**3. Cultural context of temperament research**

Although temperament is biologically based, there are patterns and distinctions that vary across cultural contexts [28]. Within the Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory, culture can be examined from various levels ranging from the most individual level, the microsystem, to the most overarching level, the chronosystem [3]. Each of these levels may have varying influences on a child. For instance, parental and teacher guidance are micro levels that directly influence a child. However, COVID-19 and racial injustice are looming global realities within the chronosystem which means that even if a child does not fully understand these circumstances, every aspect of their environment is still altered by these natural and social atrocities. Cross-societal comparisons across enveloping societal characteristics (i.e., overarching norms, social-economic status, values, and government systems) have been conducted [ 28–30] although research has yet to analyze how the COVID-19 pandemic, which is a novel cross-societal experience, or global racism may alter child temperament. Several observational studies of Eastern and Western societies have examined whether certain dimensions of temperament are more or less universal and the extent of cultural influence [28, 29]. Research suggests that children and the styles of parenting to which they are exposed, differ in collectivist cultures compared with individualistic cultures. [28] found that when they compared two Western countries, the United States and Germany, White children from both countries had similar temperaments. The researchers concluded that was likely because of the individualistic values similar to both nations.

Further, Krassner and colleagues [30] conducted a study of young children from Western (United States, Chile), Eastern (South Korea), and in between (Poland) contexts. The four countries that they examined represent individualistic (United States) and collectivist (South Korea, Chile) cultures with Poland being both geographically and culturally in between the United States and South Korea [30]. The researchers found several differences in child temperament; Chilean children tended to have higher negative affectivity than children in other countries, South Korean children tended to have higher effortful control, Polish children's temperaments were similar to South Korean children with regard to lower surgency levels (i.e., high motor activity, impulsivity), yet differed from all countries on all other temperament variables, and children from the United States were similar to Chilean children in that they "appear to be [more] impulsive and sociable" than Polish and South Korean children. The differences emerging in this cross-cultural study may also stem from racial and ethnic distinctions [30].

Although temperament has been largely analyzed in terms of global contextual variations, limited research has specifically analyzed whether child racial and ethnic identities, particularly for non-White and minority children, moderate or influence temperament [31–33]. Race and ethnicity must be recognized as moderating factors because of the racial discrimination that pervades the United States education system [34–36]. Thomas and Chess were the first to propose that child temperament relates to *goodness-of-fit* in the classroom (i.e., positive classroom adjustment); however, Black and other minority students in the United States do not fit this standard [32]. Taylor [32] suggests that "young African American children are likely to be distinguishable from their White, middle-class counterparts (and their teachers) by higher rates of motor activity, more expressive socialinterpersonal styles, and use of nonstandard language dialect (i.e., Black English)". Taylor also suggests that culturally relevant classrooms can accommodate for the variance in child temperament. This includes adjusting teaching styles to incorporate various perspectives as well as incorporating not just the funds of knowledge (FOK) of White students and mainstream culture, but also learning about and

**257**

and classroom belonging.

*Temperament in the Early Elementary Classroom: Implications for Practice*

just platforms for a diversity of student populations [39, 40].

**4. Classroom context of early childhood temperament**

Children's temperament has been related to their academic outcomes [6, 42] social success [43–45], and mental health [46]. Both reactive and regulatory temperament characteristics are salient to the classroom environment; reactive temperament traits, such as shyness [47], activity level [48], negative emotionality, anger [49], and regulatory temperament traits, such as attentional focusing and inhibitory control [48] are particularly relevant to children's success in school because of the inherently social, competitive, and academic nature of the classroom context. Children are expected to interact positively with peers by sharing and taking turns in group activities, as well as with teachers, by following directions and responding well to new information, changing circumstances, and redirection. These behaviors require children to enact behaviors that may be challenging (i.e., staying quiet, remaining still, raising a hand to get the teacher's attention, and waiting for a turn to participate in a desirable activity). For children with temperament indicative of higher reactivity, adjustment to the classroom environment requires them to engage

incorporating the rich FOK that minority students also have to offer [37–39]. The concept of FOK suggests that children's out of classroom experiences, such as home settings, have "ample cultural and cognitive resources with great, potential utility for classroom instruction" [37]. Similarly, ecological perspectives maintain that the interaction between home and school is critical for supporting positive child outcomes [2]. FOK is specifically important in classrooms that aspire to create socially

Worobey and Islas-Lopez conducted a small-scale longitudinal analysis of low-income African American mothers' reports on their infant's temperament [41]. Their findings were congruent with previous literature in that the infants increased motor activity as well as decreased fussiness and crying episodes through a threemonth developmental period; previous research has suggested that as infants develop, they learn to fuss only when they need to and they gain motor ability and functioning. Although their sample size does not characterize all Black Americans in the United States, the authors recognized the need to address the racial and ethnic gap in child temperament literature. Lee and Doan [31] also suggest that ethnicity moderates' children's temperament. Their study compared European American and Chinese American children from the same United States city [31]. Although all children were born in the United States, they found that European American children had higher affect-extroversion than Chinese American children, thus supporting distinctions between Eastern and Western cultural values even though all children were living in the same US city [31]. Although temperament variation is considered positive, many children of color in the United States are perceived to exhibit more negative temperament traits as well as more negative behavior patterns than White peers. For instance, high maintenance temperament is often reported as a negative when demonstrated by minority students [32]. Rather than characterizing students' behavior as negative, teachers should reflect on how they could better support each students' classroom adjustment: What barriers does each student face entering the classroom? How does culture intersect with temperament? How can the instructor increase their awareness of a students' home life? How can students' home lives be incorporated into the class? More temperament research in subcultural variation is needed to assess the true validity of temperament's initial connotations. This is especially important because of the strong links between children's positive classroom experience and their academic achievement

*DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.96270*

#### *Temperament in the Early Elementary Classroom: Implications for Practice DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5772/intechopen.96270*

*Teacher Education in the 21st Century - Emerging Skills for a Changing World*

Although temperament is biologically based, there are patterns and distinctions

Further, Krassner and colleagues [30] conducted a study of young children from Western (United States, Chile), Eastern (South Korea), and in between (Poland) contexts. The four countries that they examined represent individualistic (United States) and collectivist (South Korea, Chile) cultures with Poland being both geographically and culturally in between the United States and South Korea [30]. The researchers found several differences in child temperament; Chilean children tended to have higher negative affectivity than children in other countries, South Korean children tended to have higher effortful control, Polish children's temperaments were similar to South Korean children with regard to lower surgency levels (i.e., high motor activity, impulsivity), yet differed from all countries on all other temperament variables, and children from the United States were similar to Chilean children in that they "appear to be [more] impulsive and sociable" than Polish and South Korean children. The differences emerging in this cross-cultural study may

Although temperament has been largely analyzed in terms of global contextual

variations, limited research has specifically analyzed whether child racial and ethnic identities, particularly for non-White and minority children, moderate or influence temperament [31–33]. Race and ethnicity must be recognized as moderating factors because of the racial discrimination that pervades the United States education system [34–36]. Thomas and Chess were the first to propose that child temperament relates to *goodness-of-fit* in the classroom (i.e., positive classroom adjustment); however, Black and other minority students in the United States do not fit this standard [32]. Taylor [32] suggests that "young African American children are likely to be distinguishable from their White, middle-class counterparts

(and their teachers) by higher rates of motor activity, more expressive socialinterpersonal styles, and use of nonstandard language dialect (i.e., Black English)". Taylor also suggests that culturally relevant classrooms can accommodate for the variance in child temperament. This includes adjusting teaching styles to incorporate various perspectives as well as incorporating not just the funds of knowledge (FOK) of White students and mainstream culture, but also learning about and

that vary across cultural contexts [28]. Within the Bronfenbrenner's ecological systems theory, culture can be examined from various levels ranging from the most individual level, the microsystem, to the most overarching level, the chronosystem [3]. Each of these levels may have varying influences on a child. For instance, parental and teacher guidance are micro levels that directly influence a child. However, COVID-19 and racial injustice are looming global realities within the chronosystem which means that even if a child does not fully understand these circumstances, every aspect of their environment is still altered by these natural and social atrocities. Cross-societal comparisons across enveloping societal characteristics (i.e., overarching norms, social-economic status, values, and government systems) have been conducted [ 28–30] although research has yet to analyze how the COVID-19 pandemic, which is a novel cross-societal experience, or global racism may alter child temperament. Several observational studies of Eastern and Western societies have examined whether certain dimensions of temperament are more or less universal and the extent of cultural influence [28, 29]. Research suggests that children and the styles of parenting to which they are exposed, differ in collectivist cultures compared with individualistic cultures. [28] found that when they compared two Western countries, the United States and Germany, White children from both countries had similar temperaments. The researchers concluded that was likely

**3. Cultural context of temperament research**

because of the individualistic values similar to both nations.

also stem from racial and ethnic distinctions [30].

**256**

incorporating the rich FOK that minority students also have to offer [37–39]. The concept of FOK suggests that children's out of classroom experiences, such as home settings, have "ample cultural and cognitive resources with great, potential utility for classroom instruction" [37]. Similarly, ecological perspectives maintain that the interaction between home and school is critical for supporting positive child outcomes [2]. FOK is specifically important in classrooms that aspire to create socially just platforms for a diversity of student populations [39, 40].

Worobey and Islas-Lopez conducted a small-scale longitudinal analysis of low-income African American mothers' reports on their infant's temperament [41]. Their findings were congruent with previous literature in that the infants increased motor activity as well as decreased fussiness and crying episodes through a threemonth developmental period; previous research has suggested that as infants develop, they learn to fuss only when they need to and they gain motor ability and functioning. Although their sample size does not characterize all Black Americans in the United States, the authors recognized the need to address the racial and ethnic gap in child temperament literature. Lee and Doan [31] also suggest that ethnicity moderates' children's temperament. Their study compared European American and Chinese American children from the same United States city [31]. Although all children were born in the United States, they found that European American children had higher affect-extroversion than Chinese American children, thus supporting distinctions between Eastern and Western cultural values even though all children were living in the same US city [31]. Although temperament variation is considered positive, many children of color in the United States are perceived to exhibit more negative temperament traits as well as more negative behavior patterns than White peers. For instance, high maintenance temperament is often reported as a negative when demonstrated by minority students [32]. Rather than characterizing students' behavior as negative, teachers should reflect on how they could better support each students' classroom adjustment: What barriers does each student face entering the classroom? How does culture intersect with temperament? How can the instructor increase their awareness of a students' home life? How can students' home lives be incorporated into the class? More temperament research in subcultural variation is needed to assess the true validity of temperament's initial connotations. This is especially important because of the strong links between children's positive classroom experience and their academic achievement and classroom belonging.
