**2. Problem statement**

We cannot easily identify our problems relating to any attempt of reconciliation project if we ignore to openly clarify that though the rifts of divisions existed in tribal lines, the focus is on the racial divisions by which apartheid managed very well to install successful laws that ensured that blacks were inferior towards the superior whites in many forms. The factors that are delaying the reconciliation of South African reconciliation for almost three decades are very complex, but for the sake of this specific study, the author intended to identify the slow pace at which the land redistribution is being administered as one issue. In discussing that, it will be noted that the difference that exists between the social groups existing in South Africa are in varying degrees, but the promise of the present democratic government even in the freedom charter gave the impression of equating all people that live in the land and promised this as one of the fundamental issues to play a role in the reconciliation process, for instance, *Äll people shall govern"* has no restriction for a particular social group within the borders of the country ([6], p. 1). The gist of reconciliation in this country must be seen from that context, particularly for this article.

*Land Redistribution: A Thorny Issue towards Reconciliation in a Post Apartheid South Africa… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.104380*

The president of the republic, Mr Cyril Ramaphosa said:

*"We cannot be a reconciled nation for as long as the majority of the people of South Africa continue to suffer from the injustices of the past. Access to land is a fundamental right of citizenship. It just not just empower communities and workers, it enhances food security, especially for people in the rural areas. Despite a comprehensive land reform programme, we have not made significant progress in this issue. Most of this country's land remains in the hands of a few people in our country." [7].*

The sentiments of the president above resonate very well with his later statement in his first address as a state president when the ANC adopted the policy of land expropriation without compensation in its 54th Conference as he said:

*We will accelerate our land redistribution programme not only to redress a grave historical injustice, but also to bring more producers into the agricultural sector and to make more land available for cultivation … this approach will include the expropriation of land without compensation. We are determined that expropriation without compensation should be implemented in a way that increases agricultural production, improves food security and ensure[s] that the land is returned to those from whom it was taken under colonialism and apartheid.5 [Emphasis added] (1–2) ([2], pp. 1–2).*

These presidential statements and views show the clear direction of the ruling party, which is in line with the Freedom Charter, but the implantation is a different story that is met with contestations from different political parties. That on its own makes South African Reconciliation Barometer a public opinion that no one will be sure when it will come to practice.

According to SAPA ([8], p. 1), Trevor Manuel reported: "South Africa has almost the same number of people living in informal settlements now as it did in 1994. This view resonates with Ramantswana's [9] articulation when saying:

*The landlessness of the black masses is evidenced by the continuous mushrooming of informal settlements… To be landless in South African cities is to live in canals, under bridges, under trees, in parks, and in open spaces in front of buildings or shops. Even worse, to be a landless female is to be prey to slave-traders and sex-traders and to be first in line for endless rape. Landlessness sets up our people for dehumanization and exploitation.*

This is even though the government provided three million houses during the period." The minister went on to argue that in reversing this trend, it must also be known that South African cities were designed for the colonial elite; and it is a challenge to maintain that elitist live style with the challenges that are currently facing South Africa. Malema states as follows:

*"The time for reconciliation is over. Now is the time for justice," Malema told the parliament. "We must ensure that we restore the dignity of our people without compensating the criminals who stole our land." (Business [10]).*

The three statements from politicians above inform me of one main thing: we have a problem to reconcile the divided South Africans who have previously been divided and are still divided with the land distribution issue as one of the biggest stumbling

blocks towards this goal. In other words, the reconciliation of this country will remain a dream that will never come true if the land issue is not dealt with properly. It is therefore the gist of this study to research and argue that land redistribution is essential for the stuck reconciliation programme which is part of the transformation agenda to carry on. If I have to use an understandable metaphor I would say that the bus is stuck. One of its wheels is termed "reconciliation; and this wheel is out because one of its bolts, "land redistribution," has come out. Therefore, to get the bus moving means that we start with the lost bolts, by fixing them then the wheel (reconciliation) will be fitted to the bus and the bus will then start moving on. It does not matter how small or big the bolts are, they can stop the whole bus from moving. The reality is that South Africa is stuck in its transformation agenda, particularly in reconciliation and it demands theological knowhow, among others to try to make us going forward. The resistance and delays we are experiencing with the land issue undermine the broken black people. If reconciliation and justice go hand in hand, there is a great risk that South Africa will not achieve any reconciliation if the justice on a land issue is not dealt with to the satisfaction of the previously disadvantaged people. Let us face the fact that the landless people have lost human dignity, whose lives have lost meaning ([11], p. 3). Not only for pride's sake, but without owning a land for African is a biggest humiliation one can imagine. For the author, it is like rubbing salt on the wound to speak about reconciliation between those who have land and those who do not have it. It is important to note that this paper did not intend to discuss politics, but to highlight the issue of land as a stumbling block, although unfortunately, the land issue has already been politicised in the country. This can be checked with the comments just above, which are made predominately by politicians.
