, 14]. The BaNambya originated from the Rozvi empire of Masvingo Great Zimbabwe and largely seen as a branch of the Shona ethnic group which made an exodus from Great Zimbabwe when one of the sons of the chief had sinned against his father and his life was in danger. The history of the Nambya people begins from what is today known as Great Zimbabwe where they originated from [6]. They left Great Zimbabwe around 1737 [14]. The son of the chief is and he migrated with his sympathisers via Gwai until they reached Binga and went westwards where they settled in the present day Whange area. They established capital city known Bumbusi and Shongano by constructing stone works which resemble Great Zimbabwe [7]. It is this resemblance that made people believe that the Nambyans are people of the wider Rozvi clan and they are the Shona. Their interaction with the Ndebele, Kalanga and BaTonga led to the metamorphosis of their cultural heritage. This means that the culture of the Nambyan people is heavily influenced by the cultures of other native people. Therefore, there are a lot similarity than differences with the Shona and Ndebele cultures yet Nambya is marginalised and minotirised. They managed to create a unique cultural heritage whose values, norms and beliefs are worthy interrogating.

Today the Nambyans are located around Hwange which is found in Matebeleland North. For this reason, the Rhodesian colonialism did not invent ethnic groups or divisions in Zimbabwe as pre-colonial African societies, present-day Zimbabwe was a multi-ethnic society inhabited by a number of Ndebele in Bulawayo, Shona-speaking groups in Mashonaland and Nambya in Matebeleland North in Hwange [8]. It was through colonial demarcation that minoritisation of other cultural groups despite the fact that Africans have a unique culture which is almost uniform. The upliftment of the western culture as well as Shona and Ndebele cultures is by and large scandal to the essence of Ubuntu. This is because the Nambyans are native Zimbabweans whose cultural norms and values cannot be labelled inferior to other native cultural groups on the basis of preserving colonial legacies and politics of dominance which is ethnicised.

In terms of numerical supremacy, the Nambyans are about 110 000. This is the reason why they have been labelled minorities because "all non-dominant groups, whether nationals or not, which are less numerous than the rest of the population, that have separate, distinct characteristics like culture, language, and religion among others are minorities [15]. The minority status of the Nambyans is not based on cultural deficiencies or backwardness but on numbers which have been influenced by colonial factors and politics of dominance of the Shona and Ndebele who wanted their culture to be dominant in every sector.

#### **3.1 Religious and cultural heritage of Nambyan people**

As previously adumbrated, the scope of cultural heritage in this chapter is mainly focused on the beliefs and practices of the Nambyans. Like all other Africans, Nambyans are "notoriously religious" [16]. This means that religion for the Nambyans is part and parcel of every stage and eventuality of their lives. It is a very difficult to separate Nambyans from their religion and culture. Religion is therefore part of the fibre of society; it is deeply ingrained in social life, and it is impossible to isolate and study it as a distinct phenomenon [17]. Nambyans have a belief system which is

#### *De-Coloniality and De-Minoritization of Indigenous Cultural Heritage in Africa... DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.105727*

part of the social life and it reflect their Africaness. To firmly grasp the rich cultural heritage of the Nambyans, their religious beliefs and practices is the foundation. However, the cultural heritage of the Nambyans and in particular beliefs and practices have suffered as a result of under-use and the domination of dominant cultures i.e. Western, Shona and Ndebele cultures. These dominant cultures have been influenced by coloniality, missionary work and politics of ethnic dominance to marginalise and make other cultures inferior. As a prophylactic measure to the disappearance of Nambyan belief system and practices, the chapter explores the religion of the Nambyans, unmasking and destroying colonial and post-colonial lies in order to appreciate the rich religious heritage which would result in the cultural inclusivism and plurality.

#### **3.2 Belief system**

The Nambyans have a rich belief system based on cosmological, numinological and soteriological beliefs. However, the coming of Christianity and colonialism have led to abandonment of Nambyan beliefs and practices in preference of Christianity. For this reason, colonialists and Christians treated "African religions as evil and did everything possible to ensure that it was ousted" [18]. Christian missionaries believed that traditional religious beliefs and practices of people like the Nambyans were inferior, and together with the traditional customs. The Nambyans have been dominated, the disempowered and dispossessed as the voiceless by the Christians and other native people. This disempowerment has resulted in the loss of their authentic belief system as they accepted Christianity as their religion. It is for this reason that this paper has to retrace the religious heritage of the Nambyans which has been double minoritised by the dominant social class like the colonialists and the Shona-Ndebele cultural group. The belief system of the Nambyans is based on the belief in the existence of one Supreme-Being, spirits and the sacred phenomena. All this is embedded in the sacred days, sacred places as well as rites and rituals practices of the Nambyans.

#### **3.3 Belief in the supreme-being**

Nambyans believe in the existence of one Supreme-Being who is actively in involved in human affairs. The belief in that God is at "the centre of African religion and dominates all its other beliefs" [16]. This means that the Supreme-Being is central to the beliefs of the Nambyans who believe that in the existence of the divine being popularly known as *Mwali* and *Umbumbi* [the Creator of humankind]. Other names of the Supreme-Being among the Nambyans include *Samatenga* which means owner of the sky, *Tate/Dade* which means old father as well as *Ukulugulu* which means that Great one. God is the Supreme entity among the Nambyans and is considered to be the origin of everything in this universe. This is the reason why the Supreme-Being is called *Umbumbi* and *Mwali.* The names of the supreme being among the Nambyans were there before the coming of Christianity. However, one some argue that the fact that even though Africans generally have an awareness of and belief in the Supreme Being, the truth is, this Supreme Being is not known to have been exclusively worshipped by traditional Africans [19]. This is dismissible because missionaries did not bring God to Africa and God has always been in the lives of the indigenous people [20]. Missionaries brought a new belief system which they presented as superior, better and more civilised than that of the indigenous people. The concept of belief in one Supreme-Being is not alien to the Nambyans as they believed in the existence

of one Supreme-Being before the coming of colonialists and missionaries. For the Nambyans, the Supreme-Being has attributes like omnipotent, omniscient, creator and provider which is derived from the names which they assign to the Supreme-Being. So the common perception among missionaries that Nambyans had no belief in one God is a misplaced fallacy.

The Nambyans had a clear belief system based on one Supreme-Being before the coming of missionaries. The view that Nambyans had no religion was meant to minoritise indigenous ethnic groups and 'declare the superiority of Western value systems [and] using this claim to justify European conquest and exploitation of Africa' [5]. The descriptions that Nambyans are animistic, backward and heathen is thus prejudiced and biased. This is understandable because missionaries had an objective of uplifting their religious belief system at the expense of the dominated people who included the Nambyans. However, Nambyans suffered from a double dilemma i.e. being a minority for the colonialists and being a minority for the Shona and Ndebele people. They had to embrace Ndebele culture and colonialists religious beliefs because they were understood as religious and culturally bankrupt. Consequently, the view that Nambyans have no clear belief system in one God lacks depth and need to be put into religious dust bin. Hegemonic cultural imperialism has resulted in the failure to understand that Nambyan belief in *Mwali*, the Supreme Being is unique and represented their own ethnic group. Though the colonialists found the Nambyans being rich religiously, they replaced the belief system of the Nambyans with their own. This reduced Nambyans to minorities as they considered their belief as backward and inadequate. The desire of the Ndebeles and missionaries was that the Nambyans as the dominated group would abandon their religion and culture and adopt the dominating western as well as Ndebele religion and culture. This minoritisation of the Nambyans facilitated the extinction of Nambya cultural heritage particularly their religious beliefs and practices.

#### **3.4 Belief in spirits**

The Nambyans like many other indigenous cultural groups in Africa believe in the existence of good spirits known as *Mijimu* which literally means ancestors. Ancestors are given prominence among the Nambyans. Being an ancestor is an ultimate desire of all indigenous people. For this reason, Nambyans believe that death is death but a transference from one state to the other. For this reason, the living dead occupy the ontological position between the spirits and human beings and between God and human beings [16]. Ancestors are valued by the Nambyans. For them ancestors are good spirits which they believe that they bless and protect the living. The Nambyans believe that the Supreme-Being is transcendent and ancestors act as a bridge between the human world and the spirit world. For this reasons Nambyans conduct rituals such as *Malila* 'home bringing ceremony'. It is the rituals done to bring back the dead to assist the living by protecting from harm as well as misfortune. Ancestors also provide the living with their daily needs. However, Nambyans believe that when ancestors '*Mijimu*'are angry they can cause untold suffering to the living. They cause drought, pestilence and other natural calamities. To appease ancestors, Nambyans perform an appeasement ritual known as *kutebula* where they brew beer and offer to the ancestors. Nambyans do not believe in the existence of bad spirits. However, when missionaries came they chastise belief in the ancestors among the Nambyans. They wrongly concluded that Nambyans worship the dead i.e. ancestors yet they only venerate them. For this reason, Nambyans belief system has been branded as

*De-Coloniality and De-Minoritization of Indigenous Cultural Heritage in Africa... DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.105727*

ancestor worship. Ancestral veneration or ancestor worship' is not African because it is a foreign term that has neo-colonial connotation [21]. The Nambyans prefer the use of African terms like *kutebula, Mijimu* where they use bear to venerate the ancestors. It is because of this that one may argue that in African religious practice ancestors are serviced, but not worshipped" [22] thus for the Nambyans *kutebula Mijimu* is done through ancestors who act as intermediaries between themselves and the Supreme-Being. On the contrary, the colonialists through Christian missionaries labelled Africans as worshippers of the living dead and they needed to repent from this pagan practice. The conversion of Nambyans into Christianity resulted in collapse of their belief system because of minoritisation their belief system. The Nambyans by virtue of being colonolised and receptive to new religion accepted became dominated and disempowered religiously. It is because of this reason that there is need for de-minoritisation of Nambyan belief system. Nambyan rituals 'revive relationships within the community and between the living and the ancestors' [17]. This preserve their religious heritage as their belief in "ancestors continue to be practiced by Nambyan Christians. This phenomenon and practice is an 'attempt to preserve good relations with the departed kin' as well as their rich cultural heritage [23].

#### **3.5 Belief in sacred phenomena**

The worldview of the Nambyans is a tripartite one as they believe that there is the human world, natural world and spirit world. For them the natural world in sacred and the spirits manifest themselves in the natural world. As such they believe in the sacredness of land, water bodies, mountains and forests. Nambyan natural environment is saturated with sacredness.

Firstly, Nambyans have sacred days which they observe. Thursday which is known as *Bwachina* is their sacred day and there are taboos associated with this sacred day like people are not allowed to do any work on this sacred day because it is the day when ancestors who are the owners of the land are respected. Any work done on this day is a violation of the taboo and is frowned upon by the spirit. The chief who are the custodians of the land given to them by the ancestors punish people who do what is not permissible on the sacred day. Misfortunes like pestilence, drought and famine also happens when people violate the sacred day. However, the coming of Missionaries led to the replacement of these sacred days when they instituted Saturday and Sunday as sacred days. It is observance of Christian days that have led to the sidelining of Nambyans cultural heritage. This because Thursday is no valued as sacred because of Christian influence.

Nambyans also believe in totems as sacred animals and objects. The dominant totems for the Nambya include *Shoko, izhou* and *chuma* are given great value by a particular group of people and is considered as sacred among a group of people. In simple terms, totems are sacred animals and things which are valued by clan. Totems creates ideological, emotional, reverent, and genealogical relationships of social groups or specific persons with animals or natural objects [20]. The beliefs system of the Nambyans is also hinged on totems. Furthermore, believe in the sacredness of the environment is part of the indigenous knowledge systems of the Nambyans. There is a connection between the ancestors and the natural environment. The universe is not static or dead but dynamic or living and powerful [24]. As such, the environment is the residence of the ancestors among the Nambyans. Bambusi and Shangano are sacred place which where Nambyans conduct their community rituals like rainmaking ceremony. Even today, these three sites are considered sacred and are an important

part of Nambya cultural identity [14]. These sacred sites are considered as sacred and are protected from any internal or external human interference by the religious practitioners known as Mande 'spirit mediums and *Mashumba* 'lion spirit in charge of the territory' who live in isolation from other people. Spirit medium among the Nambyans can either be a male or female. Not everyone is allowed to enter into the sacred place but only by the spirit mediums known as '*mande* as well as chiefs '*bashe*'. The sacredness of Bambusi and Shangano reflects the belief system of the Nambyan in ancestors. They believe that sacred spaces are dwellings places for ancestors. These places due to minoritisation, have been subjected to colonial profanement and missionary bombardment. Due to minoritisation "African minds, thought systems, social-cultural institutions, political and religious institutions and bodies have been subjected to colonial experiments" [25].

#### **3.6 Rainmaking ritual practice**

From time immemorial, Nambyans have always had knowledge and belief in *Mwali* or *ukulugulu* as the provider of rain. They conduct a rain making ritual ceremony known as *kupindula* where they solicit for rain. The sacredness of the Supreme-Being *Mwali* manifest himself in rituals connected to myths. For the Nambyan, rain is only provided by the Supreme-Being after rituals are done. Furthermore, the presence of the rain cult among the Nambyans at Chilanga where *Mashumba* 'rain making messengers' resides attests that belief in the providence of the supreme-being. This belief was condemned by colonialists and missionaries who considered this as black magic. For this reason, the Nambyans value the Supreme-Being as the provider of rain and fertility. The belief that rain is given by the Supreme-Being is common among the bantu people. The early missionaries' failure to properly grasp Nambya belief system and has led to the distortion, misrepresentation and discrimination of Nambyan religious heritage.

#### **3.7 Divination ritual practice**

Nambyans believe that health is given by ancestors. As such, they consult diviners *ínanga*' for health, social and religious issues. The diviner is 'the person is a specialist expert in communicating with the ancestors and who may also be able to pass on a message to family members" [26]. The beliefs of the Nambyans in ancestors is seen by their consultation of diviners who have mystical powers to communicate with the spirit world. In the times of pandemics and various ailments a diviner is consulted because of his or her knowledge which is important in the promotion health and wellbeing. Nambyan diviners can prescribe spiritual remedies as well as physical remedies to diseases. They have the knowledge about herbs like *moringa, gavakava, muroro, mupangara and Mutarara* which treat various ailments. Herbal medicine for stomach problems, wounds and toothache among other ailments are known by the diviner. It is because of this reason that indigenous healers known as *in'anga* are required to give spiritual explanation and herbal prescription. Be that as it may, indigenous knowledge system related to herbal medicine and health among the Nambyans have been condemned as un-scientific and not worthy to be used in the civilised society. Nambyan religious heritage has been distorted, obscured, and discarded by the domination of Victorian religious heritage and knowledge systems produced by colonial and missionary institutions. This also compounded to the minoritisation of the indigenous knowledge system of the Nambyans as well as their belief that health is given by

ancestors. Health and well-being within the African context is understood from a religious perspective. There is need to revive, the religious heritage of the Nambyans because "African epistemology is situated within a particular cultural context of the indigenous people" [27].

#### **4. Decolonising and De-minoritisation of the Nambyan religious heritage**

In 2012, the United Nations marked the 20th anniversary of the landmark Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities (UNDM) [28]. The UN Declaration for Minorities is vital in the decolonization and deminoritisation of the Nambya beliefs and practices as it assist in the preservation of cultural heritage of the minority cultural groups by granting minority rights protection. Zimbabwe as a state party to the Declaration has the responsibility to protect the rights of linguistic minorities like the Tonga, Nambya, Venda and Kalanga to enjoy their cultures, use their languages and practice their religion as reiterated in Article 4 [15]. For this reason, there is need to cherish the religious beliefs and practices of minority groups since religion and culture cannot be separated in African context. This chapter avers that the Nambya people in a multicultural and multi-religious society need to express their belief system without being labelled with pejorative terms and even attached to dominant cultures because it promotes democracy, equality and nation building.

Dismantling of colonial institutions and values as well as adhering to freedom of worship and removal of politics of ethnic dominance are key in unlocking the emancipation of minority groups. The crucial step towards sustainable development in Africa cannot be secured without full involvement of the indigenous minority people through use of their languages [29]. This means that the whole culture which include religion, language and other facets of culture need to be recognised. It is imperative to recognise the culture of all people whether minority or not and racial inferior or not.

Zimbabwe is a multi-cultural country with an estimate of about 16 cultural groups. In 2013 Zimbabwe through the New Constitution recognised cultural diversity. This makes Zimbabwe officially a multicultural and multi-religious country. In a multi-cultural and multi-religious country, there is, quite often a problem of inequality in cultural spaces and religious spaces respectively, a situation which makes it difficult for other cultures to be recognised in the public domain as members of the cultural group leading to cultural extinction and disappearance as the dominant cultures dominate. The present constitution guarantees the principle of multi-culturalism and freedom of worship which cultivates religious inclusivism pluralism and tolerance for different cultures, but the practical implementation of this philosophy may prove very difficult. Minority cultures though officially recognised, they are discriminated and labelled as inferior, backward and insignificant. The cultural heritage of all indigenous groups need security for members of those cultural and ethnic groups to be able to articulate their culture in different public spheres. Their security comes from laws and practices which protect them against harm caused by dominant cultures and other factors. This is because minority cultural groups in multi-cultural societies are some end-up disappearing and being unutilised as they are replaced by dominant cultures.

In 2013, Zimbabwe adopted a new constitution which caters for cultural activities in order to promote various cultures found in Zimbabwe. This policy is consistent with the African Union Cultural Charter for Africa with the main aim of promoting

African identity. The policy seeks to promote and respect for cultural identity as it is important for nation building. As a matter of fact, the 2013 constitution of Zimbabwe recognises and appreciates the importance of culture and heritage in national development. According to Section 3 (d) of the constitution of Zimbabwe; cultural, religious and traditional values are recognised among the supreme law's founding values and principles [30] while Section 6 explores the role of languages, Section 16 speaks of the role of the state and in the promotion and preservation of culture [31]. This constitution is Afro-centred as it seeks to protect indigenous cultural heritage which has been eroded from colonial period up to the present. The cultural policy also influenced the review of the curriculum to suit the heritage of the indigenous people. Although the constitution provides an impetus for the protection of intangible and tangible heritage, the policy has not been fully implemented as the indigenous religious heritage is structurally side-lined despite the legislative framework. The policy seeks to decolonise the mind of the African and preserving culture as embodied in indigenous knowledge systems that have been thrown into cultural dustbins due to colonial influence and Christian influence. Cultural policy ensures the reconfiguration of indigenous norms and values as well as solutions that are found in indigenous knowledge system.

The major objectives of the national cultural policy in Zimbabwe is to promote Multi-culturalism and multi-faith societies which promote respect for, and tolerance towards, cultural and religious diversity. Even though this is a national imperative, not all cultures are utilised, developed and promoted equally. This is particularly so in the case of the minority cultures like the Nambya culture. The dominant cultures tend to replace the range and functions of a minority cultures leading to the disappearance of minority cultures where members of the minority cultures adopt the dominant culture. In Zimbabwe, this seems to be the case where members of the Nambya cultural group prefer to be identified with dominant culture like Ndebele.

Funding the training of teachers from the so called minority groups by UNICEF in recent years. This has been augmented by the establishment of Hwange Teacher's college has also been to deminoritise Nambyan Culture. Hwange Teachers college which was established in 2019 has the core objective among others of ensuring that people of Nambyan ethnic group are trained in education which will help in the preservation of Nambyan culture. Teachers have the role in safeguarding the cultural heritage in line with the 21st education system which is relevant to the needs of the society in which they operate. So trained teachers with their knowledge in heritage and social studies as well as Family Religion and Moral education will apply their knowledge of Nambya culture in the teaching and learning of the subject which act as repositories of indigenous cultural heritage. It is of paramount importance that teachers being trained are aware of the culture in which they will operate.

Furthermore, the introduction of the updated curriculum in 2017, which saw the introduction of Indigenous religion as a subject which calls for a multi-faith approach is deminoritisation mechanism. The old curriculum created a cultural deficit among the native people. The updated curriculum fill in a serious vacuum left by the old Religious and Moral education which promoted cultural and religious exclusivism. The adoption of the new curriculum in 2017 made changes to the study of religion, and infuses Islam, Hinduism, African and other religions [32]. Thus there was a paradigm shift in terms of curriculum content and methodology. The new curriculum attempted to "limit the exclusionary approach of religious studies, and there was hope that the new curriculum would be neutral, non-hierarchical, and acceptable to religious organisations" [32]. The new family, Religion and Moral education embraces *De-Coloniality and De-Minoritization of Indigenous Cultural Heritage in Africa... DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.105727*

religious diversity as the study of indigenous religious beliefs and practices of the Nambyans are now part of academic study. Thus the updated curriculum helps in the deminoritisation of Nambya religious beliefs and practices which promote inclusive, plural and tolerant society.

#### **5. Conclusion**

The Nambyans are not minority ethnic group but they had been minoritised due to historical factors linked to colonialism and the coming of the Ndebeles. Colonialists in order to subjugate native Zimbabwe, made sure that other ethnic groups are identified within the broader ethnic groups like the Shona and Ndebele. On the other hand, the Shona and Ndebele have used the politics of dominance to sideline other ethnic groups. The coming of the New constitution as well as the issue of cultural rights have led to the need to de-minoritise ethnic groups such as the Nambyan which have been minoritised. This is because there is no cultural group that is a minority since all Zimbabweans have one historical background that codifies them as Bantu people. The recognition of every cultural group and granting of the right to exercise their cultural practices makes Nambyans part of Zimbabwe. This assist in the end of minoritisation of ethnic groups that have been institutionalised.

#### **Acknowledgements**

I would like to extend my sincere gratitude to many people who made this research a success. Special mention goes to my colleague Mr. Mpala for the reconstruction of Nambyan history and belief systems. I would like also to thank gogo for her oral presentation on Nambyan heritage. Furthermore, I would like to thank all Nambyans students at Hwange Teachers for their views on their culture. Without them, this research would not have been a success.

#### **Notes/thanks/other declarations**

There is no conflict of interest in this study.

#### **Author details**

Wilson Zivave Hwange Teachers College, Bulawayo, Zimbabwe

\*Address all correspondence to: wilsonzivave@gmail.com

© 2022 The Author(s). Licensee IntechOpen. This chapter is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/3.0), which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

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### *Edited by Sylvanus Gbendazhi Barnabas*

The sections and chapters contained in this book deal with issues and challenges facing indigenous and minority populations located in several geographical areas of the world. The papers are written by writers and scholars from various parts of the world and, like any piece of literature on indigenous and minority populations, the topics are diverse. The perspectives are both interdisciplinary and multi-disciplinary. The issues examined in the various chapters cover areas pertaining to their human rights, preservation of their culture and identity, traditional knowledge, and their challenges, but also scholarly and epistemological approaches to understanding and articulating such topics in academic contexts. Indeed, the issues around indigenous and minority populations across the world transcend their human rights concerns in relation to dominant groups and institutions within the territorial boundaries of the modern states where they currently live. These issues are cultural, anthropological, sociological, philosophical and epistemological, as well as historical. Any scholarly piece of work on indigenous and minority populations is therefore inevitably inter-disciplinary, multi-disciplinary or both. The various topics examined by the authors epitomize this diversity of issues around such populations. The book is a significant source of information for students, academics, practitioners, policymakers, government officials and non-governmental organisations working on issues that pertain to such populations at national, regional and global levels.

Published in London, UK © 2023 IntechOpen © alessandro0770 / iStock

Indigenous and Minority Populations - Perspectives From Scholars and

Writers across the World

Indigenous and Minority

Populations

Perspectives From Scholars

and Writers across the World

*Edited by Sylvanus Gbendazhi Barnabas*