**3. Classification of games**

Classification is a key step in the construction of the object. It is often attached to a philosophy, a theory adopted by the researcher. Taking classification as a thread of analysis and a technique, it makes it possible to classify and organize the world of games. Roger Caillois, in his book "Les jeux et les hommes [6]", divides the games into four headings according to the role of competition, chance, simulacrum or vertigo. He calls them Agon, Alea, Mimicry and Ilinx. He writes on this subject: "We play football or marbles or chess (Agon), we play roulette or the lottery (Alea), we play pirate or we play Nero or Hamlet (Mimicry), we play to provoke in oneself, by a rapid movement of rotation or fall, an organic state of confusion and disarray (Ilinx)" [6].

Caillois associates Agon with dueling, rivalry, competition; sporting events are an ostentatious illustration of this category. On the other hand, Alea is associated with the game of chance where fate and luck are major factors of success; we find this in the example of the games of roulette, tossing a coin. The Mimicry represents role-playing games where the player plays to pretend, such as disguise games or mask games. The last category is the Ilinx game which alludes to vertigo, where the player seeks for a moment to detach himself from stability and enter a world

of spasms, trance, dizziness, as for example the "dervishes seek the" ecstasy by turning on themselves".

The Caillois classification has the merit of identifying the games according to roles and criteria; on the other hand the last criterion (Ilinx) is put in reserve, because the player is in continual control of his actions. The vertigo is only a final sensation, but after controlled movement and ability, as the examples of acrobatics and sliding prove.

The person who plays is a person who adopts attitudes, chooses strategies, and invents behaviors that take shape in motor actions. Therefore, the player is in a system of interaction with the environment and with other players. This system of interaction is at the heart of motor action. As Parlebas points out, "every sport game is a system. There are double interactions: the players between themselves and the players with the environment". [13]. The key factor present in any situation is the notion of uncertainty: the informational dimension therefore takes on a major importance, insofar as it determines the behavior of the players. In an environment with uncertainty, the informational dimension is capital, because all decisions and all behaviors depend on it. In the case of outdoor games (forest, wood, large rivers), the player is in contact with the environment, he faces the forces of the world. Recognition of the terrain and training may nevertheless reduce the hazard. It is also important to note that a beginner and a professional player do not have the same perception of the pitch. In a ski descent, the professional player has prior information about the terrain, which allows him to choose the best strategy and succeed, while the beginner, lacking information, makes his decisions in a completely different direction. In fact, it is not the space, but the player's relationship to the space that determines the appropriate strategy for the game.

#### **4. Internal logic**

When we observe children playing different kinds of games, we see different behaviors. These are not chosen by the players, they are intrinsic to the rules of the game. However, if two players are opponents in the fighting game, they can be partners in a team game. It is the network that codifies the type of motor communication, which is none other "than the web of these possible interactions that will weave the socio-motor dynamic", namely who is with whom and who is against whom. ", (P. [2]) in reality, internal logic is a system of constraints which largely determines the motor behavior of the players. It presents a system of norms that the player assimilates and literally internalizes in his body when playing.

In studies on table mores, Elias Norbert makes a whole study of the norms that shape behavior. By civilizing table manners, it is all human behavior that is modeled according to this scheme. Norbert believes that standards are self-monitoring processes. He underlines that "the social norms which have been imposed on the individual from outside are then reproduced smoothly by self-restraint which to a certain degree operates automatically even if, at the level of consciousness, the person in question refuses it" (973). Hence the idea "to analyze the behaviors that a given society proposes to its members and for which it intended to condition them". (Elias [14]).

#### **5. External logic**

A priori, the structural constraints of a game form the model that guides motor interactions in the game. Still, the rules that organize the symbolic universe of

sports games represent a major issue. On the other hand, players are free to interpret the practices in their own way, according to their own aspirations. In fact, the structure of the game can be interpreted from the outside by logic, an external logic, which attributes symbolic meanings to it. For example, for a long time soccer (football) was an exclusively male sport. Today, it is a game played by girls too. The same goes for the game of hopscotch, which in the middle Ages was exclusively a popular adult game. Today hopscotch is a snap, plus again, a little girl's game. (P.Parlebas,(2005) Internal logic is at the heart of the external logic game. These two levels of the game lead to a social reality which is that of the socialization of the child. As Joseba Extxebeste underlines in his study on Basque sports games: "The two logics (internal and external) are part of the cultural reality of play, but they are two different levels of the same social reality [15].

To better understand these two types of logic, we will take as a reference the cockfight in Bali (Indonesia). The American anthropologist Clifford Geertz reveals in his article "Deep play: Notes on the Balinese Cockfight", (973), where he describes the cockfight, all the social dynamics where the two logics combine and coexist. By representing the internal logic, we see that the game is an opposing duel between two players (the two roosters). It takes place in a boxing ring surrounded by a crowd of spectators. A coconut in a bucket of water is used to mark the start and end of each encounter. The duration of the game is indefinite. The show takes place in the afternoon and continues until sunset. The rules that accompany each part of the game are followed and passed down from generation to generation. The game leader is responsible for enforcing the rules and his authority is absolute. About nine to ten games make up the program, and each game looks like the others.

Cockfighting is part of the Balinese way of life. Apparently it's just a cock fight, but in reality it's a men's fight. This fight scene is a matter of society [16]. Engaging a rooster in a fight is a duty for every citizen. What makes this game so serious is not the money, but what is happening on the sidelines: the shift from the status hierarchy to the cockfight corps. Sociologically speaking, this cockfighting game is a representation of a complex tension field, wagered, controlled and ceremonially exposed, but in its depth refers to the context of everyday life. Each people cultivate its own violence. This cock game, which is observed, played, and fascinating, is an illustration of the violence of the Balinese. However, Bali's deep psychological identification with their roosters is inexplicable. If in everyday language the rooster is a symbol of virility and heroes, it is the subject of attention and admiration. The cockfight for the Balinese consists of playing with fire without being burned. It ignites rivalries and hostility between groups and individuals, but these are camouflaged in the game. What is forbidden in everyday life and presented in broad daylight, after all, is "just a fight. Of roosters". (1973).

According to the author, what is significant is not the combat in itself, but the social meanings, the symbols, in short the culture which, according to Clifford Geertz, "is only a set of texts"which goes beyond written and verbal material. From a sociological point of view, to read the game as a text is to show its aspect as a rite or a hobby, it is to take a step which allows to understand the emotions and the sensitivities which show through the excitement of the game. Crowd, like the despair of loss and the pleasure of triumph. These exteriorized emotions are spread over a common text. To attend and participate constitute for the Balinese a kind of sentimental education which reflects their own violence and all the themes associated with it: cruelty, animosity, male narcissism, rivalry for status, gambling, sacrificed blood. As such, it is clear that any collective phenomenon aims to "say something, to signify something" Our objective is to study Kabyle culture through their traditional games, a way of getting to know the Kabyles and discovering their culture. To use Geertz's phrase, it is "saying something to someone else".

## **6. Kabylie traditional games**

In this paper, our purpose is to understand traditional games in their sociological meaning and to define them in the context of Kabylie society. A corpus of traditional games were collected from the Kabylie region located in Algeria. A mountain region in northern Algeria bordering the Mediterranean, located east of Algiers and Mitidja whose main city is Tizi-ouzo. We found out many, among these types of games, Radjma (target shooting). It is a game that is played during big events (marriage, circumcision). Before the departure of the bride, the men of the wedding procession (Iqeffafen) execute the target shooting under the sly gaze of the crowd coming to attend the show. It is about throwing the stone a certain distance to crack an egg. The players take turns attempting to hit the target. Another example of the game is "Thaverninte" (wooden spinning top or Zerbout). A piece of wood is cut with a knife into the shape of a spinning top. After having planted a nail at the point, the shooter must throw the router up and down with the palm of the hand in the direction of the movement, and before it comes out of the string, pull to give it a trajectory. Another games, the sliding game. It is played on large areas of land located on the average slopes of mountainous regions which are usually used for growing olives and figs. Covered with snow in winter, they become a field of attraction for children. This game consists of climbing to the top of an icy slope and then descending using the leaves of prickly pears, because its thickness and its richness in water make it easier to slide.

Although these games are psychomotor, played in solo. There are many quasigames among them that players indulge in without concern for competition and without specific rules. As an example, the "Tiferfarine" game is a manufacturing game in which a reel must turn directed by the wind. The children choose a few figs that are not yet ripe and very firm but already big enough. They dig four diametrically opposed holes that communicate in the center of the fig. This is then pierced with a thorn that is fixed in a thatch held vertically. The child, using another straw, blows in the direction of the holes and the fig begins to spin rapidly on itself. There are others games sociomoteurs, played in group. For example, the games.

"Tikare", which is similar to karate (sport),in which two players kick each other hard. We also find the game of Matreg el-lil, where two players stand face to face with a stick. A player throws his stick high in the sky, and the opponent must then aim and hit it before it falls to the ground. Another sociomotures games is.

"Takhatoumt-el Khatem". Two groups of players face each other. All the players in one of the groups have their hands under a sheet or blanket, and one of them hides a ring in one of his hands. The opposite group tries to guess who has the ring. We scrutinize everyone's reactions because there are often people who hesitate and are afraid of being discovered.

If the ring is found, they switch roles. The hiding of information is the criteria of this game. There are also festival games, for example, in the game Maafra, which takes place at every Eid festival; players separated by a river throw stones or pomegranate fruit at each other. All these games a part of daily life and rituals.

Daily life in Kabylie requires a lot of physical effort and a hard-working, strong and resilient body. The man must support himself thanks to the resources of the earth: cultivate, harvest the fruits, the grains… The woman must also be strong and provide for the needs of her family (weaving, grinding wheat, making pottery, draw water from the fountain…).

In addition, the work in the fields for men and women is done in groups. We see this community in the case of women who go to the fountain in groups of relatives and neighbors to carry water, and who also help each other to lift and put on their heads the huge sheaves from the harvest.

These agricultural works bring the children together. During these days in the fields, moments of relaxation are reserved for games, for the children who accompany their mothers to the fields, and for the young shepherds (Ameksa) who take their cattle to the pastures. Games are part of daily life and nourish the body and structure the behavior with expected social norms.
