**9. Enduring myths**

Members of the community produced a leaflet to refute the myths, raise awareness and counteract the media distortion and resultant scapegoating of those who were trying to bring the real problems to light [10]. Commentators have referred to lessons not being learned, but in our view the problem is more that any useful learning is impossible without an informed debate. Whilst this reflects the general difficulties for the public in accepting the reality of child sexual abuse, we think this may also be a reflection of the crucial absence at the centre of the Inquiry report. Without knowing whether or not the children had been abused, most observers have been unable to make their own judgement about whether the child protection professionals intervened appropriately; whether what happened was in itself unnecessarily damaging to the children; and whether they were in need of protection and whether they received it.

### **10. Ongoing denial and failure to connect**

Thanks largely to the courageous efforts of survivors, there is an emerging narrative of widespread abuse in a large range of settings such as children's homes, football clubs and custodial institutions. Over time there has been greater awareness of the real extent of sexual abuse as the numbers of victims in large scale cases have increased. For example, an inquiry in Rotherham U.K. [11] gave a conservative estimate that 1400 young girls had been sexually exploited over a 16 year period from 1997 to 2013.

A major independent inquiry into child sexual abuse in the UK (IICSA) has identified and is addressing broader cultural, structural, financial, professional and political themes, and the importance of social and political narratives in tackling child sexual abuse [12].

From Cleveland to Rotherham the negative treatment of the messengers has continued. IICSA's remit includes an examination of the extent to which the deliberate investment in concealment is a factor in the many emerging cases of past abuse in organisations and institutions. Many of these cases are accompanied by allegations that those with a duty of care were aware of the abuse and either did not act, or covered it up.

#### **11. Social work practice: was the refocusing policy helpful?**

The post-Cleveland 1989 Children Act profoundly changed the way that child protection professionals could access abused children hidden within families. Rather than being led by the needs of children, the underpinning of the act was

political, reflecting the view that state intervention in family life was to be avoided wherever possible. Early intervention, effective child protection, and prevention have been casualties of that ideology.

The Children Act 1991 had the over-riding purpose of keeping families together by encouraging local authorities to work with them. During the 1990's it was argued that too many families were drawn into the child protection system. To counter this, the criteria for entry to that system were revised so that the majority of families where children might be at risk would receive supportive family intervention. In effect, this raised the threshold for child protection.

Rather than making child abuse increasingly visible as had been happening in the previous decade, it became laudable to reduce the numbers on the child protection register.

Refocusing the debate in the 1990s placed assessment of risk and inquiry rather than investigation, at the heart of child protection policy in the U.K. [13]. We find it telling that the term 'child protection' has been replaced with 'safeguarding'. We prefer the earlier term, which implies a more pro-active approach and intervention to protect or stop abuse [14].
