**1. Introduction**

A large international body of research denounces the existence and persistence of significant inequalities in terms of academic success between young people of immigrant origin and their peers whose parents were born in the host country. To various degrees, the academic results of the former are inferior to those of the latter [1–3]. This disparity markedly reduces access to, and perseverance in higher education. In Canada, the situation of young people of immigrant origin seems rather

exceptional: in general, their academic results at the primary and secondary levels are comparable to and even higher, in certain cases, than those of their peers whose parents are Canadian by birth or part of a majority group, i.e., of Euro-Canadian descent [4–6]. In this light, are academic and social inequalities non-existent between Canadians by birth and their fellow citizens of immigrant origin? The situation seems somewhat qualified because the success of students of immigrant origin obscures significant disparities along ethnocultural lines. Though young people whose parents are from European, Arabic (North Africa and the Middle East), and East Asian countries have levels of academic success that are comparable to and even higher than those of their peers whose parents are Canadian-born, those whose parents have immigrated from the Caribbean, Sub-Saharan Africa, Latin America, and, to a lesser degree, South Asia have lower levels of learning achievement and access to higher education than the others [7–10]. Furthermore, even the few who attain university have perseverance and graduation rates that are relatively inferior in comparison to the others' [11]. Consequently, this chapter is proposing to explore why this is happening. Drawing on the existing literature, we will show that these young people have had experiences associated with hidden systemic discrimination.

To begin, it must be noted that this chapter concerns a cross-sectional and critical analysis of recent studies on this issue, rather than primary research. The cases we reviewed made it possible to highlight their convergences and general trends. As such, we demonstrate that, behind socio-economic integration and the undeniable academic success of young Canadians from immigrant backgrounds, there is an emergence and a perpetuation of inequalities as well as a certain ethnic hierarchy.

The chapter is divided into three sections. The first provides a general portrait of young immigrants' academic pathways. The second and the third respectively address the institutional and structural factors of systemic discrimination in the academic environment. We end with a conclusion that identifies potential solutions to reduce these inequalities, and prospects for future research that might inform public policies in education.

### **2. Young peoples' immigrant origins and academic pathways**

Using data from PISA tests (reading, mathematics, and science), Hochschild and Cropper [4] compared the results of students from immigrant backgrounds to those from non-immigrant families in eight industrialized countries (Switzerland, Germany, Belgium, United Kingdom, Australia, France, Canada, and the United States). Their analyses reveal that students from immigrant backgrounds demonstrated inferior performances comparatively to other groups, with the exception of those from Canada and Australia, where the results between immigrant and non-immigrant student groups were comparable. Moreover, in Canada's case, there was no difference in terms of higher education access [8, 12–14].

This exceptional situation has been attributed to the specificity of Canadian immigration policies, which are distinguished both by their selective nature, which favors educated and qualified immigrants, and by concrete measures for integrating newcomers [6, 15]. The situation is also associated with parental educational and cultural capital, manifested in the high educational and professional aspirations they hold for their children.

Nevertheless, this general portrait must be qualified. An abundance of scientific literature testifies to the existence of disparities along ethnocultural lines, particularly in terms of access to and graduation from higher education. If students whose parents are from Europe and East Asia have the highest graduation rates, those

#### *Perspective Chapter: Behind the Exceptional Educational Pathways of Canadian Youth… DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.99963*

whose parents are from the Caribbean, Latin America, and Sub-Saharan Africa have the lowest rates [8, 13, 16, 17]. Recent studies have highlighted belonging to a racialized group (socially assigned a racial identity within a structural domain of power) plays for parents and students [18]. This situation particularly concerns students from Black communities. Though these students are distinguished by a higher level of aspiration to post-secondary studies than their non-racialized peers [19], they are more inclined to access technical studies in college than other students, and less likely to access university and obtain a diploma [10]. Moreover, adults belonging to these communities suffer more discrimination on the job market, even when they are highly qualified [20]. They are more vulnerable to unemployment and receive salary incomes that are markedly lower than those of members of the non-racialized majority [21], which in turn has negative effects on their offspring's schooling. The influence of their low socioeconomic status seems to weigh heavily and lastingly on their children's schooling, as the work of Abada et al. [16] has shown. These authors show that race and ethnicity are important factors in the production and perpetuation of social inequalities in the educational systems of Canadian provinces.

Research on the academic pathways of young Canadians of immigrant origin is dominated by empirical studies based on quantitative data and methods that emphasize individual and school characteristics, such as the parents' school performance, socioeconomic status, and ethnocultural origin. Although this research provides a good understanding of the pathways of students from immigrant backgrounds in Canada, its scope is limited. Beyond individual and collective attributes, recent qualitative studies highlight the influence of institutional contexts, practices, and policies. Many authors show that educational inequality along ethnic lines is produced through the relationships students have with the schools they attend; in other words, it falls within the responsibilities of the schools and their members [22–24]. This is illustrated in the subsection below, which examines the integration experiences of students from immigrant backgrounds and their interactions with the institutional structures of the schools they attend.
