**6.1 Experiences of racism in Swedish eldercare services**

When the staff members presented their understandings in the research circle, it became evident that they had experienced racist behaviour by their older clients, amounting to 'everyday racism'. It was clear that this involved verbal expressions and a sense of being entirely ignored, especially when a 'Swedish' (read white) colleague was nearby. In her article on everyday racism, Essed [46] claimed that one of the guiding principles of racial bias is the feeling that a sense of superiority dominates an interaction. She believes that dark skin is viewed as a difference and ultimately characterised as a subordinate position in constant comparison with the dominant group of white individuals. Essed's perspective on racism is developed along with a series of vectors: (1) The importance of valuing individual experiences, (2) Recognition of the group's historical experiences, (3) An understanding of both historical and modern group experiences concerning race and ethnic dominance, (4) Confirmation of continuity between personal experiences and group experiences, and (5) Personal responsibility in the process. There is an assumption that racist incidents rely on interpreting the general knowledge of racism and considering what constitutes unfair treatment or discrimination considering these vectors. Ariel stated:

*When you come in, they [the older person] clearly show you that you don't exist. You're just air! It's only her ['Swedish' colleague accompanying Ariel]! I have tried to work through these feelings over the years, so I do not think about them as often now. But it is so clear, and it does not feel right (Ariel, a nursing assistant in-home care services).*

Ariel examines how she is subjected to racism in the workplace and how it makes her feel bad. Over the years, she has tried to work through her feelings of being ignored and unrecognised as an equal and valued colleague in eldercare services. Her experiences correlate to what Essed describes as a guiding principle of racial bias, expressed as a sense of superiority by merely pretending that Ariel is not in the room. According to Essed, everyday racism does not involve extreme incidents but rather more subtle actions and behaviours. Those targeted by these actions and performances will always sense them, but they are sometimes difficult to identify. For instance, patterns of avoidance and feelings of inadequacy may be challenging to pin down, especially in work-related situations.

The typical attitude regarding older clients' racist behaviour was that these situations were not that serious. The personnel did not view the conduct as problematic but rather an unpleasant part of their work. Racist performance and remarks by older clients were often not perceived as racist but rather as harmless and unintentional. The consensus was that older adults, given their age, ill-health and vulnerability, could not know what they were saying. This 'let-go' attitude among the staff members corresponds with other studies' results [33, 52]. The philosophy ascribes to the idea that racism among the older adults is inevitable and that the staff works with people who do not know any better. Another explanation is that the clients had grown up in a different era when racism was considered the norm. The staff members claimed that they could cope with these difficult situations and tried not to let older clients' behaviour affect them by viewing it due to age, social status or dementia.

The staff members' working life experiences are significant, mainly since they dismiss racial conduct as an unpleasant part of their work. As this unpleasant aspect has become part of the care workers' daily lives, it is essential to look more into the problem. Essed's [46] use of 'everyday racism' is about the boundaries between structural and interactive aspects of racist actions, thus linking the details of micro experiences to the structural and ideological contexts. Everyday racism is created through complex and cumulative incidents over time to occur as individual incidents. Therefore, specific actions and manners become meaningful as aggregated events. Another critical aspect of everyday racism involves racist activities that infiltrate daily life and becomes part of what is considered 'normal' by the dominant group. Examples of this are most clearly expressed in everyday language and popular culture.

Discursive formations and the constructions of race and ethnicity are mobilised through racist discourse. Everyday racism constructs false self-images, which also negatively affects the personal integrity of the victims of racialisation. Ariel described a situation in which she had visited a woman at her home:

*We had a client where her daughter also lived, and they were overly pedantic, and everything was so clinically clean that you could see yourself on the countertops and see my dark face [giggle]. So, when I come in, I'm working as an intern accompanied by a regular staff member. And when I come in, they will not shake my hand. The other staff member was Swedish and blonde and pretty and worked there for about six months. But this was a two-person job, with lifting and everything that needed to be managed. So, when we came in, I saw that they had the old type of lift. Not the kind you push a button on, but instead the kind that hangs and needs to be pumped. So, there had to be two of us. But whatever I did, she kept yelling:" Aaahhh!" and there was nothing I could do. My colleague said I should try, and the daughter heard how she was screaming. The woman turned to my colleague and said: "Look how black she is!" (Ariel, a nursing assistant in-home care services).*

The statements demonstrate the significance of skin colour, given its indisputable visibility and obviousness as a marker for perceived racial differences. The quote shows how skin colour is the essential aspect of the older client and enacts her determined rejection of Ariel. The testimonies also reveal that the staff members know the widespread and repeated doings manifested in everyday racism. Consequently, racist behaviours further reinforce the subordinate status of the work. Nevertheless, those involved often are the only witnesses to this kind of racism [53], given that these incidents take place in private homes, and the personnel often work alone. Even if a colleague is present, the experience of racism tends to be isolated incidents. It is as if the practice must be endured and worked through alone in silence by those subjected to it. Ariel must continue to visit her clients who openly discriminate against her. It appears to be her responsibility to deal with the experiences of racism in the workplace. While the older clients take the liberty to display blatant racism, they are simultaneously in a subordinate position, requiring help and assistance to manage their daily lives. The older adults often find themselves dependent on support from the staff visiting them. Ariel continues:

*After a while, I began arriving along with a dark-skinned guy, and strangely enough, she said to me: "Look at how black he is! Don't touch me!". She didn't have dementia (Ariel, a nursing assistant in-home care services). It's impossible to know how she thinks.*

#### *The Challenge of Migration in Swedish Eldercare: Experiences of Everyday Racism DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.106609*

These quotes illustrate the everyday racism of the care working situation. But also, how racist actions negatively affect the personnel. The older adults' conduct and values let black caregivers know they are unwanted. All in all, this is an alarming situation for the working environment in the eldercare services.
