Cultural Heritage and the Crisis of Democracy

*Yussef Campos*

### **Abstract**

Democracy in Brazil is experiencing a crisis that has not been seen for a long time. After the 1988 Constitution, democratic institutions began to show signs of strengthening, such as the Public Ministry, the Judiciary, direct elections, among others. However, the rise of the extreme right – a non-exclusive event in our country – has mitigated and persecuted these institutions, with their dismantling, their ideological and religious equipment and even their extinction, as happened with the Ministry of Culture. The National Historical and Artistic Heritage Institute has also been the target of repeated attacks. Appointments of unprepared individuals, without adequate qualification to assume management and leadership positions at the Institute has been the Achilles heel of the almost centenary IPHAN (National Historical and Artistic Heritage Institute, in the acronym in Portuguese). Other facts mark the attack on places of memory and Brazilian heritage. In the midst of demonstrations around the world about the modification of place names that honor human rights defenders and the overthrowing of their statues, in Brazil the president of the republic testifies to his inability to occupy this position by giving prizes to torturers who acted as torturers in the Civil-Military Dictatorship (1964–1985). Thus, this brief text will seek to exemplify how some facts – some prior to the current administration but which solidify with it – exemplify the current democratic crisis, which strikes not only Heritage and places of memory, but also an entire state structure that comes undone through the virulence of fake news and corruption led by the Bolsonaro family.

**Keywords:** cultural heritage, Covid-19, crisis of democracy, Brazil

#### **1. Introduction**

Democracy in Brazil is experiencing a crisis that has not been seen for a long time. After the 1988 Constitution, democratic institutions began to show signs of strengthening, such as the Public Ministry, the Judiciary, direct elections, among others.

However, the rise of the extreme right – a non-exclusive event in our country – has mitigated and persecuted these institutions, with their dismantling, their ideological and religious equipment and even their extinction, as happened with the Ministry of Culture.

The National Historical and Artistic Heritage Institute has also been the target of repeated attacks. Appointments of unprepared individuals, without adequate

qualification to assume management and leadership positions at the Institute has been the Achilles heel of the almost centenary IPHAN (in the acronym in Portuguese).

Other facts mark the attack on places of memory and Brazilian heritage. In the midst of demonstrations around the world about the modification of toponyms that honor human rights defenders and the overthrowing of statues of them, in Brazil the president of the republic testifies to his inability to occupy this position by giving prizes to torturers who acted as torturers in the Civil-Military Dictatorship (1964–1985).

Thus, this brief text will seek to exemplify how some facts – some prior to the current administration but which solidify with it – exemplify the current democratic crisis, which strikes not only Heritage and places of memory, but also an entire state structure that comes undone through the virulence of fake news and corruption led by the Bolsonaro family.

#### **2. Unwanted toponyms for democracy**

In the midst of pandemics – of the Coronavirus, of authoritarianism, of indigenous genocides – I come across encouraging news. After the collapse of the statue of slave trader Edward Colston, in Bristol, hurled into the river, anti-racist activists continued their protest movement and replaced the nefarious slave sculpture with the statue of Jen Reid, a demonstrator who was photographed on the pedestal after the outrageous landmark. This demonstrates that the iconoclasm of withdrawal alone is not enough. There is a need for substitution, training, education, political projects and public policies that enable reflection, questioning, debate and demands. These public priests to enslavers, murderers, dictators, catechists, in short, to all sorts of exercise of force and agency over the other, not only can but also must be revised.

How do we live with so many place names that bow to icons of violence and bestiality, of obscurantism? How do we accept the existence of numerous Getúlio Vargas avenues throughout the country? President Costa e Silva Bridge (yes, this is the real name of the Rio-Niteroi bridge)? Schools Marshal Costa e Silva?

Because in our country, the education crisis is not a crisis, it is a project, as the liberator Ribeiro [1] has already taught. That yes worthy of statues, busts, memorials, and different tributes, among them the most important: being heard.

Statues and busts of Christopher Columbus, Jefferson Davis (President of the Confederate States during the Civil War), Belgian King Leopoldo II, Winston Churchill, Father Antonio Vieira, among others, have already felt the weight of the indignation of those who cannot stand taxes for those who imposed dominion, religion, indifference and brutality. Duque de Caxias, Manuel de Borba Gato, Fernão Dias, Bartolomeu Bueno da Silva – Anhanguera, to put their beards on, because the Brazilians are not unaware of this movement. They did not fall off their pedestals nor have their names taken entirely from city toponyms. Yet!

A few exceptions begin to feed us democratic hope. In Maranhão, Governor Flávio Dino signed a decree in 2015 that determined the change of names of schools that held titles of personalities presented in the report of the Truth Commission, accused of crimes of torture during the civil-military dictatorship. For example, the Castelo Branco Teaching Center was renamed C.E. Vinícius de Moraes; o C. E. Emílio Garrastazu Médici, C. E. Paulo Freire.

#### *Cultural Heritage and the Crisis of Democracy DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.97575*

In Goiânia, the pedestal that supports the brutal Anhanguera is constantly the target of demonstrations (see images): "quilombo resiste" ("quilombo resists"); "Fora Temer" ("go out Temer"); "Marielle vive" ("Marielle lives"). They are not banal vandalism as the most conservative people want to call it. The monuments and the built cultural heritage as a whole, are targets of demands for their resonance and their exposure. This also became one of the functions of the monument. The oppressed must not host the oppressor itself, instructed Freire [2]. Statue for him! Let us not leave our ego depersonalized, shouted Fanon [3]. Bust it already!

If these claims are not identified as calls for a duty of justice and a duty of memory, as preponderated by Ricœur [4], soon we will have busts at Brilhante Ulstra, Major Curió and Sérgio Paranhos Fleury at the Esplanade of Ministries. May we do our duty, so that the pigeons do not have to, once again, do theirs.

Monument to Bandeirante, Goiânia (Author photo, June 14, 2019).

Detail of the photo.
